FROM  THE  LIBRARY  OF 
REV.   LOUIS    FITZGERALD    BENSON.   D.  D. 

BEQUEATHED   BY  HIM   TO 

THE   LIBRARY  OF 

PRINCETON  THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY 


.if  <3  b  / 


S/ 


OCT  12  1931 


THE 


%. 


'iOGim  SBVA^ 


LIFE    AND    TIMES 


JOHN     HUSS; 


OR,     THE 


lolj^mian  Jlcfarma&n; 


THE   FIFTEENTH  CENTURY, 


E.     H.     GILLETT, 

rroFEssoK  of  political  science  in  the  university  of  tbe  city  of  new  tokk. 

IN    TWO     VOLUMES. 
VOL.     II. 


THIKD  EDITION,  CAKEFULLY  REVISED,  "WTTH  IMPORTANT 
ADDITIONS  AND   AN  APPENDIX. 


BOSTON : 


GOXJLX3      A.  N  ID      XilJSrCOIL.  N" , 

5  a     WASHINGTON     STREET. 

NEW    YOUK:     SHELDON    AND    COMPANY. 
CINCINNATI  :   G.  S.  BLANCHAUD  &  CO. 

18  7  1. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  18*31, 

By   E.   H.   GILLETT. 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States,  for  the 
Southern  District  of  New  York. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    I. 

HUSS  m  PRISON.     HIS  REFUSAL  TO  RECANT.     FAREWELL 
LETTERS.      JUNE  8,  1415-JULY   1,  1415. 

DKPRESSING  CIRCUMSTANCES  OF  HUSS  —  DENIED  AN  ADVOCATE  —  HIS  LETTERS  AND 
CONVERSATION  IN  PAST  TEARS  BROUGHT  FORWARD — WANT  OF  BOOKS  —  HOPE- 
LESSNESS OF  HIS  CASE  —  PRISON  REFLECTIONS  —  ZABARELLA's  FORM  OF  RECANTA- 
TION PRESENTED  TO  HIM  —  REPLY  OF  HUSS  —  GRATITUDE  FOR  KINDNESS  —  PERSUA- 
SIONS OF  HIS  FRIENDS  —  ARGUMENT  OF  A  MEMBER  OF  THE  COUNCIL  TO  OVERCOME 
HIS  SCRUPLES  —  THE  CRIME  OF  HUSS  IN  REFUSING  SUBMISSION  TO  THE  COUNCIL  — 
HIS  UNSHAKEN  PURPOSE  —  VISIT  OF  FALETZ  —  ARGUMENT  OF  ONE  OF  THE  DOCTORS 
—  EXPLANATORY  LETTER  OF  HUSS  —  HIS  ESTIMATE  OP  THE  COUNCIL  —  THE  TREAT- 
MENT OF  HIS  BOOKS  —  THE  COUNCIL  CONDEMNS  ITSELF  —  LETTER  TO  HIS  COUNTRY- 
MEN AT  PRAGUE — TIME  OF  HUSS'  EXECUTION  DEFERRED  —  GENERAL  EXPECTATION 
THAT  HE  WOULD  RECANT  —  PROPOSED  DECREE  IN  SUCH  A  CASE  —  REASONS  OP  THE 
EXPECTATION  —  HOPES  EXCITED  IN  HUSS  BY  THE  DELAY  —  LETTER  ON  THE  PRO- 
LONGED SPACE  GIVEN  TO  PREPARE  FOR  DEATH  —  NO  SURPRISE  TO  BE  FELT  AT 
TRIBULATION  —  REJOICING  THAT  HIS  BOOKS  HAD  BEEN  READ  BY  HIS  ENEMIES — • 
THE  EMPEROR  AJS'XIOUS  TO  HAVE  HIM  RECANT  —  HIS  FIRMNESS  —  HIS  OPINION  OP 
THE  EMPEROR — FAREWELL  LETTERS  —  ASKS  AN  AUDIENCE  —  ASKS  A  CONFESSOR  — 
PALETZ  DENIED  HIM  —  VISIT  OP  PALETZ  —  DREAMS  OF  HUSS  —  SCRIPTURAL  CONSO- 
LATION —  CHLUM  —  DUBA  —  CHRISTIANN  —  SECOND  FAREWELL  TO  FRIENDS  AT 
PRAGUE  —  GREETINGS  —  POSTSCRIPT  —  DEBTS  —  ASKS  CHLUM  TO  STAY  TO  THE  LAST 
—  LETTER  TO  MARTIN  —  ADDRESSES  ALL  CLASSES  —  MALICE  OF  CAUSIS  —  HUSS  IN 
PRISON, 1 


CHAPTER    II. 

FINAL  AUDIENCE  AND  EXECUTION    OF    HUSS.     JULY  1,  1415- 
JULY  6,  1415. 

PERSUASIONS  TO  INDUCE  HUSS  TO  RECANT  —  MICHAEL  DE  CAUSIS  —  THE  EMPEROr's 
ABSENCE  FROM  CONSTANCE  —  THE  REFUSAL  OF  HUSS  TO  ABJURE  ^  DEPUTATION 
FROM    THE    EMPEROR  —  ADVICE    OF    CHLUM  —  REPLY     OF    HUSS  —  THE    DEPUTATION 

(iii) 


IV  CONTENTS. 

PAILS  OP  ITS  OBJECT  —  FIFTEENTH  SESSION  OF  THE  COUNCIL  —  SERMON  OF  THE 
BISHOP  OF  LODI  —  THE  SABBATH  COUNCIL'S  DECREE,  ENJOINING  SILENCE  —  SIXTY 
ARTICLES  OP  WICKLIPPE  CONDEMNED  —  STATEMENT  IN  REGARD  TO  HUSS  —  THIRTY 
ARTICLES  OF  HIS  CONDEMNED  —  HE  ATTEMPTS  TO  REPLY  TO  EACH — IS  SILENCED  — 
AGAIN  SILENCED —  ENTREATS  TO  BE  HEARD  —  DENIES  SOME  OF  THE  CHARGES —  CHARGE 
OF  CLAIMING  TO  BE  THE  FOURTH  PERSON  IN  THE  GODHEAD  —  HE  INDIGNANTLY  DENIES 
IT  —  CHARGE  AGAINST  HIM  FOR  HIS  APPEAL  —  CALLS  ON  CHRIST  TO  WITNESS  THE 
council's  SCOFF  AT  APPEAL  TO  HIM  —  CONTEJIPT  OP  PAPAL  EXCOMMUNICATION  — 
REPLY    OF    HUSS — -THE    EMPEROR's    BLUSE   AT   THE    MENTION    OP    THE   SAFE-CONDUCT 

—  SENTENCE  PRONOUNCED  AGAINST  THE  BOOKS  OF  HUSS  —  HIS  REPLY  —  SENTENCE 
AGAINST   HUSS  —  HIS   COMMENTS   UPON  IT  AS   READ  —  HIS   PRAYER  —  THE  CEREMONY 

OF   DEGRADATION — THE    WHITE    ROBE  —  ADDRESS   TO   THE   ASSEMBLY  —  MURMURS 

HUSS  STRIPPED  OF  HIS  SACERDOTAL  HABITS — TONSURE  —  LUDRICOUS  DISPUTE — ^  THE 
PAPER  CROWN  —  REMARK  OF  HUSS  —  HE  IS  GIVEN  OVER  TO  THE  SECULAR  ARM  —  IS 
LED  OUT  TO  EXECUTION  UNDER  CHARGE  OF  THE  ELECTOR  —  INDIRECT  ROUTE — ■ 
BURNING  OF  THE  BOOKS  OP  HUSS  IN  FRONT  OF  THE  EPISCOPAL  PALACE  —  CROSSING 
OF  THE  BRIDGE  —  ADDRESS  OP  HUSS,  IN  GERMAN,  TO  THE  CROWD  —  HUSS  PRAYS  ON 
REACHING  THE  PLACE  OP  EXECUTION  —  FAVORABLE  IMPRESSION  —  A  CONFESSOR  — 
THE  PRIVILEGE  OF  ADDRESSING  THE  CROWD  IS  DENIED  —  HUSS  PRAYS  —  HIS  MITRE 
FALLS  OFF  —  SPEAKS  TO  HIS  KEEPERS  —  THE  STAKE  AND  CORDS  —  IS  NOT  ALLOWED 
TO,  FACE  THE  EAST  —  THE  SOOTY  CHAIN  —  HUSS  ONCE  MORE  ASKED  TO  RECANT  — 
niS  REFUSAL  —  THE  CLOSING  SCENE  —  BRUTALITY  OP  THE  EXECUTIONERS  —  TESTI- 
MONY   OP  ^NEAS    SYLVIUS  —  WHY   HUSS  WAS   BURNED  —  NOT    FOR    HIS    HETERODOXY 

—  NOT  HIS  REPROOF  OP  SIN  —  HIS  ATTACK  OP  PROFITABLE  ABUSES  —  THE 
ODIUM  PHILOSOPHICUM  OF  THE  NOMINALISTS  —  THE  PERSECUTING  ZEAL  OP  THE 
ENGLISH  —  THE    PREJUDICE    OP    THE    GERMANS  —  PALETZ    AND    MICHAEL    DE    CAUSIS 

—  BRIBERY  —  HUSS  REJECTS  THE  SUPREMACY  OP  THE  COUNCIL  OVER  SCRIPTURE  — 
HIS   CHARACTER, 40 


CHAPTER    III. 

JACOBEL,  GERSON,  AND  VOLADAMIR.    MAY,  1415-AUGlIST,  1415. 

THE  USE  OP  THE  CUP  —  DECREE  OF  THE  COUNCIL  —  REASONS  ON  WHICH  IT  WAS  BASED 
—  HISTORY  OP  THE  USE  OF  THE  CUP  —  JACOBEL's  TREATISE  —  HIS  ARGUMENT  CHAR- 
ACTERIZED —  SHARP  SENTENCES  —  PERSECUTION  REBUKED  —  THE  BOLD  TONE  OP 
JACOBEL's  TREATISE — GREGORY'S  ABDICATION  —  BENDICT  XIII.  SUMMONED — AFFAIR 

OP    JOHN     PETIT  —  HIS    CHARACTER HIS    PROPOSITIONS     CONDEMNED    AT     PARIS  — 

THE  DUKE  OF  BURGUNDY  APPEALS  TO  THE  POPE  —  THE  QUESTION  BEFORE  THE 
COUNCIL  —  THE  ASPECT  OF  THE  CASE  CHANGED  —  ENGLAND  ALLIED  WITH  THE  DUKE 
OF  BURGUNDY  —  TIMIDITY  OP  THE  COUNCIL  —  DISAPPOINTMENT  OP  GERSON  —  THE 
KING  OP-POLAND  AND  THE  TEUTONIC  KNIGHTS  —  SKETCH  OF  THE  ORDER — QUESTION 
BEFORE  THE  COUNCIL — PAUL  VOLADAMIR  AND  HIS  PROPOSITIONS — THEIR  LIBERAL 
TONE  —  VON  FALKENBURG  —  APOLOGIZES  FOR  THE  ORDER  —  HIS  BOOK  ESCAPES 
CONDEMNATION  —  GERSOn's  MOTIVES  —  PERSONAL  DANGER  —  ATTACKED  BY  FAL- 
KENBURG—  FUTILE    HOPES, 88 


CONTEXTS. 


CHAPTER    lY. 

THE  COUNCIL  AND  THE  BOHEMIANS.— JEROME  RECANTS. 
AUG.  1,  1415-SEPT.  23,  1415. 

IMPRESSIONS  MADE  BT  THE  EXECUTION  OF  HUSS  —  PASQUINADE  —  SERMON  OF  THE 
MONK  OF  MATENCE  —  ITS  SEVERITY  —  SIMILAR  SERMONS  —  INFERENCE THE  COUN- 
CIL CONDEMNS  ITSELF  —  DEATH  OF  HUSS  KNOWN  AT  PRAGUE  —  CONSTERNATION  — 
VENERATION  FOR  THE  MEMORY  OF  HUSS  —  UNANIMITY  OP  FEELING  —  VOICE 
OF  THE  UNIVERSITY — JEROME  VISITED  BY  A  DEPUTATION  OF  THE  COUNCIL — ■ 
OTHER  MATTERS  —  SIGISMUND  ZEALOUS  FOR  THE  CONDEMNATION  OF  PETIt's  PROPO- 
SITIONS—  HIS  MISSION  TO  SPAIN  —  OBSTINACY  OP  BENEDICT  —  SIGISMUND  PREPARES 
FOR  HIS  JOURNEY DECREE  OF  THE  COUNCIL  —  SIGISMUNd's  DEPARTURE — CONFER- 
ENCE WITH  BENEDICT—  THE  COUNCIL  IN  SIGISMUNd's  ABSENCE  —  SLOW  PROGRESS  — 
DISPUTES,  GAMES,  AND  VIOLENCE  —  MANY  LEAVE  CONSTANCE — GERSON's  SERMON  — 
THE    council's   LETTER    TO    BOHEMIA — ITS    THREATS  —  PROVOCATION EXCITEMENT 

AT  PRAGUE — Jerome's  severe  imprisonment  —  presumption  op  his  heroism — • 

HIS  RECANTATION  explained  —  QUALIFIED  SUBMISSION  TO  THE  COUNCIL  —  UNSATIS- 
FACTORY—  NINETEENTH  SESSION  —  JEROME's  SECOND  FORM  OF  SUBMISSION  —  HI3 
SPEECH,   EXPLANATORY  AND   INTRODUCTORY  —  HOW   FAR  SINCERE,  .  .      115 

CHAPTER    V. 

VIOLENCE    OF    THE    TIMES.     LETTERS    OF    THE   BOHEMIANS. 
ZISCA.     SEPT.  23,  1415-DEC.  19,  1415. 

KEW  COMMISSION  ON  HERESY  —  ANNATES  —  RAVAGES  OF  THE  TURKS  —  CONFERENCE 
OF  BENEDICT  XIII.  AND  SIGISMUND — CANONIZATION  —  COMMISSION  APPOINTED  — 
GERSON'S  TREATISE  —  VIOLENCE  AND  ANARCHY  OF  THE  TIMES  —  NARRATIVE  OP 
BERNARD  WITT — FREDERIC  OF  AUSTRIA  AND  THE  BISHOP  OF  TRENT — MEASURES 
OF  THE  COUNCIL  AGAINST  THE  FORMER — CAROLINE  CONSTITUTION  —  NASOn's  COM- 
PLAINT—  LETTER  FROM  BOHEMIA  —  MISSION  OF  THE  BISHOP  OF  LEITOMISCHEL — ■ 
REPLY  OF  THE  BOHEMIAN  STATES — VINDICATION  OF  THE  BOHEMIANS  PRESENTED 
TO  THE  COUNCIL  —  THE  PRINCIPLES  AVOWED  BY  THE  LATTER  ON  KEEPING  FAITH 
WITH  HERETICS  —  THEY  FAIL  TO  CONVINCE  THE  BOHEMIANS  —  MEASURES  ADOPTED 
AT   PRAGUE  —  ZISCA — PERMISSION   GRANTED   HIM   BY  WENZEL,  .  .  .      146 

CHAPTER    YI. 

NEW  CHARGES  AGAINST  JEROME.     CONFERENCE  WITH  BENE- 
DICT.   VINCENT  FERRARA.    DEC.  19,  1415-FEB.  16,  1416. 

MORE    LENIENT    FEELING    TOWARDS   JEROME  —  NASON's   TAUNT  —  RESIGNATION  OF  THE 

COMMISSION  IN  Jerome's  case  —  a  new  one  appointed — gerson  on  the  method 

OF  dealing  with   heretics  —  NEW  CHARGES  AGAINST  JEROME  —  REPORT   FROM   THE 


VI  CONTENTS. 

CONFERENCE  WITH  BENEDICT  —  HIS  TERMS  —  THE  EMPEROr's  DISGUST  —  SPANISH 
PROPOSITIONS  —  CHEERING  INTELLIGENCE  —  DEFECTION  OF  VINCENT  FERRARA  FROM 
BENEDICT  —  HIS  WONDERFUL  CAREER  AS  A  PREACHER  —  HIS  GIFTS,  ELOQUENCE, 
AND  VIRTUES  —  THE  EMPEROR  AT  PARIS  —  HE  ENDEAVORS  TO  SECURE  A  PEACE  BE- 
TWEEN FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND  —  PETIT's  CASE  IN  THE  COUNOtli  —  SERMON  OF  THEO- 
DORIC   OF   MUNSTEE  —  INVECTIVE  AGAINST   THE   CLERGY,  ....      174 


CHAPTER    YII. 

JEROME  BEFORE  THE  COUNCIL.      FEB.  16,  1416-MAT  26,  1416. 

CITATION  OF  THE  BOHEMIANS  —  THE  DECREE  —  DISPOSITION  OF  THE  COUNCIL  TOWARD 
JEROME  —  HIS  CONDITION  AND  STATE  OF  MIND  IN  PRISON  —  REFUSES  TO  RECOG- 
NIZE HIS  NEW  JUDGES  —  THE  LIST  OP  CHARGES  AGAINST  HIM  —  HIS  REPLIES  —  ON 
WICKLLFFE  —  ON  CONTUMACY — VARIOUS  CHARGES  —  PHILOSOPHICAL  SUBTLETIES  — 
TRANSUBSTANTIATION  —  SONGS  WRITTEN  AND  SUNG  —  ALL  MAT  PREACH  —  UNJUST 
EXCOMMUNICATION  INVALID  — INDULGENCES  —  TREATMENT  OF  THEM  THAT  SOLD  THEM 
—  PAPAL  BULLS  —  PICTURES  OF  THE  SAINTS  —  RELICS  —  MARTYRS  OF  PRAGUE  — 
FAVOR  TO  THE  GREEK  CHURCH  —  JEROMe's  RECANTATION  HYPOCRITICAL  —  HIS 
LETTER  TO  VIENNA  —  DISHONEST  PURPOSE  IN  COMING  TO  CONSTANCE  —  WILL  NOT 
ACKNOWLEDGE  HIS  ERRORS  —  REFUSES  TO  FAST  —  DEMAND  THAT  HE  SHOULD 
ANSWER  ON  OATH  —  EXTENDED   PERIOD  OF  JEROMe's   LIFE  COVERED  BY  THE  CHARGES 

— Jerome's  replies  —  admissions,  explanations,  and  denials — jerome  allowed 
a  general  defence  —  his  views  and  feelings — his  speech  —  refers  to  an- 
CIENT   martyrs  —  UNIVERSITY    OF    PRAGUE  —  EULOGY    OF    HUSS  —  HIS    COURSE  — • 

Jerome's  visit  to  Constance  —  his  treatment  —  his  recantation  disavowed  — 

HIS  views  op  WICKLIFFE  —  his  substantial  orthodoxy  —  HIS  FATE  SEALED  BT 
HIS  APPROVAL  OP  HUSS  —  HEROISM  OF  JEROME  —  POGGIO  BRACCIOLINI  —  HIS  LET- 
TEE  IN  PRAISE  OP  JEROME  —  ABLE  DEFENCE  OP  THE  LATTER  —  HIS  MANLY  BEAR- 
ING—  HIS   RETORTS  —  WONDERFUL   POWERS  —  HIS   MEMORABLE   ELOQUENCE,    .      195 


CHAPTER    YIII. 

SENTENCE  AND  EXECUTION  OF  JEROME.      MAT  26,  1416-MAY 

30,  1416. 

DISPOSITION  OP  THE  COUNCIL  TOWARD  JEROME  —  EFFORTS  TO  SAVE  HIM  —  HIS  FIRM- 
NESS— J'ETING  CIRCUMSTANCES  —  TWENTY-FIRST  SESSION  OF  THE  COUNCIL  —  EF- 
FORTS TO  INDUCE  JEROME  TO  RECANT  AND  SUBMIT  TO  THE  COUNCIL  —  THE  CON- 
FERENCE —  Jerome's   eloquent   reply  —  the  bishop  op  lodi's  sermon  —  thk 

NECESSITY  OF   SEVERE   MEASURES  —  THE   GUILT  OF  JEROME   IN   HIS  PRESUMPTION  AND 
DEFENCE  OP  HIS  ERRORS  —  CHARITY  OF  THE  COUNCIL  IN  THE   TREATMENT  OF  JEROMH 


CONTENTS.  Vn. 

—  HOW  A  HERETIC  SHO0LD  BE  DEALT  WITH  —  SIX  MISCHIEFS  JEROME  HAD  DONE 
BT  HIS  SPEECH  —  JEROME's  REPLY  TO  THE  SERMON,  AND  HIS  OWN  DEFENCE  —  HIS 
CATHOLICITY  —  HIS  APPEAL  —  THE  SENTENCE  —  CASPAR  SCHLICK's  PROTEST  — 
JEROME   PREPARED  FOR  THE   EXECUTION  —  HIS   CONDUCT  ON   THE  WAY  TO  THE   STAKE 

—  SCENES  AT  THE  EXECOTION  —  JEROME  ADDRESSES  THE  CROWD  —  HIS  PROTRACTED 
SUFFERINGS  —  HIS  DEATH  —  THE  DUST  REMOVED  —  THE  EARTH  ABOUT  THE  STAKE 
CARRIED   TO   PRAGUE, 237 


CHAPTER    IX. 

INEFFICIENCY  AND  TUMULTS  OF  THE  COUNCIL.  ILL-SUCCESS 
AND  RETURN  OF  THE  EMPEROR.    MAY   31,  1416-JAN.  27,  1417. 

ABSENT  MEMBERS  OF  THE  COUNCIL  SUMMONED  —  THE  CITATION  OF  THE  BOHEMIANS 
CONSIDERED  —  THE  KNIGHT  DE  LATZEMBOCK  —  JOHN  CREITH  OF  LIEGE — DILATORY 
PROCEEDINGS  AND  TUMULTS  OF  THE  COUNCIL  —  THE  CARDINAL  OF  CAMBRAY  ON 
THE  ECCLESIASTICAL  POWER  —  THE  ENGLISH  NATION  IN  THE  COUNCIL  —  NEW 
MEMBERS  —  GERSON  AND  "THE  IMMACULATE  CONCEPTION" — THE  COUNCIL'S  LETTER 
TO  SIGISMUND  IN  REGARD  TO  BOHEMIA  —  ACCUSATIONS  AGAINST  WENZEL —  SIGIS- 
MUND's  METHOD  FOR  QUIETING  BOHEMIA  —  ILL-SUCCESS  OF  HIS  PLAN — SERMONS 
XN  THE  COUNCIL  —  VICES  OF  THE  CLERGY  CLASSIFIED  —  SIGISMUND's  DEFEATED  PRO- 
JECTS—  HIS  RECEPTION  AND  TREATMENT  IN  ENGLAND  —  COUNCIL'S  PROCEEDINGS 
AGAINST  BENEDICT  —  STIPILTZ  AND  PLANCHA  CITE  HIM  —  SCENE  OF  THEIR  RECEP- 
TION —  LUDICROUS  INCIDENTS  SIGISMUND's  RETURN  TO  CONSTANCE  —  HIS  RECEP- 
TION,        .        .        - 258 


CHAPTER    X. 

BENEDICT  DEPOSED.    PROGRESS  OF  REFORM.    MARTIN  V. 
ELECTED.     JAN.  27,  1417-NOV.  21,  1418. 

AFFAIRS  OF  BENEDICT  —  BISHOP  OF  CUENZA  —  THE  ENGLISH  NATION  —  DISPUTE  AS  TO 
THE  PRECEDENCE  OP  REFORM  OR  THE  ELECTION  OP  A  POPE  —  MEASURES  OF  REFORM 
—  SERMONS  OF  MAURICE  AND  STEPHEN  OF  PRAGUE  —  THE  CARDINALS  AGGRIEVED  — 
DEMAND  THEIR  PASSPORTS  TO  LEAVE  —  REFUSED  — DIVISIONS  IN  THE  COUNCIL  — 
PRAYER  FOR  ELECTION  —  STATE  OF  BOHEMIA — WENZEL  A  CIPHER  —  HE  BANISHES 
NICOLAS  DE  HUSSINITZ  —  SCENES  OF  ANARCHY  AND  VIOLENCE  —  THE  UNIVERSITY 
FAVORS  THE  COMMUNION  OF  THE  CUP  —  PETER  d'uMETZOW  —  WENZEL  LEAVES 
PRAGUE  —  URGED  TO  RETURN  —  ANNIVERSARY  OP  THE  DEATH  OF  HUSS  —  SERMON  ON 
THE  OCCASION  —  EULOGY  OP  HUSS  —  WILLIAM  OP  ROSENBERG  AND  HIS  VASSALS  — 
VIOLENCE    AND    ROBBERY  —  MEASURES    OF    THE    COUNCIL  —  SATIRE    ON    THE    ROMISH 


Vlll  CONTENTS. 

CHURCH — THE  FLAGELLANTS  —  SKETCH  OF  THEIR  HISTORY  AXD  DOCTRINES  —  FA- 
VORED   BY   VINCENT    FERRARA — GERSOn's   VIEWS MEASURES   OF   THE     COUNCIL  — 

BENEDICT  XIII.  DEPOSED  —  QUESTION  OF  REFORM  —  THE  NATIONS  DIVIDED  —  SER- 
MONS ON  REFORM  —  ENGLISH  NATION  —  DOCUMENT  OF  THE  CARDINALS  —  REPLY  OP 
THE   GERMANS  —  IRRITATION  OF  THE  EMPEROR  —  ALARM  OF  THE  CARDINALS  —  DEATH 

OF    ROBERT    HALLAM — BRIBES THE    GERMAN    NATION    WAVERS — CONDITIONS     FOR 

PROCEEDING  TO  AN  ELECTION  —  SCHEME  OF  REFORM  —  ELECTORS  APPOINTED  — 
OTHO  DE  COLLONA  CHOSEN  POPE  —  CORONATION  —  SPLENDOR  OF  THE  PROCESSION 
—  INCIDENTS  —  PONTIFICAL  TRIUMPH   OVER   REFORM, 278 


CHAPTER    XI. 

MEASURES  OF  THE  POPE  AND  COUNCIL  AGAINST  THE  BOHE- 
MIANS.    NOV.  22,  Ul'Z-APPJL  15,  1418. 

STATE  OF  BOHEMIA  —  ALARM  OF  THE  CLERGY  WHO  ADHERED  TO  THE  COUNCIL  — 
DISORDER —  FLIGHT  OP  WENZEL  —  APPREHENSIONS  OF  THE  COUNCIL  —  GERSOn's 
TREATISE  ON  THE  EUCHARIST — MAURICE  OF  PRAGUE  —  SIGISMUNd'S  LETTER  TO 
LAONA  —  THREATENS  A  CRUSADE — HIS  LETTERS  TO  HIS  BROTHER,  WENZEL -^  THEIR 
INSOLENCE  AND  DUPLICITY  —  LETTER  OF  MARTIN  V.  TO  BOHEMIA —  DEMANDS  OF 
THE  COUNCIL  —  PROCESS  AGAINST  SUCH  AS  ARE  SUSPECTED  OF  HERESY  —  THE 
BULL     OF    MARTIN  V. —  ITS    CONTENTS  —  ITS    SEVERITY  —  POINTS     OF    EXAMINATION 

FOR    THE    SUSPECTED  —  now   THE    TRIAL    WAS    TO    BE    CONDUCTED EXECUTION    OF 

LORD  COBHAM— TERROR  OF  A  CRUSADE  —  CRUSADE  AGAINST  THE  MOORS  —  INDIG- 
NATION OF  THE  BOHEMIANS  —  NICHOLAS  DE  HUSSINITZ  —  BOLDNESS  OF  ZISCA  — 
COURSE  OF  JOHN  DOMINIC  —  HE  IS  CONVINCED  THAT  ARMS  ARE  NECESSARY  TO  SUB- 
DUE  THE   BOHEMIANS, 316 


CHAPTER    XII. 

FUTILE    ISSUE  OF  THE    COUNCIL.     ITS  DISSOLUTION.    JAN.  1, 
141 8- APRIL  28,  1418. 

MARTIN    V.    ANNOUNCES     HIS    ELECTION  —  RECEPTION     OP     THE     ANNOUNCEMENT  —  THE 

KING    OF  ARAGON   DISSATISFIED  —  FAVORS   BENEDICT THE    REFORMATORY    COLLEGE 

—  CONCORDATS  —  MEASURES  FOR  REFORM  —  DISSATISFACTION  —  THE  SPANISH  NATION 
PARODY  OP  THE  MASS  —  PRESENTED  TO  THE  POPE  —  OTHER  COMPLAINTS — MAR- 
TIN V.  EAGER  TO  RETURN  TO  ITALY  —  GREEK  CHURCH  —  THE  EMPEROR — WANT  OF 
MONEY  —  DISAPPOINTMENT  —  LANGUAGE  OF  GERSON  —  KING  OF  POLAND  —  VOLADIMIR 
HIS  PROTEST  —  SIMONY  OF  MARTIN  V.  —  THE  ESIPEROr's  QUESTION  —  ANXIETY  OF 
MEMBERS  TO  LEAVE  —  HUMILIATION  OP  THE  COUNCIL  —  LIBERALITY  OP  MARTIN  V. 
IN  CHANTING  INDULGENCES  —  THE  EMPEROR's  DISSATISFACTION  —  THE  KING  OF  PO- 
LAND AGGRIEVED  —  THE  FRENCH  CONCORDAT  —  ENGLAND  —  SPAIN  —  ITALY  — 
MARTIN   V.    LEAVES   CONSTANCE, ,      335 


CONTENTS.  IX 


CHAPTER    XIII 

VIOLENCE    OF    PARTIES    IN   BOHEMIA.      SIGISMUND'S    ARMY 
BEFORE   PRAGUE.     APRIL  15,  1418-JAN.  9,  1420. 

RECEPTION'   OF  THE   DECREE   OF  THE   COUNCIL   IN   BOHEMIA  —  THE   REPLY  OF  THE   HUSS- 
ITES—  ITS   PROPOSITIONS  —  DOCTRINES — THE    CELEBRATED    FOUR   ARTICLES  —  ZISCA 

—  niS  TACT  AND  ENERGY  —  HIS  LETTERS  TO  TAUSCH  —  POPULAR  INDIGNATION  — 
COMMUNION  OP  THE  CUP  ON  TABOR — -PLAN  FOR  ATTACKING  PRAGUE  —  WENZEL 
ABSENT     FROM     THE     CITY  —  ATTACK     ON    THE     NEW   CITY  —  ACTS     OP     VIOLENCE  — 

RELEASE     OF    PRISONERS    DEMANDED    AT    THE    TOWN     HOUSE  —  TUMULT  —  ASSAULT 

GERMANS  THROWN  OUT  THE  WINDOWS  —  NEW  MAGISTRATES  APPOINTED  —  CON- 
TINUED ATTACK  ON  THE  NEW  CITY  —  ZISCA  WITHDRAWS  TO  PILSEN  —  DANGER 
OP    THE    CITIZENS  —  THE    QUEEN     SEEKS   AID    OP    THE    EMPliEOR — -DEATH    OP    WENZEL 

—  ITS  CIRCUMSTANCES  —  PROJECTS  OP  THE  EMPEROR  —  CITIZENS  CALL  ON  ZISCA 
FOR  AID  —  SCENES   OP  VIOLENCE  —  CONFLICTS  AT   PRAGUE  —  FIGHT   AT  THE   BRIDGE 

—  CONFLICT  RENEWED  THE  NEXT  DAT  —  CONTINUED  SKIRMISHES  —  A  TRUCE  EF- 
FECTED —  MOVEMENTS  ELSEWHERE  —  NEGLIGENT  OBSERVANCE  OP  THE  TRUCE  — 
JOHN    NAAKUASA  BURNED  —  GURIM   ASSAULTED — THE    SUCCESSION    TO    THE    CROWN 

—  CONVENTION  SUMMONED  BY  SIGISMUND  AT  BERAUN — HIS  PROMISES  —  PRESENCE 
OP  THE  BOHEMIANS  AT  BERAUN  —  THEJR  SUBMISSION  —  CONDITIONS  IMPOSED  BY 
SIGISMUND — HIS  LETTER  TO  PRAGUE  —  COMPLIANCE  OP  THE  HUSSITES  —  INSULTS 
OFFERED  THEM  —  PROCEEDINGS  OF  SIGISMUND  AT  BRESLAU  —  HUSSITES  DIVIDED  IN- 
TO   CALIXTINES    AND     TABORITES  —  POLICY   AND    VIEWS     OP     EACH  —  THE    ADAMITES 

—  THE  FANATICISM  OF  THE  TABORITES  IN  REGARD  TO  THE  ADVENT  OP  CHRIST  — 
ITS   EFFECTS  —  DANGER  OF   DISSENTIONS, 363 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

DEFEAT  AND   RETREAT   OF    THE   EMPEROR.    JAN.  9,  1-120- 
JULY  28,  1420. 

THE     CALIXTINE    NOBILITY — THEIR    POLITICAL    SYMPATHIES — VIOLENCE    OF    THE   IM- 
PERIALISTS—  JOHN     KRASA^  NICHOLAS     OP     BETHLEHEM  —  THE     BURGOMASTER     OP 

LEITMERITZ  AND  HIS  CRUELTIES TWENTY-FOUR  DROWNED  —  REACTION    OP    FEELING 

AT  PRAGUE — JOHN  OP  ZELEW,  THE  PREMONSTRANT  MONK  —  CIRCULAR  LETTERS  — 
SOME    OP    THE    TABORITES     LEAVE    PRAGUE — ZISCA   A    LEADER — BOHEMIAN    LEAGUE 

PILSEN    HELD    BY    TABORITES  — BESIEGED  BY  THE    IMPERIALISTS  —  ABANDONED  BY 

THE  TABORITES  —  THE  LATTER  ATTACKED  ON  THEIR  RETREAT  TO  TABOR — ALARM 
AT  PRAGUE  —  JOHN,  THE  PREMONSTRANT  MONK  —  SIGISMUND  AT  BRESLAU  —  JOHN 
KRASA  —  THE  BULL  OP  CRUSADE — ITS  SCOPE  AND  SPIRIT  —  INDULGENCES  PROMISED 
IN  IT  —  DANGER  TO  THE  BOHEMIANS  —  POPULAR  FEELING  AGAINST  SIGISMUND  —  H/3 
DIRECTIONS    TO   THE    ROYAL    GOVERNORS  —  SUCCESS   OP  THE  LEAGUE  AGAINST  HIM  — 


:  C  0  If  T  E  IS^  T  s . 

ATTSCH  TAKEN  —  HRADISCH  —  CRUSADE  KNOWN  AT  PRAGUE  —  IMPERIALISTS  FLEE  TO 
THE  CASTLE  —  COVENANT   OF  THE   CITIZENS  —  MEASURES   TAKEN — THE  ARMY  OP   SIG- 

ISMUND — THE    FORTRESS    OP    TABOR  —  VISSEHRAD    IN    DANGER EFFORTS   OF    THE 

EMPEROR   FOR   ITS    RELIEF  —  ATTACK   ON    TABOR  —  DEFEAT   OP   THE   IMPERIALISTS 

THE  TABORITES  TRIUMPHANT  —  THE  LORD  OP  ROSENBERG — VOTICZ  AND  HRADISCH 
TAKEN  —  SIGISMUND  APPROACHES  PRAGUE  —  KRUSSINA  AND  HIS  HOREBITES  —  DE- 
MANDS OP  SIGISMUND  —  HIS  CRUELTIES  —  THE  MONASTERIES  —  SIGISMUND's  ARMY — 
BOHEMIA  BETWEEN  THE  TWO  CONTENDING  PARTIES  —  SIGISMUND  REACHES  PRAGUE 
—  PROCEEDS  TO  THE  CASTLE  —  CZENKO — THE  ARMY  ENCAMPS  —  CRUELTIES  TO  BO- 
HEMIANS—THE ENEMY  REPULSED  FROM  THE  WALLS  —  ZISCA  FORTIFIES  THE  GAL- 
GENBERG  —  IS  ATTACKED  BY  THE  IMPERIALISTS  —  THE  ROUT  —  RELIGIOUS  EXULTA- 
TION   OF   THE    CITIZENS — DISSENSION   IN   THE   IMPERIAL   ARMY ACTS   OF   VIOLENCE 

AND  CRUELTY  —  SCENE  AT  BUDWEIS  —  CAMP  OF  THE  IMPERIALISTS  DESTROYED  BY 
FIRE  —  RETALIATION  OF  THE  TABORITES  —  PROPOSALS  TO  NEGOCIATE  —  FAVORED 
BY  THE  CALIXTINES  —  THEIR  MOTIVES  —  BASIS  OF  NEGOCIATION — REJECTED  BY 
SIGXSMUND — THE  FOUR  ARTICLES  OF  THE  CALIXTINES  —  THEIR  APOLOGY  —  CORON- 
ATION  OF   THE   EMPEROR, S9S 


CHAPTER    XV. 

TABORITES    AND    CALIXTINES.     JULY  28,  1420-AUGUST  5,  1420. 

THE  TABORITES  AND  CALIXTINES  —  DIVERSE  VIEWS  OF  CIVIL  POLITY  —  ARTICLES  OP 
THE    CALIXTINES  —  ARTICLES   OF  THE   TABORITES  —  REJECTED    BY  THE    CALIXTINES — • 

VIOLENCE  OF  THE  TABORITES  —  THEIR  CHARACTER THEIR  ASSEMBLIES  —  PRIMITIVE 

SIMPLICITY TABOR — SCRIPTURAL    AUTHORITY  —  REJECTION    OF   THE   CEREMONAIL 

OF  THE  ROMAN  CHURCH  —  THE  ARTICLES  SCANDALIZE  THE  CALIXTINES  —  MARTIN 
LOQDI  —  VIEWS  OF  PROPHECY HATRED  OF  MONASTERIES  —  IDOLATRY,  SUPERSTI- 
TION, AND  TRADITION  —  VIEWS  ON  VARIOUS  SUBJECTS  —  LETTER  OF  .SNEAS  SYLVIUS 
—  DIVERSITY  OF  OPINION  —  VALOR  OF  THE  TABORITES  —  THE  CALIXTINES  —  THEIE 
CONSEB.VATIVE  ATTACHMENT  TO  THE  ROMAN  CHURCH  —  BALANCE  OF  PARTIES  AT 
PRAGUE  —  THE   BARONS  OP  THE  KINGDOM   CALIXTINES, 440 

CHAPTER    XYI. 

THE   CAMPAIGNS   OF  ZISCA.     AUG.  5,  1420-OCT.  11,  1424. 

RETREAT  OF  THE  EMPEROR — DEPARTURE  OF  THE  TABORITES  FROM  PRAGUE  —  RAVA- 
GES "DP  ZISCA  —  ATTACK  ON  PRACHATITZ  —  SIGISMUND's  CONFERENCES  WITH  THE 
NOBLES  —  HIS  SECOND  ARMY  AND  CAMPAIGN  —  TABORITES  AND  CALIXTINES  COM- 
PROMISE DIFFERENCES  —  CROWN  OP  BOHEMIA  OFFERED  TO  THE  KING  OF  POLAND 
—  ZISCA  AND  THE  MONKS  —  BOHUSLAUS  VON  SCHWAMBEBG  —  SECESSION  OF  SOLDIERS 
FROM    ZISCA's   army  —  DEFEAT    OF    THE    IMPERIALISTS    AT    KLADRUB  —  LEAGUE    OP 


CONTENTS.  XI 

BOHEMIAN   CITIES   WITH    PRAGUE  —  MARTIN   LOQUI  —  HIS   OPINIONS  —  HE   IS   BURNED 

—  POLICY   OP   2,ISCA — HIS   FREEDOM    FROM    FANATICISM  —  GROWTH  OP  THE   LEAGUE 

—  CONVENTION  AT  CZASLAU  —  VINDICATION  OP  THE  STATES  —  THEIR  COMPLAINT 
AGAINST  SIGISMUND  —  DEFENCE  OF  SIGISMUND  BY  COCHLEIUS  —  INVASION  FROM 
SILESIA  —  ZISCA  LOSES  HIS  SIGHT  ENTIRELY  AT  THE  SIEGE  OP  RABY — STILL  HEADS 
HIS  ARMY  —  PLANS  OF  INVASION  FROM  THE  EAST  AND  WEST  —  CEREMONIES  OP 
TABORITE  WORSHIP  —  KUTTENBERG  REVOLTS  —  ZISCA  IN  DANGER  —  EXTRICATES  HIM- 
SELF —  VICTORY  AT  DEUTSCHBROD  —  DISASTROUS  RETREAT  OF  THE  IMPERIALISTS  — 
GENERALSHIP  OP  ZISCA  —  BISHOP  OF  LEITOMISCHEL  DEFEATED  —  INVASION  OP 
MORAVIA  —  THE  CROWN  OF  BOHEMIA  —  EXECUTIONS  AT  PRAGUE  —  CORYBUT  —  DIET 
AT  PRAGUE  —  ZISCA  DISSATISFIED  —  HOSTILITIES  WITH  THE  CALIXTINES  —  MARCH  ON 
KONIGGRATZ  —  DEFEAT  OP  THE  CALIXTINES  —  ZISCA  BECOMES  A  TABORITE  — 
MARCHES  INTO  MORAVIA  —  RETURNS  —  SUCCESSIVE  BATTLES  —  MARCHES  AGAINST 
PRAGUE  —  ZISCa's  SPEECH  —  ITS  EFFECT  —  NEGOCIATIONS  —  PEACE  SECURED  —  THB 
EMPEROR  TREATS  WITH  ZISCA  —  HIS  HUMILIATION  —  ZISCa's  SUDDEN  DEATH — HI3 
EPITAPH,  PERSON,  AND   CHARACTER, 471 


CHAPTER    XYII. 

THE  LAST  CRUSADE.     DEFEAT  OF  THE   BIPERIALISTS.     OCT. 
11,  1424r-JAN.,  1432. 

THE  COUNCIL  OP  SIENNA  —  ITS  PERSECUTING  DECREE — THE  "  ORPHANS  " —  PROCO- 
PIUS  MAGNUS  —  A  NEW  INVASION  —  DIET  AT  FRANKFORT  —  THE  FOUR  ARMIES  — 
DEFEAT  OP  THE  IMPERIALISTS — VARIANCE  BETWEEN  THE  CALIXTINES  AND  TABOR - 
ITES  —  CONVENTION  AT  BERAUN  —  IT  PROVES  FUTILE  —  SIGISMUND's  CLAIMS  — 
MEASURES  OF  PROCOPICS  —  HIS  CAMPAIGNS  —  MARTIN  V.  URGES  A  CRUSADE  —  LET- 
TER TO  THE  KING  OP  POLAND  —  DIETS  OF  PRESBURG  AND  NUREMBERG  —  THB  FINAL 
CRUSADE  —  LETTER  OP  THE  CARDINAL  LEGATE  —  LETTER  OP  THE  BOHEMIANS  — 
EOUT  OP  THE  ARMY  —  BOOTY, 510 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 

THE  COUNCIL  OF  BASLE.    CALIXTINE  ASCENDENCY.    1432-1467 

NECESSITY  OP  A  COUNCIL  —  DEMAND   FOE   REFORM — SIGISMUNd's  ASSUMED    LENIENCY 

—  CONCILIATORY  PLAN  OF  THE  COUNCIL  —  DISSATISFACTION  OF  THE  POPE  —  THE 
COUNCIL  OF  BASLE  DECLARED  TO  BE  DISSOLVED  —  THE  SURPRISE  OCCASIONED  — 
REPLY  OF  CARDINAL  JULIAN  —  THE    COUNCIL    RESOLVE   TO    CONTINUE    THEIR   SESSIONS 

—  THE  LEGATE  REMONSTRATES  WITH  THE  POPE — FIRMNESS  OP  THE  COUNCIL — THB 
BMPEEOR  —  ITALY  —  THE   POPE   CITED — THE   BOHEMIANS  AT   BASLE  —  THEIR   EECEP- 


Xll  COXTETTTS. 

TIOX — HOW  THEIE  RELUCTANCE  WAS  OVERCOME  —  HOSTAGES  DEMANDED  —  THE 
BOHEMIANS  BEFORE  THE  COUNCIL — ROKYZAN  —  THE  CALIXTINE  ARTICLES  DEFENDED 
—  TERMS  OFFERED  BT  THE  BOHEMIANS  —  DISCUSSION  IN  THE  COUNCIL  —  UNSATIS- 
FACTORY ISSUE  —  RETURN  OF  THE  BOHEMIANS  TO  PRAGUE  —  DEPUTATION  OF  THE 
COUNCIL  AT  PRAGUE  —  THE  ULTIMATUM  —  CONCESSIONS  —  THE  COMPACTATA  —  THE 
CALIXTINES  AND  TABORITES  AT  VARIANCE  —  CONFLICT  —  DEFEAT  AND  DEATH  OP 
PROCOPIUS — STRENGTH  OF  THE  TABORITES  BROKEN  —  DEMAND  OF  THE  STATES  OP 
BOHEMIA  —  CONSPIRACY  AGAINST  SIGISMUND —  HIS  RESOLUTION  —  HIS  DEATH  — 
ALBERT  OF  AUSTRIA  —  GEORGE  PODIEBRAD  —  THE  TABORITE  SUPREMACY  SUP- 
PRESSED,   520 


CHAPTER    XIX. 

THE  TABORITES  AND    MORAVIANS.      1460-1517. 

EARLY   HISTORY   OP   THE    MORAVIANS  —  COUNCIL    OP    BASLE  —  COMPACTATA   OF    IGLAU 
—  COURSE    OP  ROKYZAN —  PERSECUTING  AND  VIOLENT   MEASURES  —  BANDS  OP  EXILES 

"the      UNITED      brethren" —  TRYING      PERIOD  —  ROKYZAN's      TIMIDITY SYSTEM 

OF     CHURCH    ORDER  —  SYNODS  —  BISHOPS  —  FOREIGN      SYMPATHY     SOUGHT  —  THE 

CALIXTINES  WAR      BETWEEN      BOHEMIA     AND      HUNGARY  —  DEATH      OF      GEORGE 

PODIEBRAD  — LENIENT    MEASURES  —  PERSECUTION    RENEWED — MICHAEL    POLLACK 

PROJECTED    MASSACRE  —  DIET   OP    1485  —  THE    "AGREEMENT"    OF   THE    BRETHREN 

CALUMNY  —  POLITICAL    INFLUENCE  —  PERSECUTING    SPIRIT    OP    THE    CALIXTINES 

CHURCHES  OF  THE  BRETHREN  —  PROPOSAL  TO    EXTIRPATE  THE    BRETHREN  —  A  DIS- 
PUTATION  APPOINTED — SEVERE   EDICTS  —  ANECDOTE    OF    ONE   OP   THE   BRETHREN  

CRUELTIES    IN    1510  —  FOREIGN    SYMPATHY — ERASMUS  —  PERIOD   OP    TRIAL  —  RE- 
COGNITION   OF    OTHER    CHRISTIANS, 563 


CHAPTER    XX. 

REFORMATION  IN  GERMANY.    THE   BRETHREN.     1517-1602. 

GERMAN  DEMAND  FOR  REFORM  —  ECCLESIASTICAL  IMPOSITIONS  —  EXTORTION  —  IN- 
DULGENCES —  EELICS  —  APPEARANCE  OF  LUTHER  —  HIS  VIEWS  ADVOCATED  AT 
PRAGUE  —  THOMAS  MUNZEE — CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  LUTHER — HE  PRINTS  THE 
brethren's   CONFESSION  —  HIS    LETTER    TO    MELANCHTHON  —  DEPUTATION    TO    WIT. 

TEMBERG  —  PAPAL     POLICY     IN     BOHEMIA MEASURES     OF     THE     LEGATE  —  ZAHERA 

THE     REFORMATION     IN     AUSTRIA — LENIENT     POLICY     OF     FERDINAND  —  CAPITO 

AND  BUCER  —  BOHEMIAN  SYMPATHY  WITH  THE  REFORMERS  —  HARSH  MEASURES 
AGAINST  THE  BRETHREN — THE  EXILES  —  GEORGE  ISRAEL  —  THE  BARON  OF  SHANOW 
—  DECREE  —  VICTIMS  OP  PERSECUTION  —  INTRODUCTION  OP  THE  JESUITS  —  MAXI- 
MILIAN I.  —  PERSECUTING  MEASURES  DEFEATED  —  JOHN  CRATO  —  LENIENT  POLICY 
OF  MAXIMILIAN  —  THE  BRETHREN'S  BIBLE  —  EFFORTS  FOR  UNION  —  PROSPERITY — • 
THE    BRETHREN   IN    OTHER   LANDS  —  RUDOLPH  II.  —  TOLERATION,        ...      577 


CONTENTS.  XUl 


CHAPTER    XXI 

PROTESTANTISM  IN  BOHEMIA,  DOWN  TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE 
THIRTY   YEARS'   WAR.     1602-1650. 

FAVORABLE  PERIOD  —  SPREAD   OF   PROTESTANTISM  —  THE   JESUITS  —  CATHOLIC  LEAGUE 

PERSECUTING   MEASURES    OP    1605  —  RUDOLPH    FORCED   TO    REPEAL   THE    EDICT 

MATTHIAS   OF   AUSTRIA  —HIS    DESIGNS  —  THE    DEMANDS    OF   THE   STATES    PRESENTED 

—  THE  EMPEROR  AND  THE  STATES  —  THE  LATTER  DISSATISFIED  —  DIET  OP  1609  — 
THE  EMPEROR  GRANTS  THE   DEMAND   OP   THE   PROTESTANTS  —  GENERAL  SATISFACTION 

—  PROTESTANT  PROGRESS  —  JESUIT  ENCROACHMENT — INVASION  OF  THE  ARCHDUKE 
LEOPOLD  —  DEATH  OF  RUDOLPH  —  ACCESSION   OF   MATTHIAS  —  CHANGE   OF   POLICY  — 

REJECTION   OF   THE   COMPLAINTS   OP  THE  PROTESTANTS  —  FERDINAND  II. MATTHIAS 

PROPOSES  HIMAS  HIS  SUCCESSOR  — RELUCTANCE  OF  THE  STATES — -CHARACTER  AND 
POLICY  OF  FERDINAND  —  HIS  PERSECUTION  OF  PROTESTANTS  IN  HIS  STATES  —  HIS  BIG- 
OTRY —  PROVOCATION  OF  THE  PROTESTANTS  —  EXULTATION  OF  THE  JESUITS THE  TRI- 
UMPHAL ARCH  AT  OLMUTZ  —  A  MEETING  OF  THE  PROTESTANT  STATES  SUMMONED  — 
IMPERIAL  COMMAND  —  THE  STATES  MEET  TO  REPLY— COUNT  THURN  —  MARTINITZ, 
SLAWATA,   AND   FABRICIUS  THROWN  FROM  THE   WINDOWS  —  VIOLENCE    IN  THE   CITY 

—  LETTERS  OF  THE  STATES  TO  THE  EMPEROR  —  THE  JESUITS  EXPELLED  —  FERDI- 
NAND DEPOSED — THE  ELECTOR  PALATINE  CHOSEN  KING  —  FERDINAND  CHOSEN  EM- 
PEROR—  HE  IS  SUPPORTED  BY  THE  LEAGUE — COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  THIRTY 
years'  war  —  SCENES  IN  BOHEMIA  —  BOHEMIA  ABANDONED  BY  HER  PROTESTANT 
ALLIES  —  FATE  OF  PROTESTANTISM — THE  JESUIT  CAMPIAN  —  ACTS  OF  VIOLENCE  — 
THE  MARTYRS  —  OUTRAGES  COMMITTED  —  PARDONS  —  FORCED  CONVERSIONS  —  FUGI- 
TIVES  AND    EXILES  —  THE   RESULTS   OF   PERSECUTION  —  CONCLUDING    OBSERVATIONS, 

602 


APPENDIX. 

NOTES    No.  1—36,  Vol.  I 653-379 

No.  37— 49,  Vol.  II 679-686 


THE 


LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  JOHN  HUSS. 


CHAPTER    I. 

HUSS  m  PRISON.    HIS  REFUSAL  TO  RECANT.    FAREWELL 
LETTERS. 

Depressing  Circumstances  op  Huss.  — Denied  an  Advocate.  — His  Letters  and 
Conversation  in  Past  Years  Brought  Forward. —  Want  of  Books. —  Hope- 
lessness OF  HIS  Case.  —  Prison  Reflections.  —  Zabarella's  Form  of  Recanta- 
tion Presented  to  Him.  —  Reply  of  Huss.  —  Gratitude  for  Kini>ness.  — 
Persuasions  of  his  Friends. — Argument  of  a  Member  of  the  Council  to 
Overcome  his  Scruples.  —  The  Crime  op  Huss  in  Refusing  Submission  to 
the  Council. — His  Unshaken  Purpose. — Visit  op  Paletz. — Argument  op 
one  op  the  Doctors.  —  Explanatory  Letter  of  Huss.  —  His  Estimate  op 
the  Council.  —  The  Treatment  op  his  Books.  —  The  Council  Condemns  It- 
self.—  Letter  to  his  Countrymen  at  Prague. — Time  op  Huss'  Execution 
Deferred.  —  General  Expectation  that  he  would  Recant. — Proposed  De- 
cree in  such  a  Case.  —  Reasons  op  the  Expectation.  —  Hopes  Excited  in 
Huss  BY  THE  Delay.  —  Letter  on  the  Prolonged  Space  Given  to  Prepare 
FOR  Death.  —  No  Surprise  to  be  Felt  at  Tribulation.  —  Rejoicing  that 
his  Books  had  been  Read  by  his  Enemies.  —  The  Emperor  Anxious  to  have 
him  Recant.  —  His  Firmness.  —  His  Opinion  of  the  Emperor. — Farewell 
Letters.  —  Asks  an  Audience.  —  Asks  a  Confessor.  —  Paletz  Denied  Him. — 
Visit  op  Paletz.  —  Dreams  of  Huss.  —  Scriptural  Consolation.  —  Chlum. — 
DuBA. — Christiann.  —  Second  Farewell  to  Friends  at  Prague.  —  Greet- 
ings.—  Postscript. — Debts.  —  Asks  Chlum  to  Stay  to  the  Last.  —  Lettek. 
TO  Martin.  —  Addresses  all  Classes. — Malice  op  Causis.  —  Huss  in  Prison. 

June  8,  1415-July  1,  1415. 

What  must  have  been  the  feelings  of  Huss  as  the 
guard  escorted  him  back  to  his  cell !  For  six  months 
he  had  been  kept  a  close  prisoner.  His  health  had 
given  way  under  the  hardships  to  which  he  had  been 

VOL.  II.  1 


2  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  J 

subjected.  Once  his  life  had  been  in  such  danger 
that  the  council  were  like  to  lose  their  victim,  and 
from  policy  rather  than  compassion  he  was  removed 
to  a  more  airy  and  comfortable  cell,  and  the  pope's 
physician  had  been  sent  to  attend  him.  With  the 
interval  of  a  slight  recovery,  he  was  again  attacked 
with  a  new  access  of  his  severe  distemper.  "  I  have 
been,"  so  he  writes,  "  a  second  time  dreadfully  tor- 
mented with  an  affection  of  my  bladder,  which  I 
never  had  before,  and  with  severe  vomiting  and  fe- 
ver ;  my  keepers  feared  I  should  die,  and  they  have 
led  me  out  of  my  prison."  ^  This  was  probably  for 
a  few  moments  to  enjoy  the  fresh  air.  His  keepers 
seem  to  have  been  moved  to  compassion  by  his  suf- 
ferings,*^  and  some  of  them  appear  to  have  shown 
him  no  little  kindness.'  After  four  months'  impris- 
onment at  Constance,  Huss  was  removed  to  Gottlie- 
ben.  Here  his  situation  was  changed  much  for  the 
worse.  His  prison  was  the  tower.*  In  the  day-time 
he  was  chained,  yet  so  as  to  be  able  to  move  about. 
At  night,  on  his  bed,  he  was  chained  by  his  hand  to 
a  post.  His  subsequent  treatment  was  still  more 
harsh.     His  keepers  were  changed  after  the  flight  of 

*  Epis.  xxxviii.  '  Epis.  Hi. 

"  Huss' jailers  were  kind  and  noble-  *  At  Gottlieben,  the  narrow  cell  is 

hearted     men.      They   became  very  still  pointed  out  in  the  castle — atpres- 

Btrongly  attached   to  their  prisoner,  ent  the  property  of  the  Count  of  Ber- 

and  at  their  request  Huss  wrote  sev-  oldingen.of  Stuttgard — in  which  Huss 

eral  brief  treatiseson  prominent  duties  was  confined.     A  late  visitor  at  the 

and  doctrines  of  Cliristianity.    There-  Castle  writes, — "  High  up  under  the 

peated    conversations  between  them  roof,  at  the  top  of  a  long  stair-case, 

satisfied  the  jailers  that  the  doctrines  and  shaded  by  thick  pines,  is  a  garret 

of  Huss  were  those  of  scripture,  and  it  in   which  one  cannot  stand    upright, 

was  the  sympathy  and  affection  which  This  is  the  prison  of  the  martyrs  John 

they  were  led  to  feel  for  him,  that  drew  Huss  and  Jerome  of  Prague."  Becker, 

them  to  llie  scene  of  his  execution.  84,  85. 


Ch.  I.]  HUSS    DENIED    AN    ADVOCATE.  3 

the  pope — and  not  for  the  better.  His  friends  were 
not  allowed  to  see  him.  New  attacks  of  his  disease, — 
violent  head-aches,  hemorrhage,  colic, — followed  in 
consequence  of  this  close  and  cruel  confinement.  For 
more  than  two  months  his  sufferings  were  extreme. 
It  was  not  till  the  beginning  of  the  month  of  June 
that  he  was  removed  from  his  prison  at  Gottlieben, 
and  conveyed  to  Constance.  Without  the  uninter- 
rupted quiet  of  even  a  single  day,  his  trial  proceeded. 
He  found  himself  compelled  to  meet  it  in  infirm 
health,  and  in  a  most  weak  and  exhausted  condition. 
He  had  demanded  of  the  judicial  committee  an  ad- 
vocate to  manage  his  cause  for  him,  but  this,  which 
he  was  at  first  encouraged  to  expect,  was  finally  re- 
fused him,  on  the  ground  that  no  such  privilege 
could  be  granted  to  a  heretic.^  He  was  thus  pre- 
sumed guilty  even  before  he  was  tried.  Gerson  did 
not  hesitate  afterwards  to  ascribe  the  condemnation 
of  Huss  to  the  injustice  of  this  proceeding.  "Had  he 
been  allowed  an  advocate,  the  council  would  never 
have  been  able  to  convict  him  of  heresy."  Huss  was 
undoubtedly  disappointed  at  the  refusal  of  a  request 
so  just  and  reasonable.  Yet  he  calmly  submitted  to 
the  wrong.  "  Well,  then,"  said  he,  "  let  the  Lord 
Jesus  be  my  advocate,  who  also  will  soon  be  my  judge." 
He  was  thus  forced  of  necessity  to  depend  upon 
himself  alone  for  his  defence.  In  chains,  and  in  the 
endurance  of  the  most  severe  sufferings,  he  was 
obliged  to  draw  up  his  answers  to  the  charges  pre- 
sented. And  here  he  found,  to  his  grief  and  indig- 
nation, that  the  most  unfair  advantages  had  been 

*  Epi?.  xlix. 


4  LIFE   AOT)   TIMES    OF   JOHIST   HUSS.  [Ch.  I. 

taken  of  him.  Passages  from  intercepted  letters,  in 
part  distorted,  and  conversations  with  theologians 
once  his  friends,  but  who  had  now  deserted  him,  in 
which  he  had  used  familiar  expressions  in  confidence, 
were  recalled  and  employed  to  his  prejudice.^  His 
letters  to  his  friends  at  Prague,  by  a  system  of  es- 
pionage as  well  as  through  their  indiscretion,  had 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies,  and  been  used 
against  him.  Paletz  sometimes  visited  him  in  prison, 
and  sought  to  overwhelm  him  by  harsh  language. 
"  Sad  greeting"  ^  Huss  calls  it,  as  well  he  might.  He 
speaks  of  Paletz  generally  as  his  fiercest  enemy,  who 
did  him  the  most  injury.  Still  his  Christian  spirit, 
overcoming  every  revengeful  thought,  led  him  to 
pray,  "  May  God  Almighty  forgive  him."  "  Yet,"  says 
he,  "  never  in  my  whole  life  did  I  receive  from  any 
man  harsher  words  of  comfort  than  from  Paletz."  In 
such  circumstances  as  these  Huss  had  to  look  around 
him  for  the  means  of  making  his  defence.  But  he 
found  himself  totally  in  want  of  books.  At  first  he 
had  not  even  a  Bible,  and  was  obliged  to  ask  his 
friends  to  procure  him  one.^  He  says,  indeed,  that 
he  had  brought  with  him  the  Sentences  of  Lombard 
and  a  Bible,  but  he  could  not  have  taken  them  with 
him  into  his  prison.  Could  the  cruelty  of  his  ene- 
mies have  deprived  him  even  of  these?  It  must 
have  been  so. 

All  these  things  were  enough  to  have  driven  any 
ordinary  man  to  despair.  To  be  denied  an  advo- 
cate— to  have  his  few  books  withheld  from  him — to 
have  numerous  and  skilful  enemies  taking  every  pos- 

'  Epis.  xliii.  xlviii,    "  "  Salutatione  liorribilissima."  Epis.  xlvi.    '  Epis.  lii.  liii. 


Ch.l]  hopelessness  of  his  case.  ,5 

sible  advantage  of  his  helplessness,  in  framing  charges 
of  which   he  was  long  kept  in  ignorance — to  know 
that   the    learning,   talent,   and    sympathies   of  the 
whole  council,  spurred  on  by  the  bitterest  malice, 
were  arrayed  against  him,— was  enough  to  discourage 
the  efforts  and  palsy  the  energies  of  any  man  whose 
help  was  not  in  a  more  than  mortal  arm.     Enfeebled 
by  disease,  worn  out  with  suffering  and  want  of  sleep, 
he  had  been  called  to  appear  before  the  council  and 
enter  upon  his  defence.     On  every  side  he  saw  hostile 
faces  and  prejudiced  judges.     His  conscientious  scru- 
ples were  met  by  derision,  and  his  arguments  were 
answered   by   ridicule.      He   was   frequently  inter- 
rupted or  cut  short  in  his  replies.     New  articles  were 
presented,  which  he  had  never  seen  or  heard  of  until 
the  moment  when  they  were  produced.     His  request 
for  a  further  and  fuller  hearing  was  met  by  threats 
of  the  consequences  should  he  persist  in  his  demand 
of  what  had  been  promised.     A  form  of  retraction 
had  been  presented  him,  which  he  could  not  consci- 
entiously adopt.     His   request  to  be  instructed  in 
what  respects  he  had  erred,  that  he  might  intelli- 
gently disavow  his  errors,  was  set  aside.     He  saw 
before  him,  instead  of  an  impartial  jury,  a  band  of 
men,  through  malice  or  prejudice,  conspiring  to  effect 
his  ruin.     Well  might  he  look  around  him  as  he  left 
the  council,  disheartened  and  despondent.     We  can 
but  follow  him  as  he  is  led  back  to  his  prison,  with 
the  sympathies  ever  due  to  the  innocent  and  the 
wronged.     How  slowly  and  sadly  must  the  hours  of 
a  sleepless  night  have  dragged  along,  bringing  new 
bui'dens  and  anxieties,  instead  of  repose  to  his  ex- 


6  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  I 

hausted  frame  !  Now  his  mind  reverts  to  the  scenes 
of  the  previous  day, — and  the  tumultuous  assembly, 
like  a  stormy  sea  of  angry  faces,  is  present  before 
him.  Pie  recalls  the  years  that  are  past,  and  stands 
again  in  his  Bethlehem  chapel,  in  the  presence  of 
those  who  had  been  awakened  to  a  new  life  by  his 
thrilling  words.  Forgetting  the  tragedy  of  which 
he  is  to  be  the  victim,  he  is  only  anxious  that  the 
cause  for  which  he  has  labored  may  still  live  on, 
nurtured  to  a  more  vigorous  growth  by  the  ashes  of 
his  funeral  pile.  The  light  of  another  day  at  last 
steals  in  upon  the  prisoner,  restless  on  his  bed,  and 
brought  back  to  self-consciousness  by  the  clanking 
of  his  chain.  He  recalls,  as  his  exhausted  energies 
will  permit  him,  the  points  on  which  he  alternately 
hopes  and  despairs  to  be  permitted  to  address  the 
council.  How  fondly  he  lingers  over  the  possibility 
that  some  at  least  in  that  assembly  who  shall  hear 
his  words,  shall  carry  them  away  in  memory,  and 
thus  in  after  days  be  enabled  to  repeat  to  others  the 
lessons  of  his  dying  testimony.  Fully  convinced  he 
is,  that  the  truth  he  has  preached  shall  still  live. 
The  God  of  truth  will  not  suffer  it  finally  to  perish. 
A  century  or  even  centuries  may  pass  over  it,  buried 
beneath  martyr's  dust,  but  the  time  of  its  resurrec- 
tion and  triumph  will  come  at  last. 

At  his  last  appearance  before  the  council,  Huss 
had  vainly  been  urged  to  accept  the  terms  they  had 
presented.  But  he  could  not  conscientiously  recant 
doctrines  that  he  had  never  held,  nor  could  he  dis- 
avow those  of  the  error  of  which  he  was  not  con- 
vinced.    A    milder   form    of   abjuration   had    been 


Ch.1.]  form  of  recantation.  7 

promised  him  by  Zabarella,  the  Cardinal  of  Florence. 
This,  it  was  intimated,  he  might  safely  subscribe.  To 
this  course  he  was  advised  and  urged  by  some  of  his 
friends,  more  anxious  for  his  life  than  he  was  himself. 
This  form  was  brought  to  Huss  in  his  prison  by  the 
Cai-dinal  of  Ostia,  the  president  of  the  council.  It 
had  been  drawn  up  by  their  order,  and  the  tenor  of 
it  was  as  follows : 

"  I,  John  Huss,  etc.,  in  addition  to  the  protesta- 
tions made  by  me,  which  I  hereby  renew,  do  protest, 
moreover,  that  although  many  things  are  imputed  to 
me  which  I  never  entertained  the  thought  of,  I  sub- 
mit myself  with  humility  to  the  merciful  orders  and 
correction  of  the  sacred  council,  touching  all  things 
that  have  been  objected  or  imputed  to  me,  or  drawn 
from  my  books,  or,  in  fine,  proved  by  the  deposition 
of  witnesses — in  order  to  abjure,  revoke,  and  retra-ct 
them,  and  to  undergo  the  merciful  penance  imposed 
by  the  Council,  and  generally  to  do  all  that  its  good- 
ness shall  judge  necessary  for  my  salvation,  recom- 
mending myself  to  its  pity  with  entire  submission."  * 
Iq  this  formula  of  recantation  there  was  manifest  a 
greater  leniency  than  was  exhibited  by  the  Bohe- 
mian enemies  of  Huss.  Cardinal  Zabarella,  by  whom 
it  was  probably  drawn  up,  was  evidently  more  in- 
clined to  moderation  and  mercy  than  many  other 
members  of  the  council.^  And  although  no  one 
dared  openly  to  advocate  his  cause,  we  have  every 
reason  to  believe  that  among  the  few  in  the  council 

•  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  329.  church  was  to  be  done  away,  the  cel- 

'  Becker  says,  I  know  not  on  what  ibacy  of  the  clergy  must  be  given  up 

authority,  that    Zabarella  held  that  — p.  105. 

if  one  of  the  greatest  scandals  of  the 


8  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cq.  I. 

who  were  kindly  disposed  to  liim,  or  at  least  sought 
to  save  his  life,  there  were  some  of  no  little  influence. 
The  presiding  cardinal,  John  de  Viviers  of  Ostia, 
treated  him  with  humanity  and  kindness.  There 
were  strong  inducements,  not  only  in  the  hope  of 
saving  his  life,  but  in  the  entreaties  and  persuasions 
of  his  friends,  to  lead  Huss  to  adopt  the  form  of  re- 
cantation that  had  been  drawn  up.  But  it  was  here, 
and  in  these  very  circumstances,  that  his  character 
shone  forth  most  brightly.  He  had  no  ambition  to 
found  a  sect,  or  attain  notoriety  by  putting  forth 
new  and  strange  dogmas.  His  constant  appeal — 
and  this  was  his  real  crime  in  the  eyes  of  the  coun- 
cil that  had  judged  the  pope,  and  allowed  no  other 
being,  human  or  divine,  to  share  its  tribunal — was  to 
the  word  of  God.  Nobly  did  he  exhibit,  and  he- 
roically did  he  adhere  to  that  principle  which  was 
the  stronghold,  a  century  later,  of  the  great  German 
reformer. 

Huss  could  not  accept  the  form  of  recantation 
drawn  up  for  him,  grateful  as  he  expressed  himself 
for  the  kindness  by  which  it  had  been  modified,  if 
not  dictated.  He  felt  that  to  adopt  it  would  be  a 
compromise  of  principle.  Calmly  and  clearly  he 
stated  his  reasons  for  rejecting  it:  "My  father," 
said  he,  in  reply  to  the  cardinal,  "may  the  Almighty 
Father,  most  wise  and  holy,  count  you  worthy  the 
reward  of  eternal  glory,  through  Jesus  Christ. 
Most  reverend  father,  I  am  truly  grateful  for  your 
kind  and  fatherly  favor.  But  I  dare  not  submit,  ac- 
cording to  the  tenor  of  this  proposition  made  by  me 
to  the  council.     For  in  such  a  case  I  must  needs  con- 


Ch.  I.]  REASONS    FOR   NOT   ABJURING.  9 

demn  many  truths,  an  act  wliich  (as  I  have  heard 
from  their  own  lips)  they  call  scandalous.  Besides, 
through  such  an  abjuration  I  must  perjure  myself 
by  the  confession  that  I  have  held  errors.  By  these 
things  should  I  give  scandal  to  the  people  of  God, 
who  heard  from  me  in  my  preaching  that  with 
which  this  would  be  inconsistent.  If  therefore  Ele- 
azar,  under  the  Old  Testament,  of  whom  we  read  in 
Maccabees,  would  not  falsely  confess  that  he  had 
eaten  meat  by  the  law  forbidden,  lest  he  should  sin 
against  God,  and  leave  an  evil  example  to  those  that 
should  come  after  him, — how  shall  I,  a  priest  of  the 
New  Testament,  although  unworthy,  for  fear  of  a 
punishment  which  will  soon  be  passed,  consent,  by 
a  grievous  sin,  to  transgress  the  law-  of  God, — first, 
by  departing  from  the  truth ;  secondly,  by  commit- 
ting perjury  ?  In  truth,  it  is  better  for  me  to  die,  than, 
by  flying  from  a  momentary  pain,  fall  into  the  hands 
of  God,  and  perhaps  have  fire  and  everlasting  con- 
tempt for  my  portion.  And,  inasmuch  as  I  have 
appealed  to  Jesus  Christ,  the  most  powerful  and 
righteous  Judge,  committing  his  own  cause  into  his 
hands,  I  do  therefore  abide  by  his  most  holy  de- 
cree and  sentence,  knowing  that  he  will  jud^e  each 
man,  not  according  to  false  testimony,  nor  accordino* 
to  fallible  councils,  but  according  to  truth  and  indi- 
vidual desert." 

Such  an  answer,  from  one  whose  words  meant  what 
they  expressed,  was  worthy  of,  and  could  have  pro- 
ceeded only  from  a  spirit  lifted  above  the  world,  and 
made  heroic  by  faith  in  God.  Many,  no  doubt,  of 
the  friends  of  Huss  regretted  the  decision  which  he 


10  LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  I. 

had  made.  Under  the  pressure  of  the  immediate 
danger  of  his  life,  they  would  at  least  have  counselled 
him  to  temporize.  One  of  these/  a  member  of  the 
council,  whose  kindness  Huss  had  before  experienced, 
sought  to  overcome  by  gentle  persuasions  the  scru- 
ples which  he  felt  in  regard  to  recanting.  "As  to 
your  first  objection,"  said  he,  "  let  not  this,  my  most 
loving  and  beloved  brother,  have  weight  with  you, 
that  you  thus  condemn  the  truth.  For  it  is  not  we, 
but  they,  who  condemn  it — they  who  now  are  your 
and  my  superiors.  Consider  the  saying,  '  Lean  not 
to  thine  own  understanding.'  There  are  many 
learned  and  conscientious  men  in  the  council.  '  My 
son,  hear  the  law  of  thy  mother.'  This  much  to 
your  first  objection. 

"  As  to  the  second,  in  regard  to  perjury:  This  per- 
jury, if  it  he  perjury,  would  recoil  not  upon  you,  but 
upon  those  who  require  it.  Your  views  on  these 
subjects  are  not  heresies  unless  you  persist  obstinately 
in  maintaining  them.*^  Augustine,  Origen,  the  Mas- 
ter of  Sentences,  and  others  have  fallen  into  error,  but 
they  cheerfully  forsook  it.  I  have  many  times  be- 
lieved myself  to  be  acquainted  with  matters  in  which 
I  was  ill-informed.  When  set  right,  I  joyfully  re- 
turned to  correct  views. 

"  I  write,  moreover,  briefly,  for  I  write  to  a  man 
of  understanding.  You  will  not  recede  from  the 
truth,  but  will  approximate  to  the  truth.  You  will 
not  perjure  yourself,  but  will  better  yourself  You 
will  not  give  scandal,  but  you  will  edify.     Eleazar 

*  Some  imagine  this  friend  to  have     others,  less  probably,  that  it  was  Car- 
been  John  Cardinal,  a  Polish  doctor ;     dinal  de  Viviers  himself. 

"  Epis.  xxxi. 


Ch.  I.]  IIUSS    URGED    TO    A15JURE.  11 

was  a  noble  Jew.  Judas,  with  his  seven  sons  and 
the  eight  martyrs,  was  nobler.  St.  Paul  was  let 
down  from  the  wall  secretly  in  a  basket,  tliat  he 
might  work  out  better  things.  May  Jesus  Christ,  the 
judge  of  your  appeal,  grant  you  apostles,^  and  these 
are  they.  Conflicts  yet  await  you  for  the  faith  of 
Christ." 

By  others,  also,  Huss  was  urgently  pressed  to  re- 
cant. Again  and  again,  both  in  private  and  public, 
he  was  beset  by  the  importunities  of  those  who  felt 
for  him  a  strong  attachment,  or  who,  highly  respect- 
ing his  character  and  talents,  wished  to  snatch  him 
from  the  flames.  The  council,  moreover,  with  all 
the  eagerness  of  some  of  its  members  for  the  severest 
measures,  could  not  be  altogether  blind  to  the  wiser 
policy  of  forcing  Huss  to  acknowledge  publicly  the 
supremacy  and  infallibility  of  their  judgment.  The 
question,  in  fact,  was  reduced  to  this  :  The  council,  or 
private  judgment — which  must  yield  ?  The  council 
would  allow  no  rival.  They  had  deposed  a  pope, 
and  the  acknowledgment  of  their  supremacy  was 
with  them  a  vital  point.  Huss  could  not  blindly 
submit  to  place  them  in  the  seat  of  Christ — to  en- 
throne them  above  the  word  of  God.  This  was  his 
crime.  In  the  eyes  of  the  council  it  was  an  aggra- 
vated one,  and  it  ensured  his  doom. 

The  prisoner  remained  steadfast  in  his  purpose. 
His  conscience  forbade  him  to  sacrifice  the  truth.    To 

*  These  words,  "  Jesus  Christ  grant  were  sometimes  obtained  in  cases  of 
you  apostles,"  etc.,  are  quite  obscure  appeal  from  the  judge  who  had  con- 
in  their  meaning.  It  is  plain  that  demned.  These  were  called  "  apos- 
thej-  have  some  reference  to  the  ap-  ties."  If  these  were  not  obtained 
peal  of  Huss.  Letters  di?missory  witliin  a  certain  time,  the  appeal  was 
from    the  jurisdiction    of    the    court  null  and  void. — L Enfant,  i.  343. 


12  LIFE   AND   TDIES    OF   JOHN   HTJSS.  [Ch.  L 

all  tlie  solicitations  of  friendship,  to  all  the  authori- 
tative advice  of  members  of  the  council,  to  public 
and  private  persuasions,  he  remained  equally  un- 
moved. "  I  would  sooner,"  said  he,  "  have  a  mill- 
stone bound  about  my  neck,  and  be  cast  into  the  sea, 
than  give  occasion  of  scandal  to  my  neighbor ;  and, 
having  preached  to  others  constancy  and  endurance, 
I  will  set  them  an  example,  looking  for  help  to  the 
grace  of  God."  ^  There  was  never  in  the  prisoner  a 
moment's  wavering.  Among  others  that  visited  him 
was  Paletz,  his  former  friend.  He  evidently  had 
not  counted  on  the  constancy  of  Huss.  Resolved  to 
humble  him  as  a  rival,  he  could  scarce  have  sought 
his  life.  All  the  persuasions  of  Paletz  were  em- 
ployed to  shake  the  prisoner's  firmness.  "  Put  your- 
self," said  Huss,  "  in  my  place.  What  would  you  do 
if  you  were  thoroughly  assured  that  you  had  never 
held  the  errors  which  they  wish  you  to  retract?" 
"  I  confess,"  said  Paletz,  "  it  is  hard,"  and  for  once 
the  tears  filled  his  eyes.^  The  persecutor  paid  his 
victim  the  tribute  of  sympathy,  wrung  out  by  respect 
for  truthful  constancy,  and  perhaps  the  memory  of 
former  friendship.  It  is  not  impossible  that  remorse 
for  his  conduct,  which  was  leading  to  a  strangely 
fatal  result,  had  something  to  do  with  his  tears. 

In  one  of  his  letters^  Huss  gives  the  substance  of 
the  argument  of  one  of  the  doctors  who  was  urging 
him  to  a  blind  submission  to  the  council.  "Even 
though  the  council,"  said  he,  "  should  tell  you  that 
you  have  but  one  eye,  and  you  have  two,  you  would 
be  bound  to  assent  to  their  statement."     "  And  I," 

'  Ep.  xxxiii,  '  lb.  xxx,  '  lb.  xxxiii. 


Ch.L]  the  guilt  of  abjuring.  13 

replied  Huss,  "  while  God  spares  my  reason,  would 
never  allow  such  a  thing,  though  the  whole  world 
were  agreed  upon  it,  because  I  could  not  say  it  with- 
out wounding  my  conscience."  No  wonder  the  doc- 
tor was  confused  by  the  reply.  The  illustration  he 
had  selected  was  too  ridiculous  for  ridicule.  It  only 
set  the  conscientiousness  of  Huss,  as  well  as  the  ab- 
surdity of  the  demands  made  upon  him,  in  a  too  ob- 
vious light. 

Nothing  now  remained  for  Huss  but  to  prepare 
himself  and  his  friends  for  the  fatal  result  which  his 
own  constancy  rendered  inevitable.  Carefully  and 
clearly  does  he  lay  down  the  principles  upon  which 
his  conduct  was  based.  He  does  not  trifle  with  his ' 
fate.  His  words  are  calm  and  serious,  as  were  be- 
fitting his  circumstances.  "  Often,"  says  he,  "  have 
the  demands  of  the  council  upon  me  been  urged. 
But,  inasmuch  as  they  imply  that  I  recant,  abjure, 
and  submit  to  penance,  in  matters  of  truth  which  I 
must  give  up — requiring  me  to  abjure,  and  perjure 
myself  by  confessing  errors  falsely  imputed  to  me — 
demanding  that  I  should  give  offence  to  many  of 
God's  people  to  whom  I  have  preached, — for  which  I 
should  deserve  that  a  mill-stone  should  be  tied  about 
my  neck,  and  I  be  cast  into  the  midst  of  the  sea — 
and  because,  if  I  should  submit,  in  order  to  escape  a 
temporary  trouble  and  penalty,  I  should  plunge  my- 
self into  far  greater,  unless  I  should  repent, — ^for 
these  reasons  I  cannot  yield.  And  for  my  consola- 
tion, I  think  of  the  seven  martyrs  of  the  Maccabees, 
who  chose  rather  to  be  cut  in  pieces  than  disobey 
God  by  eating  flesh.     I  think,  moreover,  of  Eleazar, 


14  LIFE   AND    TBIES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  I. 

"who  would  not  even  say  that  he  had  eaten  flesh  con- 
trary to  the  law,  lest  he  should  set  an  evil  example 
to  those  that  should  come  after  him,  choosing  rather 
to  endure  martyrdom.  Wherefore,  having  these  be- 
fore my  eyes,  as  well  as  many  holy  men  and  women 
of  the  New  Testament  who  gave  themselves  up  to 
martyrdom  because  they  would  not  consent  to  sin ; 
and,  moreover,  having  preached  so  many  years  on 
the  duty  of  constancy  and  endurance,  I  cannot  but 
say  of  a  course  by  which  I  must  .utter  many  false- 
hoods, and  commit  perjury,  giving  offence  to  many 
of  God's  children — far  be  it,  far  be  it  from  me !  For 
my  Master,  Christ,  shall  be  hereafter  my  reward, 
while  even  now  he  gives  me  the  aid  of  his  pres- 
ence." ^ 

Such  were  the  reasons  which  Huss  repeatedly  and 
on  different  occasions  urged  in  defence  of  his  course. 
They  were  neither  fanciful  nor  fanatical,  but  such  as 
would  be  appreciated  by  his  friends  and  followers 
at  Prague.  To  these  he  wrote  from  time  to  time  as 
occasion  offered,  and  his  letters  were  publicly  read  in 
the  Bethlehem  chapel,  where  his  voice  had  once  been 
so  often  heard.  "  My  dear  brethren,  (so  he  writes 
back  to  Bohemia,)  I  have  thought  that  it  might  be 
well  to  admonish  you  how  my  books  written  in  the 
Bohemian  language  have  been  condemned  in  the 
council  of  Constance — though  itself  full  of  pride,  av- 
arice, ambition,  and  almost  every  vice — as  being 
heretical.  They  have  hardly  been  seen  or  read,  or, 
if  read,  not  understood.  ...  If  ye  had  been  present 
here  at  Constance,  ye  would  have  seen  this  council, 

*  Epis.  XX. 


Ch.  I.]  TREATMENT    OF    HIS    BOOKS.  15 

called  holy,  and  therefore  claimed  to  be  infallible,  as 
though  it  could  not  err,  to  be  shameful  and  scanda- 
lous ;  for  the  very  citizens  of  this  country  say,  as  I 
have  heard,  that  this  city  will  not  recover  in  thirty 
years  from  the  sins  and  scandals  of  this  council."  He 
bids  his  friends  not  to  be  frightened  at  the  decision 
against  his  books.  "  They  have  attempted  to  frighten 
me  fi-om  the  truth  of  Christ,  but  the  strength  of 
God  in  me  they  have  been  unable  to  overcome.  .  .  . 
They  would  not  venture  to  discuss  with  me,  though 
I  professed  my  willingness  to  be  instructed,  on  the 
authority  of  the  Sacred  Scriptures.  .  .  .  Not  by 
these,  but  by  terrors  and  threats  have  they  tried  to 
overcome  me.  But  the  God  of  mercy,  to  whose 
word  I  bow,  is  with  me,  and  still  will  be,  as  I  am 
confident,  and  in  his  grace  will  keep  me  even  until 
death." 

In  another  letter  Huss  reminds  his  friends  of  the 
treatment  of  the  books  of  Jeremiah — full  as  harsh 
as  that  which  his  own  had  experienced,  and  yet  they 
w^ere  not  suppressed.  In  later  times  the  sacred 
writings  were  burned,  as  well  as  the  works  of  sev- 
eral of  the  fathers,  but  they  could  not  be  suppressed. 
He  bids  them  not  to  neglect  his  books,  or  give  them 
to  his  enemies  to  be  burned.  As  to  themselves, 
they  need  not  be  terrified.  The  forces  of  Antichrist 
would  perhaps  leave  them  at  peace.  The  council  of 
Constance  would  scarcely  come  to  Prague,  and  some 
of  his  followers,  he  believed,  would  sooner  die  than 
give  up  his  books. 

Even  in  the  danger  in  which  Huss  found  himself 
of  his  life,  he  did  not  fear  to  give  free  expression  to 


16  LIFE   AND    TBLES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  I. 

the  severe  judgment  he  had  formed  of  his  judges. 
He  speaks  of  their  having  condemned  their  head, 
while  many  of  themselves  were  guilty  of  the  same 
crimes.  "  Would  to  God,"  says  he,  "  that  in  this 
council  it  had  been  said  by  divine  authority,  Let 
him  that  is  without  sin  among  you  first  pass  sen- 
tence. Undoubtedly  they  would  have  gone  forth, 
one  after  the  other.  Why,  then,  have  they  hereto- 
fore bowed  to  him,  kissed  his  feet,  called  him  Most 
Holy,  when  they  have  known  and  seen  that  he  was 
a  heretic,  a  murderer,  a  reprobate  wretch,  as  they 
have  publicly  charged  him  with  being  ?  Yea,  why 
did  the  cardinals  speak  of  him  as  holy,  when  they 
knew  that  he  murdered  his  predecessor  ?  Why  did 
they  allow  him,  while  he  was  yet  pope,  to  drive  such 
a  traffic  as  he  did  in  holy  things  ?  They  are  his 
.counsellors  for  the  very  purpose  of  giving  him  the 
best  advice,  and  if  they  failed  to  do  it  are  they  not 
equally  guilty  ?  .  .  .  I  think  we  may  plainly  see 
Antichrist  revealed  in  the  pope,  and  others  present 
at  the  council." 

Such  were  the  views  which  Huss  had  held  at 
Prague — now  confirmed  by  his  experience  at  Con- 
stance— and  in  the  conviction  of  the  truth  of  which 
he  was  willing  to  die.  In  full  anticipation  of  the 
final  result,  he  wrote,  on  the  tenth  of  June,  a  letter 
to  his  friends  in  Prague,  in  which  he  gives  them  for 
the  last  time — as  he  feared — his  counsel  and  en- 
couragement. In  this  parting  address,  that  might 
be  almost  dated  from  the  martyr's  stake,  he  speaks 
with  an  apostolic  earnestness  and  unction.  He  for- 
gets no  class,  neither  rich  nor  poor,  male  nor  female, 


Cn.  I.]  FAREWELL    LETTER    TO    PRAGUE.  1*7 

but  adapts  his  words  to  tlie  circumstances  of 
each.^ 

"I,  Master  John  IIuss,  in  the  hope  that  I  am 
God's  servant,  wish,  on  behalf  of  all  the  faithful  of 
Bohemia  who  love  God,  that  they  may  live  and  die 
in  the  grace  of  God,  and  at  last  be  saved.  Amen. 
Ye  princes,  high  and  low,  I  pray  for  and  admonish 
you,  that  ye  obey  God,  reverence  his  word,  and  live 
according  to  it.  I  beseech  you  to  abide  in  the  truth 
of  God,  which  I  have  preached  and  written  to  you 
from  his  word  and  from  the  holy  prophets.  I  be- 
seech you,  if  any  one  among  you  has  heard  from  me, 
by  public  speech  or  otherwise,  or  has  read  in  my 
books,  anything  contrary  to  the  truths  of  God,  that 
you  reject  it,  although  I  am  not  conscious  of  having 
written  or  taught  any  such  error. 

"  I  beseech,  moreover,  if  anyone  has  observed  any 
levity  in  my  speech  or  conduct,  that  he  copy  not  my 
example,  but  intercede  with  God  in  my  behalf  that 
such  levity  may  be  forgiven  me.  I  beseech  you  to 
love  and  hold  in  high  esteem  those  priests  who  dis- 
charge well  the  duties  of  their  office,  especially  those 
who  labor  in  the  word  of  God.  But  beware  of  the 
wicked,  especially  those  Godless  pastors  that  go 
about,  as  the  Master  says,  in  sheep's  clothing,  but  in- 
wardly they  are  ravening  wolves.  Ye  nobles,  I 
beseech  you,  deal  fairly  with  your  subjects,  and 
maintain  just  government.  Ye  burghers,  I  beseech 
you  that  ye  each  live  in  his  estate  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  keep  a  clear  conscience.  Ye  artisans,  labor 
faithfully,  and  earn  your  bread  in  the  fear  of  God. 

'  Epis.  xii. 
VOL.  II.  2 


18  LIFE   AIST)    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  I. 

Ye  servants,  serve  your  masters  in  truth.  Ye  school- 
masters, instruct  the  youth  to  purity  of  life,  and 
teach  them  with  diligence  and  fidelity.  First  of  all, 
that  they  fear  God,  and  keep  him  before  their  eyes. 
Then,  that  they  study  with  all  diligence,  not  for  gain 
or  the  honor  of  the  world,  but  for  God's  glory,  the 
good  of  men,  and  'their  own  salvation.  Students  in 
the  university,  and  all  other  pupils,  I  pray  you  be 
obedient  to  your  masters  in  all  that  is  honorable  and 
praiseworthy,  following  their  good  example,  and  dili- 
gently studying,  that  by  your  means  God's  glory  may 
be  promoted,  and  yourselves  with  others  advance  in 
all  that  is  good. 

.  "  Finally,  I  pray  you  all  gj-atefully  to  regard  the 
excellent  lords  Wenzel  de  Duba,  John  de  Chlum. 
Henry  Plumlow,  William  Zagetz,  and  other  nobles 
from  Bohemia,  Moravia,  and  Poland,  and  treat  them 
with  studious  respect.  For  many  a  time  have  they 
set  themselves  against  the  whole  council,  and  man- 
fully defended  the  truth,  exerting  themselves  to  the 
utmost  to  save  my  life,  especially  Duba  and  Chlum, 
to  whom  you  may  give  full  credit  in  the  entire  ac- 
count which  they  will  render  you  of  what  has  taken 
place.  For  they  have  been  often  by,  when  I  have 
answered  before  the  council,  and  they  know  who 
those  Bohemians  are  who  have  treated  me  with 
Beverity  and  harshness,  and  how  the  whole  council 
cried  out  against  me  when  I  merely  answered  the 
questions  which  they  asked. 

"  I  beseech  you,  moreover,  to  pray  to  God  for  the 
emperor,  and  for  your  king  and  queen,  that  the  God 
of  mercy  may  be  with  and  among  you  forever. 


Ch.  I.]  BETHLEHEM    CHUECH.  19 

"  This  letter  have  I  written  to  you  in  prison  and 
in  chains,  and  this  morning  I  have  heard  of  the  deci- 
sion of  the  council  that  I  must  be  burned.  But  I 
have  full  confidence  in  God  that  he  will  not  forsake 
me,  nor  permit  me  to  deny  his  truth,  or  with  perjury 
confess  as  mine  the  errors  falsely  imputed  to  me  by 
lying  witnesses.  But  how  gently  God  my  Master 
deals  with  me,  and  supports  me  through  surprising 
conflicts,  ye  shall  learn  when,  amid  the  joys  of  the 
life  to  come,  we  shall,  through  the  grace  of  Christ, 
behold  one  another  again. 

"  Of  my  dear  friend.  Master  Jerome,  I  hear  noth- 
ing, except  that  he  is  kept  close  in  prison,  where, 
like  me,  he  awaits  death  for  the  faith  which  he  has 
manifested  in  Bohemia.  But  our  bitterest  enemies, 
the  Bohemians  who  have  ill-treated  us,  go  from  bad 
to  worse.  I  beseech  you,  pray  God  in  their  behalf. 
But  this  one  thing  I  do  especially  beseech  of  you, 
that  ye  cherish  the  Bethlehem  church,  and  faithfully 
attend  to  it  as  long  as  God  shall  gi  ve  you  grace,  that 
God's  word  be  preached  therein  ;  for  of  such  a  church 
is  the  devil  the  sworn  enemy,  and  he  raises  up  against 
it  the  priests  and  their  tools,  for  he  sees  that  by  its 
means  his  kingdom  is  in  danger  of  being  broken  up. 
But  I  hope  in  God  that  he  will  sustain  the  church  in 
his  good  pleasure,  and  cause  his  word  to  be  imparted 
there  through  others  more  largely  than  it  has  been 
by  my  poor  efforts. 

"I beseech  you,  love  one  another — swerve  not  from 
the  truth.  Meditate  upon  it — how  the  righteous  may 
not  be  crushed.  Given  on  Monday  night  before  the 
day  of  St.  Vitus,  by  a  fiiithful  messenger." 


20  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF    JOHJST   HUSS.  [Ch.  I. 

Such  was  the  calm  and  manly  tone  of  this  letter 
of  Huss,  written  under  the  impression  that  it  would 
be  his  last !  It  manifests  throughout  a  noble  and 
Christian  spirit.  There  is  no  railing  at  his  ene- 
mies. There  is  no  wild  fanatic  enthusiasm.  There 
is  no  despondency.  In  a  more  than  human  strength 
he  prepared  himself  to  meet  his  fate.^^^ 

But  events  of  which  Huss  was  not  aware  led  to  a 
postponing  of  the  time  of  his  execution.  While  the 
council  had  resolved  that  if  he  should  refuse  to  re- 
cant he  should  be  burned,  and  this  fact  had  been 
communicated  to  him  to  awe  and  frighten  him  into 
submission,  they  had  also  secretly  resolved,  in  the 
confident  expectation  that  he  would  consent  to  the 
form  of  recantation,  that,  after  having  given  this  con- 
sent, he  should  for  the  remainder  of  his  life  be  doomed 
to  close  imprisonment.  The  tenor  of  this  proposed 
decree,  giving  hope  of  the  issue  which  the  council 
most  desired,  shows  that  among  its  members  there 
were  those  who  entertained  no  doubt  of  being  able 
to  persuade  Huss  to  recant,  and  save  his  life.  This 
proposed  decree  is  worthy  of  being  given  entire,  as  it 
shows  what  the  tender  mercies  of  the  council  would 
have  been  even  in  case  Huss  had  submitted.  It  is  as 
follows '} — 

"  But,  inasmuch  as  from  some  manifest  signs  it  is 
conjectured  that  the  said  John  Huss  experiences  con- 
trition for  his  former  sins,  and,  influenced  by  sound 
advice,  is  desirous  of  returning  to  the  truth  of  the 
church  of  God,  with  a  pure  heart,  and  with  faith  un- 
feigned,— therefore  this  holy  council  cheerfully  allows 

*  Van  der  llardt,  iv.  432. 


Ch.  I.]  THE    PROPOSED    DECREE.  21 

liim  to  present  himself  voluntarily,  for  the  purpose 
of  abjuring  and  revoking  all  heretical  pravity  and 
error,  specially  the  errors  of  John  Wickliffe,  receiv- 
ing him,  upon  confessing  of  his  own  accord,  with  the 
prodigal  son,  the  sins  he  has  committed,  and  mani- 
festing penitence,  and  absolving  him,  humbly  seeking 
absolution  from  the  sentence  of  excommunication 
which  rests  upon  him.  But,  inasmuch  as  from  the 
doctrines  of  the  said  John  Huss,  unsound,  inconsis- 
tent with  the  faith,  and  full  of  error,  innumerable 
scandals  and  seditions  have  sprung  up  in  the  church 
of  God,  and  among  the  people,  and  through  him 
grievous  sins  have  been  committed  against  God  and 
the  holy  church  in  the  matter  of  perverse  doctrine, 
and  contempt  for  the  keys  and  censures  of  the  church, 
to  the  imminent  danger  of  the  Catholic  faith, — there- 
fore this  present  most  holy  council  decrees  and  de- 
clares that  the  said  John  Huss,  as  a  man  scandalous, 
seditious,  pernicious  to  the  holy  church  of  God,  shall 
be  deposed  and  degraded  fi-om  the  sacerdotal  rank, 
or  whatever  rank  in  the  church  he  may  hold ;  com- 
mitting, nevertheless,  to  the  most  reverend  fathers  in 
Christ,  the  archbishop  of  Milan,  the  bishops  of  Feltri, 
Asti,  Alexandria,  Bakora,*  to  execute  in  a  becoming 
manner,  as  the  order  of  the  law  requires,  the  degra- 
dation of  John  Huss  in  the  presence  of  this  most 
holy  council ;  and  the  council  pronounces  and  decrees 
that  John  Huss,  as  a  man  dangerous  to  the  Christian 
faith,  for  the  aforesaid  reasons,  shall  be  immured  and 
imprisoned,  and  ought  to  be  immured  and  impris- 
oned, and  thus  perpetually  to  remain,  and  shall  be 

*  Eachorensi  (Bangor?) 


22  LIFE    AIS'D    TIMES    OF   JOHIS"   HUSS.  [Ch,  L 

proceeded   against   in   other  respects   according  to 
canonical  sanctions."  ^ 

This  sentence  was  to  have  been  read  in  case  Huss 
should  consent  to  abjure,  when  his  degradation  from 
the  priesthood  was  immediately  to  follow.  The  im- 
pression, thus  shared  by  the  council,  that  Huss  would 
yet  be  induced  to  recant,  was  due  in  part  undoubt- 
edly to  the  hopes  of  the  prisoner's  friends,  rather 
than  to  any  words  or  actions  of  his  own.  From  first 
to  last,  the  idea  of  escaping  by  a  feigned  retraction 
seems  never  to  have  entered  his  mind.  On  the  morn- 
ing of  the  tenth  of  June,  such  an  announcement  of  the 
action  of  the  council  was  made  to  him — with  the  inten- 
tion, no  doubt,  to  induce  him  to  recant — as  led  him  to 
believe  that  he  was  to  be  executed  the  following  day. 
Under  this  impression  he  wrote  his  farewell  letter  to 
the  Bohemians.  But  the  next  day  came,  and  the 
next,  and  the  execution  of  the  sentence  was  still  de- 
ferred. It  is  not  surprising  that  in  the  mind  of  the 
prisoner  there  should  have  sprung  up  a  faint  hope 
that  he  might  yet  be  delivered  from  the  power  of 
his  enemies.  In  his  letters,  which  he  still  continued 
to  write  to  his  friends  in  Prague  during  this  interval, 
we  see  traces  enough  of  this  latent  and  feeble  hope 
to  show  us  that  Huss  did  not  regard  death  with  the 
indifference  of  a  stoic,  or  prolonged  life  with  the  re- 
pugnance of  a  misanthrope.  "  He  felt,  in  the  sense  in 
which  Paul  did,  that  it  was  Christ  for  him  to  live, 
but  if  truth  demanded  a  victim,  he  was  ready  to  be 
offered  up.  In  the  doubtful  hope  that  he  might  yet 
be  by  some  means  rescued,  he  writes :  "  Our  Saviour 

»  See  Mansi.     Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  432.     L'Enfant,  234. 


Cn.  I.]  HOPE   OF   DELIVERANCE.  23 

recalled  Lazarus  to  life  after  lie  liad  lain  in  the  grave 
four  days,  and  liad  upon  liim  the  smell  of  corruption. 
He  preserved  Jonah  three  days  in  the  belly  of  the 
fish,  and  sent  him  back  to  preach  again ;  he  called 
forth  Daniel  from  the  den  of  lions,  to  record  the 
prophecies ;  kept  the  three  young  men  in  the  furnace 
from  the  power  of  the  flames,  and  liberated  Susan- 
nah when  already  condemned  to  death.  Therefore, 
easily  might  he  deliver  me  too,  poor  mortal ! — if  it 
served  to  jjromote  His  own  glory,  the  progress  of 
believers,  and  my  own  best  good — for  this  time,  from 
prison  and  from  death.  For  His  hand  is  not  short- 
ened, who  by  his  angel  led  Peter,  while  the  chains 
of  his  hands  fell  off,  from  the  dungeon,  when  already 
condemned  to  die  at  Jerusalem.  But  ever  let  the 
will  of  the  Lord  be  done,  which  I  desire  may  be  ful- 
filled in  me,  to  his  glory  and  to  my  own  purification 
from  sin." 

Huss  did  not  fail  to  write  again  to  his  friends  at 
Prague  as  soon  as  the  opportunity  was  afibrded.  "  God 
be  with  you,"  he  says,  "  my  most  beloved  in  the  Lord. 
I  had  strong  reasons  to  believe  that  my  previous  let- 
ter to  you  would  be  my  last,  so  near  then  was  the 
prospect  of  the  goal  of  death.  But  now,  when  I 
learn  that  I  am  spared,  my  joy  is  that  I  may  write 
to  you  yet  once  again,  and  testify  my  gratitude. 
As  it  concerns  ray  death,  God  knows  why  I  and  my 
dear  brother,  Master  Jerome,  are  not  executed.  He. 
as  I  hope,  will  die  innocent  and  blameless,  and  he 
gives  evidence  that  he  w^ill  suffer  and  die  more  cour- 
ageously than  I,  poor  sinner !  But  God  has  kept  us 
so  long  in  prison,  that  we  may  think  so  much  the 


24  LIFE  AND   TIMES   OF   JOHK  HDS9.  [Ch.  1, 

more  humbly  on  our  past  sins,  and  so  mucli  more 
deeply  repent  of  them  ;  and  lie  has  given  us  time  and 
space  for  the  severe  conflict  which  blots  out  great 
sins,  and  that  our  conversation  may  be  so  much  the 
more  abundant.  Yea !  he  has  given  us  time  enough, 
in  order  that  we  might  so  much  the  more  fully  reflect 
upon  the  shameful  ignominy  and  cruel  death  of  our 
loved  King,  the  Lord  Christ,  and  be  so  much  the 
more  patient  to  suffer.  Thus  may  you  learn  that 
eternal  joys  are  not  to  be  reached  through  the  joys 
of  this  world,  but  the  saints,  through  much  tribulation 
and  anguish,  have  pressed  into  the  kingdom.  For  some 
of  them  were  hewn  asunder ;  some  were  spit  upon ; 
some  sodden ;  some  flayed  alive,  or  buried  alive, 
stoned,  crucified,  crushed  between  mill-stones,  and 
dragged  hither  and  thither  until  they  died.  Some 
were  drowned,  burned,  hung,  torn  in  pieces,  and,  be- 
fore they  died,  shamefully  and  cruelly  treated  in 
prison.  But  who  could  undertake  to  recount  all  the 
forms  of  pain  and  martyrdom  which  were  endured 
under  the  Old  Testament,  and  have  been  repeated 
since,  to  the  shame  and  disgrace  of  those  who  in- 
flicted them — the  ecclesiastics  !  Why  should  any 
one  then  be  surprised  that  now,  with  all  their  base 
deeds  and  the  injuries  they  inflict,  they  remain  un- 
punished? Indeed,  I  rejoice  that  they  have  been 
forced  to  read  my  books,  in  which  their  baseness  is 
plainly  set  forth ;  and  I  know  that  they  have  read 
them  far.  more  diligently  than  they  read  the  holy 
gospel,  only  that  they  may  discover  something  with 
which  they  may  be  able  to  find  fault." 

The  anxiety  of  the  council,  and  especially  of  the  em- 


Cu.  I.]  THE   emperor's   DILEMMA.  25 

peror,  to  luduce  Huss  to  retract,  led  tliem  to  continue 
efforts  of  exhortation  and  persuasion.  The  emperor 
at  least  could  not  contemplate  the  prospect  of  the 
execution  of  IIuss  without  apprehension  as  to  the 
results  that  might  follow.  It  would  undoubtedly 
exasperate  the  whole  Bohemian  nation,  and  their 
execration  would  fall,  not  without  reason,  upon  his 
own  head.  The  cry  of  an  indignant  people,  and  per- 
haps the  secret  reproaches  of  his  own  conscience, 
arose  before  him  and  made  him  hesitate.  He  had 
gone  too  far  with  the  council  already  to  attempt  to 
shield  Huss  from  the  sentence  of  death,  unless  some 
retraction  on  his  part  could  be  secured.  The  attempt 
to  do  it  would  only  exasperate  the  council  and  lead 
it  to  counteract  his  schemes,  or  perhaps  regard  him 
as  implicated  in  heresy.  The  abjuration  of  Huss 
alone  could  relieve  the  emperor  from  his  j)erplexity ; 
and  to  obtain  it  he  spared  neither  prayers,  persua- 
sion, nor  threats.  From  first  to  last,  all  these  efforts 
were  vain.  "I  have  refused  to  abjure," — so  Huss 
writes  to  the  Univei'sity  of  Prague, — "  at  least  till  the 
articles  1  hold  are  proved  to  be  erroneous  on  the 
authority  of  Sacred  Scripture."  ^  He  disavowed  any 
wish  to  cling  to  anything  incorrect  which  could  be 
found  in  his  writings.  "  I  exhort  you,"  he  says,  "  to 
hold  in  detestation  whatever  you  shall  find  to  be 
false  in  my  articles."  ^ 

The  efforts  of  the  emperor  to  induce  Huss  to  ab- 
jure, only  filled  the  prisoner  with  a  sad  and  melan- 
choly pity  for  his  oppressor.  He  would  not  have 
exchanged  places  w^ith  him  for  the  world.     "  Place 

'  Epis.  xviii.  '  Epis.  xi. 


26  LIFE    A]S^D    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  L 

not  your  confidence  in  princes  of  tlie  earth,"  ^  wrote 
lie  to  bis  Bohemian  friends.  Sorely  had  he  been  de- 
ceived in  his  estimate  of  the  character  of  Sisrismund. 

o 

He  now  acknowledged  the  more  correct  apprehen- 
sions of  his  friends.  "  Truly  did  they  say  that  Sigis- 
mund  would  himself  deliver  me  up  to  my  adversaries ; 
he  has  done  more, — he  has  condemned  me  before 
them."  2 

Thus  by  his  firmness  Huss  forced  the  emperor  to 
incur  the  disgrace  of  his  own  conduct,  and,  had  he 
sought  revenge  for  the  violation  of  the  imperial  faith, 
he  had  it  in  denying  him  the  power  to  rescue  him 
from  the  funeral  pile. 

The  most  sanguine  friends  of  Huss  must  by  this 
time  have  become  fully  convinced  that  his  doom  was 
sealed.  The  firmness  of  his  purj)ose  was  proof 
against  all  persuasions.  His  mind  was  fully  made  up 
to  meet  the  result  which  appeared  inevitable.  His 
main  anxiety  now  was  to  secure  such  an  audience 
before  the  council  as  had  been  promised  him  by  the 
emperor.^ 

It  only  remained  for  him  to  take  a  final  leave  of 
his  earthly  friends  and  interests.  In  letters  of  touch- 
ing pathos  he  utters  his  farewell  to  those  to  whom 
lie  was  bound  by  a  mutual  attach ment.*^'^  He  wrote 
to  Hawlik,*  his  successor  in  Bethlehem  chapel,  urging 
him  not  to  oppose  the  doctrine  of  the  cup.  He*  ex- 
horted Christiann  of  Prachatitz  to  diligence  in  pas- 
toral duty,  and  requested  him  to  greet,  in  his  name, 
Jacobel  and  the  friends  of  truth.^  He  admonished 
the  members  of  the  university  to  mutual  love  and 

*  Epis.  XXXV.  '  lb.  '  lb.  xxxv.  *  lb.  xvi.  '  lb,  xvii. 


Cu.  I.]  LETTERS    TO    INDIVIDUALS.  27 

sobriety  of  conduct,  stating  to  them  also  tlie  reasons 
which  forbade  him  to  recant,  while  he  prayed  for  his 
enemies  that  God  would  forgive  them.  He  begged 
them  to  stand  by  Bethlehem  chapel,  and  to  appoint 
Gallus  as  his  successor.  To  their  love  and  confidence 
he  recommended  his  faithful  friend,  Peter  the  Notary,^ 
To  his  benefactors'^  he  returas  his  hearty  tlianks,  ad- 
monishing them  to  stand  fast  in  their  fidelity,  and 
expressing  his  confidence  that  God  would  repay  them 
for  what  they  liad  done  in  his  behalf  He  expresses 
his  apprehension  that  a  severe  persecution  of  the 
true  servants  of  God  in  Bohemia  would  follow  his 
death,  unless  God  should  make  use  of  the  civil  power 
to  prevent  it.^ 

To  his  friends  generally,  whom  he  does  not  ven- 
ture to  name  lest  the  unavoidable  omission  of  some 
should  give  offence,  he  extends  his  salutations,  de- 
claring it  his  unshaken  purpose  not  to  recant,  yet 
pi-otesting  his  desire  to  be  instructed  that  he  might 
disavow  any  article  which  could  be  shown  to  be  false. 
He  expresses  his  sense  of  obligation  to  the  king  and 
queen,  the  barons  and  nobles  of  Bohemia  and  Mo- 
ravia, and  especially  to  the  Bohemians  in  Constance, 
for  their  friendly  offices,  and  their  efforts  to  secure 
his  liberation.^  From  his  own  experience,  he  admon- 
ishes his  friends  not  to  put  their  trust  in  an  arm  of 
flesh.^  To  Chlum  (June  29)  he  addresses  cheering 
words  of  the  future  glory  with  Christ,  of  those  who 
suffer  for  him  now.^  Of  his  different  friends,  includ- 
ing Martin,  Peter  the  Notary,  Duba,  the  family  of 
Liderius,  and  others,  he  takes  leave,  in  tender  and 

1  Epis.  xviii,      "  lb.  xxiv.      '  lb.  xix       *  lb.  xx,      '  lb,  xxi.      '  lb.  xx.  xxii. 


28  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHIS"   HUSS.  [Cii.  L 

affecting  words.  He  urges  that  care  sliould  be  taken 
of  his  letters,  and  that  they  should  be  carried  back 
to  Bohemia,  lest  his  friends  should  be  implicated  or 
brought  into  danger  by  means  of  them^  The  lines 
which  he  received  from  time  to  time  from  his  friends, 
he  immediately  destroyed.^ 

In  the  letter  in  which  he  narrates  his  sad  interview 
with  Paletz,  he  expresses  his  joyful  assurance  of  the 
heavenly  glory  that  shall  crown  his  martyrdom,  and 
his  confidence  in  the  strength  which  Christ  alone  can 
impart,  praying  for  "  a  fearless  spirit,  a  true  faith,  a 
firm  hope,  and  perfect  charity."  ^  He  does  not  forget 
his  nephews,  (sons  of  his  brother,)  but  directs  that 
they  should  be  placed  in  some  secular  calling,  since 
he  feared  that  if  they  were  educated  for  the  priest- 
hood, they  would  not  discharge  its  duties  as  they 
ought.*  He  dissuades  his  friends  generally  from 
coming  to  him  at  Constance,  for  fear  of  the  conse- 
quences ;  and  the  sight  of  Christiann,  who  had  come 
in  the  vain  hope  of  serving  him,  completely  un- 
manned him,  and  melted  him  to  tears.  All  the  pro- 
vision which  he  could  make  for  the  payment  of  his 
debts  at  Prague,  was  made,  and  in  case  it  proved  in- 
sufiicient,  he  begged  his  creditors  to  forgive  him  for 
the  sake  of  their  common  Master,  Christ. 

Disburdened  of  other  cares,  Huss  was  now  anxious 
only  for  a  final  hearing  before  the  council.  He  beg- 
ged that  the  emperor  might  be  present,  and  that  he 
might  himself  have  a  place  assigned  him  near  the 
imperial  presence.  He  requested  also  that  the  noble 
knights,  Chlum,  Duba,  and  Latzembock,  would  take 

'  Epis.  xxvii,  °  lb.  xxxiv.  '  lb.   xxx.  *  lb.  xxviii. 


Cn.  I.]  HUSS   ASKS   A    CONFESSOE.  29 

good  care  to  be  present,  to  witness  to  his  words,  and 
prevent  any  false  repoi'ts  in  regard  to  bis  statements 
from  going  abroad.^ 

In  the  prospect  of  the  doom  before  bim,  PIuss 
sought  a  confessor.  Whom  would  he  select  ?  Scarcely 
could  he  wish  for  such  a  one  as  the  council  would 
appoint.  He  could  value  but  lightly  the  absolution 
conferred  by  hands  stained  with  simony  and  cor- 
ruption. His  conscience  was  void  of  offence,  and  at 
peace  with  God,  and  no  superstitious  reverence  for 
the  priesthood  induced  him  to  believe  that  his  sal- 
vation was  dependent  on  sacerdotal  absolution.  It 
was  undoubtedly  more  with  the  desire  of  a  full  and 
free  conference  with  his  former  friend,  than  from 
any  other  motive,  that  he  sought  the  privilege  of 
having  a  confessor  granted  him,  and  asked  that 
Paletz  might  be  appointed.^ 

Nothing  could  more  fully  testify  the  humility  and 
the  forgiving  spirit  of  Huss  than  this  request.  He 
felt  that  he  had  been  wronged  by  those  Bohemians 
who,  before  the  council,  had  pursued  him  with  unre- 
lenting hostility.  Among  these  Paletz  had  held  the 
foremost  rank,  and  he  it  was  whom  Huss,  with  a 
magnanimity  unsurpassed,  selected  to  hear  his  dying 
confession.  Of  him  he  had  most  to  complain,  and 
to  him  he  had  the  most  to  forgive.  "  Alas  !  "  said 
he,  "  the  wounds  which  we  receive  from  those  persons 
in  whom  our  soul  has  placed  its  hope,  are  the  most 
cruel ;  for  to  the  suifej-ings  of  the  body  are  joined 
the  pangs  of  betrayed  friendship.  In  my  case  it  is 
from  Paletz  that  my  most  profound  affliction  pro- 

'  Epis".  xlix.  '  lb.  xxxi. 


30  LIFE   AND    TKIES    OF   JOHN"   HTJSS.  [Ch.  1 

ceeds."  Again  lie  says,  "  Paletz  is  my  greatest  ad- 
versary ;  it  is  to  him  that  I  wish  to  confess  myself." 
This  request  of  Huss  was  refused  him,  and  in  his 
place  the  bishops  sent  a  monk,  whom  he  speaks  well 
of,  and  who,  after  having  given  him  absolution,  re- 
commended to  him  to  submit,  but  without  absolutely 
commanding  it.^ 

Paletz,  moreover,  who  had  previously  been  applied 
to,  had  refused.  He  recoiled  from  the  j^ainful  task 
which  the  humility  and  magnanimity  of  Huss  had 
imposed.  He  was,  however,  vanquished  by  the  noble- 
ness and  generosity  of  the  prisoner's  conduct,  and  he 
determined  to  visit  him  in  his  cell. 

When  Huss  saw  him  enter,  he  addressed  him  not 
in  the  language  of  reproach  or  passion,  but  in  a  mild 
and  melancholy  tone.  "  Paletz,"  said  he,  "  I  uttered 
some  expressions  before  the  council  that  were  cal- 
culated to  offend  you.  Pardon  me."  This  was  un- 
doubtedly the  confession  which  he  most  desired  to 
make.  And  now  he  had  made  it,  and  Paletz  was  his 
confessor.  His  persecutor  was  deeply  affected,  and 
entreated  Huss  to  abjure,  undoubtedly  with  the 
deepest  sincerity ;  for  he  never  seems  to  have  appre- 
hended that  his  prosecution  would  cost  him  the  life 
of  one  that  was  once  his  friend,  and  whom  he  could 
never  have  ceased  really  to  respect.  "  I  conjure  you," 
said  he,  "  do  not  look  to  the  shame  of  retracting,  but 
only  to  the  good  that  must  result  from  it."  "  Is  not 
the  opprobrium,"  replied  Huss,  "  of  the  condemnation 
and  the  punishment  greater  in  the  eyes  of  the  world 
than   that   of  the    abjuration  ?     How,  then,"  asked 

'  Epis.  xxxi. 


Cii.  I.]  INTERVIEW    WITH    P^LETZ.  31 

Huss,  as  if  in  gentle  reproach  for  the  imputation  of 
such  a  motive — "  How,  then,  can  you  suppose  that  it  is 
a  false  shame  which  prevents  me  ? "  It  was  on  this 
occasion,  probably,  that  Huss  asked  the  question  be- 
fore referred  to,  of  Paletz,  what  he  would  do  if  the 
case  were  his  own,  and  he  were  required  to  retract 
errors  that  he  never  held.  With  tears  Paletz  con- 
fessed that  the  case  would  be  hard  indeed.  "  Is  it 
possible,"  rejoined  Huss,  "  that  you,  who  are  now  in 
this  state  before  me,  could  have  said  in  full  council, 
when  pointing  to  me,  '  that  man  does  not  believe  in 
God  ? '  "  Paletz  denied  having  said  it.  "  You  said 
so,  however,"  repeated  Huss ;  "  and,  in  addition,  you 
declared  that  since  the  birth  of  Jesus  Christ  there 
never  was  seen  a  more  dangerous  heretic.  Ah ! 
Paletz,  Paletz,  why  have  you  wrought  me  so  much 
evil  ? "  Paletz  replied  by  again  exhorting  him  to  sub- 
mit, and  then  withdrew,  weeping  bitterly.^ 

It  is  no  wonder  that,  in  the  excited  state  of  the 
prisoner's  mind,  and  in  the  solitude  of  his  cell,  hia 
dreams  should  have  partaken  of  the  character  of 
his  waking  thoughts,  or  that  they  should  have  as- 
sumed a  prophetic  aspect.  He  believed  that  in  this 
manner  he  had  received  intimations  of  future  events. 
"  Know,"  he  writes  to  his  friends,  "  that  I  have  had 
great  conflicts  in  my  dreams.  I  dreamed  beforehand 
of  the  flight  of  the  pope,  and  after  relating  it,  Chlum 
said  to  me  in  my  dream,  '  The  pope  will  also  return.' 
Then  I  dreamt  of  the  imprisonment  of  Jerome,  though 
not  literally  according  to  the  fact.  All  the  different 
prisons  to  wliich  I  have  been  conveyed  have  been 

'  Epis.  XXX.  and  xxxi. 


32  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOUX   HUSS.  [Ch.  I, 

represented  to  me  beforeliand  in  my  dreams.  There 
have  also  appeared  to  me  serpents,  with  heads 
also  on  their  tails,  but  they  have-  never  been  able  to 
bite  me.  I  do  not  write  this  because  I  believe  my- 
self a  prophet,  or  wish  to  exalt  myself,  but  to  let  you 
know  that  I  have  had  great  temptations,  both  of 
body  and  soul,  and  the  greatest  fear  lest  I  might 
transgress  the  commandment  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ."  ^ 

What  must  have  been  the  strength  of  the  consola- 
tion by  which  Huss  was  sustained  amid  all  the  gloomy 
scenes  and  trials  of  his  tedious  and  cruel  imprison- 
ment, and  especially  with  no  prospect  of  relief  except 
by  death !  In  the  noble  letter  which  he  wrote  on 
the  eve  before  the  festival  of  St.  John  the  Baptist, 
he  displays  the  grounds  of  his  comfort,  peace,  and 
confidence.  "  Much  consoles  me,"  he  says,^  "  that 
word  of  our  Saviour,  '  Blessed  be  ye  when  men  shall 
hate  you.  Rejoice  ye  in  that  day,  and  leap  for  joy, 
for,  behold,  great  is  your  reward  in  heaven.'  A  good 
consolation ;  nay,  the  best  consolation  ;  difficult,  how- 
ever, if  not  to  understand,  yet  perfectly  to  fulfil,  to 
rejoice  amid  those  suflferings.  This  rule  James  ob- 
serves, who  says,  '  My  beloved  brethren,  count  it  all 
joy  when  you  fall  into  divers  temptations ;  knowing 
this,  that  the  trying  of  your  faith,  if  it  is  good,  work- 
eth  patience.'  Assuredly  it  is  a  hard  thing  to  rejoice 
without  perturbation,  and  in  all  these  manifold  temp- 
tations to  find  nothing  but  pure  joy.  Easy  it  is  to 
say  this,  and  to  expound  it,  but  hard  to  fulfil  it  in 
very  deed.     For  even  the  most  steadfast  and  patient 

*  Epis.  xxiiL  *  Epis.  xxx. 


Ch.  I.]  CHEERING   EXAMPLE    OF    CHRIST.  33 

warrior,  wlio  knew  that  lie  should  rise  on  the  third 
day ;  who,  by  his  death,  conquered  his  enemies,  and 
redeemed  his  chosen  from  perdition,  was,  after  the 
last  supper,  troubled  in  spirit,  and  said,  '  My  soul  is 
troubled  even  unto  death  ; '  as  also  the  gospel  relates, 
'  that  he  began  to  tremble,  and  was  troubled ;'  nay,  in 
his  conflict  he  had  to  be  supported  by  an  angel,  and 
he  sweat,  as  it  were,  great  drops  of  blood  falling  down 
to  the  ground ;  but  he  who  was  in  such  trouble  said 
to  his  disciples,  '  Let  not  your  heart  be  troubled,  and 
fear  not  the  cruelty  of  those  that  rage  against  you, 
because  ye  shall  ever  have  me  with  you  to  enable  you 
to  overcome  the  cruelty  of  your  tormentors.     Hence 
his  soldiers,  looking  to  him  as  their  king  and  leader, 
endured  great  conflicts,  went  through  fire  and  water, 
and  were  delivered.     And  they  received  from  the 
Lord  the  crown  of  which  James  speaks,  i.  12.     That 
crown  will  God  bestow  on  me  and  you,  as  I  confi- 
dently hope,  ye  zealous  combatants  for  the  truth, 
with  all  who  truly  and  perseveringly  love  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  who  sufi^ered  for  us,  leaving  behind  an 
example  that  we  should  follow  in  his  steps.     It  was 
necessary  that  he  should  suffer,  as  he  tells  us  himself; 
and  we  must  suffer,  that  so  the  members  may  suffer 
with  the  head ;  for  so  he  says,  '  whoever  would  fol- 
low me,  let  him  take  up  his  cross  and  follow  me.' 
O    most   faithful  Christ,  draw  us   weak  ones  after 
thee,  for  we  cannot  follow  thee  if  thou  dost  not  draw 
us.     Give  us  a  strong  mind,  that  it  may  be  prepared 
and  ready.     And  if  the  flesh  is  weak,  succor  us  be- 
forehand by  thy  grace,  and  accompany  us,  for  with- 
out  thee   we   can   do  nothing ;    and   least   of    all, 
VOL.  n.  3 


34  LIFE   AND   TEVIES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  I. 

can  we  face  a  cruel  death.  Give  ns  a  ready  and  will- 
ing spirit,  an  undaunted  heart,  tlie  right  faith,  a  firm 
hope,  and  perfect  love,  that  patiently  and  with  joy 
we  may  for  thy  sake  give  up  our  life."  Such  was  the 
letter  of  Huss — worthy  of  the  noblest  of  the  mar- 
tyrs. Only  in  its  subscription  does  it  show  any  trace 
of  the  errors  or  peculiarities  of  the  Romish  church. 
It  closes  thus  :  "  written  in  chains,  on  the  vigils  of 
St.  John,  who  because  he  rebuked  wickedness  was 
beheaded  in  prison :  may  he  pray  for  us  to  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ." 

Huss  had  written  what  he  supposed  was  his  fare- 
well letter  to  his  countrymen.  During  the  season  of 
his  reprieve — if  such  it  may  be  called — he  writes  to 
various  friends.  Some  of  these  have  already  been 
referred  to.  But  one  of  the  last  was  addressed  to 
Chlum,  who  seemed  to  him  dearer  than  a  brother. 
Many  a  time  had  his  cheering  words,  or  the  warm 
grasp  of  his  hand,  or  his  genial  sympathy,  brought 
comfort  to  the  lonely  and  neglected  prisonei*.  Huss 
now  expi'csses  to  this  noble  knight  his  joy  at  hear- 
ing that  he  meant  to  renounce  the  vanities  and  toil- 
some services  of  the  world,  and,  retiring  to  his 
estates,  devote  himself  wholly  to  the  service  of  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  whose  service  was  perfect  free- 
dom. In  like  manner,  he  expresses  his  joy  at  learn- 
ing that  the  knight  Duba  had  resolved  to  retire 
from  the  world  and  marry.  '"It  is  even  time  for 
him,"  he  writes,  "to  take  a  new  course,  for  he  has 
already  made  journeys  enough  through  this  kingdom 
and  that,  jousting  in  tournaments,  wearing  out  his 
body,  squandering  his  money,  and  doing  injury  to 


V 


Cn.  I.]  SECOND    FAEEWELL    LETTEE.  35 

his  soul.  It  only  remains  for  bim  therefore  to  re- 
nounce all  these  things,  and,  remaining  quietly  at 
home  with  his  wife,  serve  Gocl,  with  liis  own  domes- 
tics around  him.  Far  better  will  it  be,  thus  to  serve 
God,  without  cares,  without  participation  in  the  sins 
of  the  world,  in  good  peace,  and  with  a  tranquil 
heart,  than  to  be  distracted  with  cares  in  the  service 
of  others,  and  that,  too,  at  the  imminent  risk  of  his 
own  salvation."  ^  To  his  friend  Christiann,  the  rector 
of  the  university,  he  writes  :  "  My  friend  and  special 
benefactor,  stand  fist  in  the  truth  of  Christ,  and  em- 
brace the  cause  of  the  faithful.  Fear  not,  because 
the  Lord  will  shortly  bestow  his  protection  and  in- 
crease the  number  of  his  faithful.  Be  gentle  to  the 
poor,  as  thou  ever  hast  been.  Chastity  I  hope  thou 
hast  preserved ;  covetousness  thou  hast  avoided,  and 
continue  to  avoid  it ;  and  for  thy  own  sake,  do  not 
hold  several  benefices  at  once ;  ever  retain  thy  own 
church,  that  the  faithful  may  resort  for  help  to  thee 
as  an  affectionate  father."  Jacobel,  moreover,  with 
"  all  the  friends  of  the  truth,"  are  saluted.  The  let- 
ter is  subscribed — "  written  in  prison,  awaiting  my 
execution  at  the  stake."  ^  Last  of  all,  Huss  wrote 
his  second  farewell  letter  to  his  friends  at  Prague. 
He  besought  them  that  for  his  sake  who  would  be 
already  dead  as  to  the  body,  they  would  do  all  that 
lay  in  their  power  to  prevent  the  knight  of  Chlum 
from  coming  into  any  danger.  "  I  entreat  you,"  he 
writes,  "that  you  will  live  by  the  word  of  God;  that 
you  obey  God  and  his  commandments,  as  I  have 
taught  you.     Express  to  the  king  my  thanks  for  all 

'  Epis.  xxiii.  •  Epis.  xviii. 


36  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOKN-   HUSS.  [Cn.  I. 

the  kindnesses  he  has  shown  me.  Greet  in  ray  name 
your  families  and  your  friends,  each  and  all  of  whom 
I  cannot  enumerate.  I  pray  to  God  for  you :  do  you 
pray  for  me  ?  To  him  shall  we  all  come,  since  he  gives 
us  help." 

This  letter  of  Huss,  so  full  of  Christian  kindli- 
ness of  feeling,  was  written  probably  on  the  fourth 
day  of  July,  in  the  immediate  expectation  of  his 
martyrdom.  In  the  addition  which  he  made  to  it 
on  the  following  day,  was  a  sort  of  postscript  to  in- 
form them  of  his  approaching  execution.  "  Already 
I  am  confident  I  shall  suffer  for  the  sake  of  the 
word  of  God."  He  begged  his  friends,  for  God's 
sake,  not  to  allow  any  ci'uelty  whatever  to  be  prac- 
tised against  the  servants  and  the  saints  of  God.  He 
makes  the  bequest  of  his  fur  cloak  with  a  small  sum 
of  money,  to  the  friendly  notary,  Peter ;  to  others, 
small  legacies,  or  some  of  his  books :  it  was  nearly, 
if  not  quite  all  that  he  had  to  give.  Instead  of 
being  rich,  as  was  charged  in  prison,  he  had  to  re- 
quest his  friends  to  discharge  for  him  a  few  small 
debts,  that  his  creditors  might  not  suffer. 

One  of  the  last  requests  that  Huss  had  to  make 
of  his  friends  was  addressed  to  the  faithful  Chlum. 
He  wished  this  brave  man  whom  he  loved  so  ten- 
derly, to  remain  with  him  to  the  last.  "  O  thou, 
the  kindest  and  most  faithful  friend,"  said  he,  "  may 
God  grant  thee  a  fitting  recompense !  I  conjure  thee 
to  grant  me  still  this — not  to  dej^art  until  thou  hast 
seen  everything  consummated.  Would  to  God  that 
I  could  be  at  once  led  to  the  stake  before  thy  face, 
rather   than   be  torn  away  in   prison,  as  I  am  by 


Ch.  I.]  ADVICE    TO   MARTIX.  37 

perfidious  manceuvres !  I  still  have  liope — I  still 
Lave  confidence — -tliat  Almighty  God  will  previous- 
ly snatch  me  from  their  hands  to  himself,  through 
the  merits  of  his  saints.  Salute  all  our  friends 
for  me ;  and  let  them  pray  to  the  Lord  that  1  may 
await  my  death  with  humility  and  without  mur- 
niurin£r ." 

It  was  in  this  spirit  that  Huss  prepared  himself  for 
the  final  scene.  Many  were  the  letters  written  and 
messages  sent,  which  spoke  in  the  calm  and  touching 
eloquence  of  a  martyr,  to  the  persons  to  whom  they 
were  addressed.^  His  first  and  last  anxiety  was,  that 
they  should  be  faithful  to  the  truth — not  of  his  own 
teachings,  for  they  might  be  in  some  respects  erro- 
neous— but  of  the  word  of  God.  To  some  who  might 
be  called  to  follow  him  to  the  stake,  he  addressed 
such  exhortations  as  were  enforced  by  his  own  exam- 
ple. "  Fear  not  to  die,"  said  he  to  priest  Martin, 
one  of  his  disciples,  "if  thou  desirest  to  live  with 
Christ,  for  he  has  himself  said,  '  Fear  not  them  that 
kill  the  body,  but  cannot  kill  the  soul.' "  And  yet 
Huss  gave  his  friend  this  rare  counsel,  as  remarkable 
for  prudence  as  modesty :  "  Should  they  seek  after 
thee  on  account  of  thy  adhesion  to  my  doctrines, 
make  them  this  reply:  I  believe  that  my  master  was 
a  good  Christian ;  but,  in  regard  to  his  writings  and 
instructions,  I  have  neither  read  all,  nor  comprehend- 
ed all." « 

In  his  adieus,  Huss  showed  no  respect  of  persons. 

'  The  letters  of  Huss  are  not  cliro-     their  date.     In  most  cases,  however, 
nologic-ally  arranged,  and  it  is  some-     it  may  be  ascertained  from  internal 
times,  therefore,  difficult  to  determine     evidence. 
'  Ejiis.  xxviii. 


88  LIFE  AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch  L 

He  remembered  the  poor  as  well  as  the  rich.  He 
speaks  of  the  cordwainers  in  the  same  breath  with 
the  doctors  and  the  magistrates.  Several  of  the 
families  of  his  church  in  Prague  are  mentioned  in  one 
of  his  letters  as  specially  to  be  saluted.  His  words 
to  them  "  recommend  them  to  be  zealous  for  the  love 
of  Christ,  to  advance  in  humility  with  wisdom,  and 
not  to  indulge  in  comments  of  their  own  making,  but 
to  recur  to  those  of  the  saints." 

Among  the  enemies  of  Huss  none  had  shown  a 
more  inveterate  and  unrelenting  malice  than  Causis. 
Unlike  Paletz,  his  heart  was  moved  neither  to  sym- 
pathy and  compassion,  nor  to  remorse.  Several 
times  the  hardened  wretch  had  gone  to  the  prison 
where  Huss  was  confined,  and  exclaimed,  exulting  in 
the  savage  cruelty  of  his  nature  over  his  destined 
victim,  "  By  the  grace  of  God,  we  shall  soon  burn 
this  heretic,  whose  condemnation  has  cost  me  much 
money."  ^  But  even  this  failed  to  excite  in  Huss  any 
revengeful  feelings.  "  I  leave  him  to  God,  and  pray 
for  this  man  most  affectionately,"  was  the  language 
in  which  he  spoke  of  the  virulent  persecutor. 

A  noble  object  does  Huss  thus  present  for  our 
study  and  admiration.  Sometimes  depressed  by  the 
fear^  and  weakness  of  the  flesh,  but  never  declining 
the  crown  of  martyrdom — loving  his  own  life  in  the 
hope  of  future  usefulness,  but  far  more  anxious  for 
the  truth  he  had  preached — surrounded  by  the  ex- 
treme of  human  terrors,  yet  still  exclaiming,  "  The 
Lord  is  my  light  and  my  salvation ;  whom  shall  I  fear  ? 
the  Lord  is  the  strength  of  my  life  ;  of  whom  shall  I 

'Epis.  XXX. 


Ch.  I.]  LAST    COUNSELS.  39 

be  afraid?"  Kiiully  does  lie  remember  his  fi-iends 
while  he  foi'crives  his  enemies.  His  last  hours  and  his 
last  earthly  counsels  are  given  to  the  cause  he  loved, 
and  to  his  frienh — some  perhaps  soon  to  follow 
him  in  the  thorny  path  of  suffe)"iug  for  the  cause  of 
truth. 


CHAPTER    II. 

FINAL   AUDIENCE  AND  EXECUTION  OF  HUSS. 

Persuasions  to  Induce  Huss  to  Recant. — Michael  de  Causis.  —  The  Empe- 
ror's Absence  from  Constance. — The  Refusal  of  Huss  to  Abjure. — Dep- 
utation FROM  THE  Emperor.  —  Advice  of  Chlum.  —  Reply  of  Huss.  —  The 
Deputation  Fails  of  its  Object.  —  Fifteenth  Session  op  the  Council.  — 
Sermon  of  the  Bishop  of  Lodi.— The  Sabbath  Council's  Decree,  Enjoining 
Silence. — Sixty  Articles  of  Wickliffe  Condemned. — Statement  in  Regard 
TO  Huss. — Thirty  Articles  of  His  Condemned. — He  Attempts  to  Reply  to 
Each. — Is  Silenced. — Again  Silenced. — Entreats  to  be  Heard. — Denies  Some 
OF  the  Charges. — Charge  op  Claiming  to  be  the  Fourth  Person  in  the 
Godhead.— He  Indignantly  Denies  it. — Charge  Against  Him  for  His  Appeal. 
■ — Calls  on  Christ  to  Witness  the  Council's  Scoff  at  Appeal  to  Him. — Con- 

,  tempt  of  Papal  Excommunication. — Reply  of  Huss. — The  Emperor's  Blush  at 
the  Mention  of  the  Safe-Conduct. — Sentence  Pronounced  Against  the  Books 
OF  Huss. — His  Reply. — Sentence  Against  Huss. — His  Comments  Upon  it  as 
Read.  —  His  Prayer.  —  The  Ceremony  of  Degradation.  —  The  White  Robe.  — 
Address  to  THE  Assembly. — Murmurs.  —  Huss  Stripped  of  His  Sacerdotal 
Habits.  —  Tonsure.  —  Ludicrous  Dispute.  —  The  Paper  Crown.  —  Remark  op 
Huss.  —  He  is  Given  Over  to  the  Secular  Arm.  —  Is  Led  Out  to  Execution 
Under  Charge  OF  the  Elector.  —  Indirect  Route. — Burning  of  the  Books 
OP  Huss  in  Front  of  the  Episcopal  Palace.  —  Crossing  of  the  Bridge.  —  Ad- 
dress OF  Huss,  in  German,  to  the  Crowd.  —  Huss  Prays  on  Reaching  the 
Place  of  Execution.  —  Favorable  Impression.  —  A  Confessor.  —  The  Privi- 
lege OF  Addressing  the  Crowd  is  Denied.  —  Huss  Prays. — His  Mitre  Falls 
Off.  —  Speaks  to  His  Keepers.  —  The  Stake  and  Cords.  —  Is  not  Allowed  to 
Face  the  East.  —  The  Sooty  Chain.  —  Huss  Once  More  Asked  to  Recant.  — 
His  Refusal.  —  The  Closing  Scene.  —  Brutality  op  the  Executioners. — 
Testimony  op  JSneas  Sylvius.  —  Why  Huss  was  Burned.  —  Not  for  His  Hete- 
rodoxy. —  Not  His  Reproof  of  Sin.  —  IIis  Attack  of  Profitable  Abuses.  — 
The  Odium  Philosophicum  of  the  Nominalists.  —  The  Persecuting  Zeal  op 
THE  English.  —  The  Prejudice  of  the  Germans.  —  Paletz  and  Michael  de 
Causis.  —  Bribery. — Huss  Rejects  the  Supremacy  op  the  Council  oveh 
Scripture.  —  His  Character, 

__      July  1,  1415  — July   6,  1415. 

Up  almost  to  tlie  last  moment,  urgent  persuasions 
were  addressed  to  Huss  to  induce  him  to  recant.    In 

(40) 


Ch.  II.]  HUSS    STILL    URGED    TO    RECANT.  41 

meeting  his  objections,  a  casuistry  was  adopted  wor- 
thy the  acute uess  of  the  Jesuit  doctors,  Sanchez  and 
and  Escobar.  Many,  whom  Huss  calls  pedagogues, 
and  a  few  of  the  fathers,  almost  overwhelmed  him 
with  their  importunities.  Among  others,  an  English- 
man attempted  to  influence  him  by  the  example  of 
those  wlio,  in  England,  had  abjured  the  opinions  of 
Wickliffe.  "  By  my  conscience,"  said  he,  "  if  I  were 
in  your  case  I  would  abjure."  Causis,  however,  pur- 
sued a  different  policy.  He,  in  all  probability,  had 
no  wish  to  have  Huss  escape  the  flames.  By  his 
means  the  prisoner's  situation  had  been  rendered 
more  harsh  and  grievous.  None  of  his  friends  were 
permitted  to  see  him ;  the  wives  of  his  jailers,  who 
were  disposed  to  show  him  kindness,  were  henceforth 
denied  the  privilege.  Sigismund,  to  whom  he  might 
have  applied,  and  probably  with  success,  for  relief, 
had  left  Constance.  Under  the  pretence  of  recrea- 
tion, he  had  withdrawn  to  a  village  some  miles  dis- 
tant, attended  by  numbers  of  his  court.  We  can 
readily  believe,  without  the  hints  of  the  annalist, 
that  other  than  his  avowed  reasons  had  their  influ- 
ence. Among  these,  his  own  conduct  suggests  that 
he  miirht  not  have  wished  to  be  too  near  the  victim 
he  had  himself  betrayed.  From  the  twenty-third  to 
the  twenty-eighth  of  June,  he  remained  at  Ueber- 
lingen,  returning  in  season  to  hear  the  public  refusal 
of  Huss  to  retract. 

An  assembly  was  held  on  the  first  of  July  in  the 
Franciscan  monastery,  and  Huss  was  brought  be- 
fore it  and  publicly  urged  to  abjure.  He  now  pre- 
sented a  paper,  drawn  up  by  his  own  hand,  in  which 


42  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cu.  IL 

he  once  more  stated  tlie  grounds  of  his  refusal.  "  I, 
John  Huss,  in  hope,  a  priest  of  Jesus  Christ,  fear- 
ing to  sin  against  God  and  fearing  to  commit  per- 
jury, am  not  willing  to  abjure  all  and  each  of  the 
articles  which  have  been  produced  against  me  on 
false  testimony.  For,  God  being  my  witness,  I  have 
not  preached,  asserted,  nor  defended  them  as  they 
have  said  that  I  have  preached,  defended,  or  assert- 
ed. Moreover,  in  regard  to  the  extracted  ai-ticles, 
if  any  of  them  implies  anything  false,  I  disavow  and 
detest  it.  But  through  fear  of  sinning  against  the 
truth,  and  speaking  against  the  views  of  holy  men,  I 
am  unwilling  to  abjure  any  of  them.  And  if  it  were 
possible  for  my  voice  now  to  reach  the  whole  world 
— as  every  falsehood  and  every  sin  which  I  have 
committed  will  be  brought  to  light  in  the  day  of 
judgment — ^I  would  most  cheerfully  recall  everything 
fiilse  or  erroneous  which  I  ever  spoke  or  thought  of 
speaking,  and  I  would  do  it  before  the  world.  These 
things  I  say  and  write  freely,  and  of  my  own  accord." 

In  this  language  we  recognize,  not  the  obstinate 
and  bigoted  partisan — not  the  terrified  and  yielding 
supplicant — but  the  sincere  lover  of  truth,  and  the 
conscientious  confessor.  But  such  a  position  as  Huss 
had  taken  did  not  pay  that  homage  to  the  infalli- 
bility of  the  council  which  Avas  considered  essential. 
He  was  sent  back  to  his  prison.  For  four  days  the 
council  were  engaged  in  discussing  other  subjects. 
Gei^on  brought  up  the  propositions  of  John  Petit. 
Business  in  regard  to  the  a])dication  of  Pope  Gregory 
was  discussed. 

On  the  fifth  of  July  came  a  deputation  from  the 


Cn.  II.]  DEPUTATION    FROM    THE    EMPEROR.  43 

emperor,  once  more  to  inquire  if  IIuss  would  not  re- 
cant. Tlie  deputation  consisted  of  the  cardinals  of 
Cambray  and  Florence,  the  patriarch  of  Antioch, 
six  bishops,  and  a  doctor  of  laws.  They  were  ac- 
companied by  the  two  brave  knights,  Chlum  and 
Duba.^  They  asked  Huss  whether  he  had  deter- 
mined to  abjure  the  articles  which  he  acknowledged 
as  his,  and  which  had  been  proved  by  witnesses ; 
whether  he  was  willing  to  asseverate  that  those 
which  he  did  not  acknowledge,  but  had  been 
proved  by  witnesses,  were  not  held  by  him,  but  that 
he  chose  rather  to  think  with  the  church.  He  an- 
swered, that  he  still  would  abide  by  the  decision 
which  he  had  given  in  writing  to  the  council,  when 
he  last  appeared  before  them,  on  the  first  day  of 
July.  Upon  this  he  was  plied  with  new  arguments 
aud  persuasions.  It  was  represented  to  him  that  he 
ought  not  to  cling  to  his  own  opinion,  but  rather 
yield  to  the  opinion  of  the  whole  church,  and  bow 
to  the  authority  of  the  many  learned  men  who  com- 
posed the  council.  But  all  their  arguments  were 
vain.  The  purpose  of  Huss  still  remained  unshaken 
in  the  near  prospect  of  death.  It  was  a  trying  mo- 
ment to  his  friends  who  had  accompanied  the  depu- 
tation.    What  'counsel  should  they  give  ? 

Knowing  well  the  attachment  to  Huss  of  his  noble 
friend,  and  the  strong  influence  which  his  woi-ds 
would  have  upon  his  mind,  the  emperor  had  besought 
Chlum,^  along  with  his  associate  Duba,  to  accompany 
the  deputation.  He  thought  it  probable  that  Huss 
might  be  induced  to  listen  to  their  united  representa- 

'  Fleury,  xxri.  86.  '  Mon.  Hus.,  ii.  346. 


44  LIFE    AIs'D    TIMES    OF   JOHIST   HUSS.  [Ce.  II. 

tions;  but  for  once  he  was  mistaken.  Had  they 
attempted  to  persuade  Huss  to  recant,  they  would 
probably  have  failed.  But  they  did  not.  Chlum 
was  the  first  to  address  him.  "  Dear  master,"  said 
he,  "  I  am  not  a  learned  man,  and  I  deem  myself 
unable  to  aid  you  by  my  counsels ;  you  must  there- 
fore yourself  decide  on  the  course  which  you  are  to 
adopt,  and  determine  whether  you  are  guilty  or  not 
of  those  crimes  of  which  the  council  accuses  you.  If 
you  are  convinced  of  your  error,  have  no  hesitation — 
be  not  ashamed  to  yield.  But  if,  in  your  conscience, 
you  feel  yourself  to  be  innocent,  beware,  by  calum- 
niating yourself,  of  committing  perjury  in  the  sight 
of  God,  and  of  leaving  the  path  of  duty  through  any 
apprehension  of  death."  ^ 

Such  language — so  different  from  the  unqualified 
exhortations  to  recant  which  were  addressed  to  him 
by  the  council,  and  of  the  sincerity  and  afi'ection  of 
which  he  could  not  doubt — almost  overpowered 
the  prisoner,  and  he  replied  with  a  flood  of  tears. 
"  Indeed,"  said  he,  "  as  I  have  done  before,  so  now  I 
call  the  Almighty  God  to  witness,  that  if  I  were  aware 
of  having  taught  or  written  anything  contrary  to  the 
law  or  orthodox  doctrine  of  the  church,  I  would  re- 
tract it  with  the  utmost  readiness ;  and  even  at  the 
present  time,  I  desire  exceedingly  to  be  better  in- 
structed in  sacred  learning.  If  therefore  any  one 
will  teach  me  a  better  doctrine  than  I  have  inculcated 
myself,  let  him  do  it.  I  am  ready  to  hear  him  ;  and, 
abandoning  my  own,  I  will  fervently  embrace  the 
other,  and  confess  that  I  have  erred."  ^ 

MoQ.  Hus.,  i.  25.  See  also  il  345,  '  lb.  L'Enfant,  267.    Von  der  Ilardt,  iv,  386. 


Ch.  II.]  FINAL   AUDIENCE   OF   HUSS.  45 

"  Do  you,  then,"  asked  one  of  the  bishops,  "  believe 
yourself  to  be  wiser  thaii  the  whole  council  ?"  "I 
conjure  you,"  replied  Huss,  "  in  the  name  of  Almighty 
God,  to  give  me  as  my  instructor  in  the  divine 
word  the  least  person  in  the  council,  and  I  will  sub- 
scribe to  what  he  says,  and  in  such  a  manner  as  that 
the  council  will  be  satisfied." 

"See,"  said  the  bishops,  "how  obstinatel}''  he  per- 
severes in  his  errors  !  "  It  was  enough.  The  depu- 
tation plainly  perceived  that  farther  attempts  to  per- 
suade Huss  blindly  to  abjure,  and  pay  the  homage 
of  sacrificing  his  conscience  and  reason  to  their 
idol — the  council's  infallibility — would  he  utterly 
futile.  Huss,  who  had  been  led  forth  from  his  prison 
to  meet  the  deputation — little  disposed,  even  for  a 
single  hour,  to  share  its  comforts — was  ordered  back 
under  the  care  of  his  jailers,  and  the  deputation  re- 
turned to  report  to  the  emperor.^ 

Nothing  now  remained  but  the  promised  audience 
and  the  final  sentence.  It  was  on  the  following  day, 
July  6,  that  Huss  appeared  for  the  last  time  before 
the  council,  now  in  its  fifteenth  general  session. 
There  was  a  full  attendance.  The  Cardinal  de  Viv- 
iers  presided.  The  emperor  himself  was  present, 
seated  upon  his  throne,  surrounded  by  the  princes 
and  the  insignia  of  the  empire.  An  immense  crowd 
had  assembled  from  all  quarters,  interested  to  behold 
the  scene,  or  to  receive  the  earliest  intelligence  of 
what  was  to  transpire.  The  celebration  of  mass  had 
already  commenced  when  Huss  arrived,  but  he  was 
kept  outside  the  door  till  the  religious  services,  in- 

'  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  386-Y.     L'Eafant,  270.     Mon.  IIus.,  ii.  345. 


46  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    JOIUST   HUSS.  [Ch.  II. 

eluding  the  litanies,  were  over,  under  tlie  pretence 
that  the  holy  mysteries  would  be  profaned  by  the 
presence  of  so  great  a  heretic. 

At  length  Huss  was  brought  in.  A  high  platform 
had  been  erected  in  the  midst  of  the  assembly,  a'nd 
on  it  was  placed  a  box  containing  the  sacred  vest- 
ments of  the  priesthood,  with  which  Huss  was  to  be 
robed  previous  to  his  degradation.  He  was  required 
to  take  his  stand  in  front  of  the  platform,  on  a  foot- 
stool, by  which  he  was  so  raised  as  to  be  visible  to 
the  whole  council.  Here  he  fell  upon  his  knees,  and 
remained  for  some  time  engaged  in  prayer  in  a  low. 
tone. 

Meanwhile  the  Bishop  of  Lodi  ascended  the  pul- 
pit from  which  the  decrees  of  the  council  were 
usually  announced.  He  had  been  selected  to  deliver 
the  sermon  which  was  to  whet  the  appetite  of  the 
council  for  the  blood  of  a  heretic.  His  text  was 
taken  from  Kom.  vi.  6 — "  That  the  body  of  sin 
might  be  destroyed."  His  object  was,  to  expose  the 
evils  of  heresy,  and  justify  the  measures  necessary 
to  its'  extirpation.  He  began  his  sermon  by  a  quo- 
tation fj-om  Aristotle,  following  it  up  by  a  citation 
from  Jerome,  in  order  to  enforce  his  persecuting 
and  bi footed  doctrine.  After  ventinq;  his  indis^:- 
nation  upon  Arius  and  Sabellius,  the  speaker  pro- 
ceeds to  discriminate  the  most  dangerous  kinds  of 
sins.  Among  these  he  places  schism  in  the  first 
rank.  To  this  he  traces  the  aggravated  iniquities 
and  corruptions  of  the  times — the  discords  and  con- 
flicts which  desolated  the  nations — the  vices  and 
simony  which  defoi-med  the  church.     "  How  many 


Cn.  II.]  BI9II0P    OF    LODl's    SERMON.  47 

heresies,"  lie  exclaims,  "have  made  their  appear- 
ance !  How  many  heretics  remain  unpunished ! 
How  many  chui'ches  have  been  broken  in  and  plun- 
dered !  How  many  cities  oppressed  !  How  many 
religious  rites  fallen  into  neglect !  How  many  dis- 
cords among  the  clergy  !  How  many  slaughters 
among  Christian  people  !  Look,  I  pray  you,  at  the 
church  of  God,  the  spouse  of  Christ,  the  mother  of 
the  ftiithful,  how  she  is  daily  given  up  to  contempt ! 
Who  now  venerates  the  keys  of  the  church  ?  Who 
fears  her  censures  ?  Who  defends  her  privileges  ?  nay, 
rather,  who  does  not  offend  against  them  ?  who  does 
not  invade  them  ?  Who  is  there  that  does  not  dare  to 
lay  violent  hands  upon  the  patrimony  of  Jesus  Christ  ? 
The  property  of  the  clergy,  bought  by  sacred  blood, 
and  of  the  poor,  as  well  as  the  food  of  pilgrims,  is  plun- 
dered and  wasted."  In  the  prevalent  disorders  the 
speaker  seems  to  see  the  abomination  of  desolation 
brought  into  the  sacred  temple.  Tyranny  is  destroying 
the  bodies,  and  schism  the  souls  of  men.  Those  guilty 
of  the  first,  may  sin  in  ignorance ;  the  last  are  with- 
out excuse.  As  the  result,  the  speaker  sees  before 
him  the  church,  like  a  boat  upon  the  waves,  endan- 
gered by  pirates  or  thrown  upon  the  I'ocks.  Heresies 
have  sprung  up  on  all  sides,  and  discord  has  entered 
amons:  the  flock  of  Peter  and  the  fold  of  Christ. 
Mfiny  had  toiled  in  vain  to  suppress  these, — kings, 
princes,  and  prelates:  "Wherefore,"  exclaims  the 
bishop,  turning  to  the  emperor,  "most  Christian 
king,  this  glorious  triumph  has  awaited  thee,  this 
unfading  crown  is  due  to  thee,  and  a  victory  ever  to 
be  celebrated  is  thine,  in  order  that  by  thee  the 


48  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHX   HUSS.  [Ch.  II. 

wounded  church  may  be  bound  up,  the  inveterate 
schism  removed,  simony  restrained,  and  heretics  rooted 
out.  Do  you  not  see  how  great  will  be  this  last- 
ing fame,  how  celebrated  this  glory  ?  What  could 
be  more  just,  what  more  holy,  what  more  fitting, 
what,  in  fine,  more  acceptable  to  God,  than  to  extir- 
pate this  nefarious  schism,  restore  the  church  to  its 
former  liberty,  put  an  end  to  simony,  and  destroy  and 
condemn  errors  and  heresies  from  amonsr  the  flock 
of  believers  ?  Surely  nothing  could  be  better,  holier, 
more  desirable  for  the  world,  or  acceptable  to  God. 

"  To  execute  this,  so  pious  and  holy  a  work,  thou 
hast  been  elected  by  God, — deputed  in  heaven,  be- 
fore chosen  on  earth.  Heavenly  principalities  made 
thee  emperor  before  the  suffrage  of  the  imperial 
electors  was  cast.  And  especially  was  this,  in  order 
that  thou  mightest  destroy  and  condemn,  by  imperial 
ordinance,  the  heresies  and  errors  which  we  have 
here  before  us,  in  our  hands,  already  condemned. 
To  the  performance  of  so  holy  a  work,  God  has  con- 
ferred upon  thee  the  wisdom  of  divine  truth,  the 
power  of  royal  majesty,  and  the  justice  of  right 
equity.  As  the  Most  High  has  said,  Jer.  i.,  'Lo,  I 
have  put  my  words  into  thy  mouth  by  imparting 
wisdom,  and  I  have  placed  thee  over  the  nations  and 
kingdoms  by  conferring  jDOwer,  that  thou  mightest 
root  up  and  destroy  by  executing  justice.'  So  mayest 
thou  destroy  heresy  and  error ;  and  especially  this 
obstinate  heretic,  by  whose  malign  influence  many  re 
gions  have  been  infected  with  the  pest  of  heresy,  and 
by  reason  of  whom  many  things  have  gone  to  ruin. 

"  This  sacred  labor,  O  glorious  prince,  is  left  to 


Cn.  II.]  BECIIEE    ENJOIXINa    SILENCE.  49 

thee.  On  tliee  is  it  the  more  incumbent,  to  wlioin 
has  been  given  the  supremacy  of  justice.  And  as 
the  result,  from  the  mouth  of  babes  and  sucklings 
shall  thy  praises  be  long  celebrated,  as  the  destroyer 
of  its  enemies  and  the  avens^er  of  the  Catholic  faith. 
The  which,  that  it  may  prosperously  and  happily  be- 
come thy  lot,  may  he  who  is  blessed  for  ever  more, 
Jesus  Christ,  grant.    Amen."  * 

Such  was  the  discourse,  delivered  in  full  council, 
and  upon  the  Sabbath — the  session  was  held  on  that 
day — by  which  the  minds  of  men  were  to  be  brought 
into  a  frame  devout  enough  to  give  over  an  innocent 
man  to  the  flames.  It  seems  as  if  the  black  deed 
would  not  have  been  perfect  in  its  horror,  without 
this  dark  feature  of  Sabbath  profanation. 

Immediately  after  the  sermon,  the  decree  was 
read,  by  which  the  council  enjoined  silence.  Its 
language  betrays  the  self-sufficient  and  arrogant  tone 
of  authority  which  the  council  had  assumed.  "  Tlie 
holy  council  of  Constance,  lawfully  assembled  by 
the  influence  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  decrees  and  orders 
every  one,  with  whatever  dignity  he  may  be  invested, 
whether  impei'ial,  royal,  or  episcopal,  to  abstain,  dur- 
ing the  present  session,  from  all  language,  murmur, 
and  noise  which  may  disturb  this  assembly,  convoked 
with  the  inspiration  of  God ;  and  this  under  pain  of 
incuri'ing  excommunication,  and  imprisonment  of  two 
months,  and  of  being  declared  an  abettor  of  heresy." 
The  procurator  of  the  council  then  demanded  a 
vigorous  prosecution  of  the  process  which  they  had 
in  hand,  insisting  that  there  should  be  no  pause  or 

'  Von  der  Hardt,  torn,  iii.,  gives  the  discourse  in  full. 
VOL.  II.  4 


50  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.  [Ch.  II. 

cessation  in  the  proceedings   till  Huss  was  finally 
condemned  and  sentence  pronounced. 

The  council  now  directed  that  sixty  articles  of 
Wickliffe,  extracted  from  the  two  hundred  and  sixty 
which  had  been  brought  before  them  by  the  English 
deputation,  should  be  read.  After  sentence  against 
these  was  pronounced,  the  council  proceeded  to  the 
works  of  Huss.  Thirty  articles  were  presented,  some 
of  which  had  not  before  been  publicly  read,  but 
most  of  which  were  in  substance  those  upon  which 
he  had  been  interrogated  in  the  presence  of  the 
council.  Some  with  which  he  had  first  been  charged 
were  found  to  be  but  duplicates  of  others,  or  implied 
in  them,  and  were  consequently  left  out,  reducing 
them  to  the  number  mentioned  above.^  A  statement 
was  then  made  of  the  character  and  scope  of  the 
several  articles,  together  with  the  testimony  by  which 
they  were  severally  supported.  Instead,  however,  of 
giving  the  names  of  the  witnesses,  only  their  office 
or  ecclesiastical  rank  was  stated.  This  was  the 
course  that  had  been  pursued  on  the  trial  of  John 
XXIII.  In  that  case  there  could  have  been  little  or 
no  objection  to  it,  for  the  pope,  when  summoned  to 
confront  the  witnesses  against  him,  had  declined  the 
privilege,  and  had  confessed  to  the  justice  of  his  sen- 
tence by  a  voluntary  submission.  But  in  the  case  of 
Huss,  this  course  was  one  of  manifest  injustice.  He 
was  not  permitted  to  confront  his  witnesses.  In  few 
instances  could  he  even  know  who  they  were.  His 
enemies  were  permitted  to  testify,  without  scrutiny 
or  question,  whatever  they  pleased. 

'  Von  (ler  Ilardt,  iv.  408. 


Ch.  11.]  HUSS   FORBIDDEN   TO    REPLY.  51 

In  these  circumstances,  it  was  but  natural  tbat 
Huss  should  seek  to  meet  each  article,  as  it  was  read, 
by  a  final  statement.^  This  he  wished  and  attempted 
to  do,  but  the  privilege  was  denied.  As  the  first 
article  was  read,  "  that  there  is  one  Catholic  church, 
which  is  composed  of  the  body  of  believers  predes- 
tined to  salvation,"  Huss  added  in  a  distinct  and 
clear  voice,  "Indeed,  I  have  no  doubt  that  there 
is  one  holy  Catholic  church,  which  is  the  congrega- 
tion of  all  the  elect,  not  only  in  this  world,  but  in 
the  world  of  spirits,  embracing  those  who  belong  to 
the  invisible  body  of  Jesus  Christ,  of  whom  he  is 
the  head."  To  the  succeeding  articles  Huss  also  at- 
tempted to  reply,  but  was  interrupted  by  the  Bishop 
of  Cambray,  who  ordered  him  to  be  silent,  and  when 
he  answered,  to  reply  to  all  at  once.  "  But,"  said 
Huss,  "  you  forbid  me  to  answer  to  each,  while  it  is 
out  of  my  power  to  remember  the  whole  list  of  ac- 
cusations." As  another  article  was  read,  Huss  airaiu 
attempted  to  reply.  Upon  this,  the  Cardinal  of  Flor- 
ence arose  and  exclaimed,  "You  deafen  us," — a 
strange  complaint  after  the  previous  scenes  of  uproar 
and  confusion  of  which  the  council  had  had  experi- 
ence. The  ushers  of  the  council  were  ordered  to 
seize  him  and  force  him  to  be  silent.  So  gross  a 
wrong  Huss  could  have  borne  for  himself,  but  he 
was  unwilling  that  the  immense  crowd  assembled 
upon  the  occasion  should  receive  the  articles  of  the 
council  as  a  reliable  statement  of  his  real  views. 
With  a  loud  voice,  and  with  his  hands  lifted  to 
heaven,  he  exclaimed,  "In  the   name  of  Almighty 

1  L'Enfhnt,  271. 


52  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOII]!^    IIUSS.  [Ch.  XL 

God,  I  beseecli  you,  deign  to  afford  me  an  equitable 
hearing,  that  I  may  clear  myself  at  least  before  those 
who  surround  me,  and  remove  from  their  minds  the 
suspicion  of  errors.  Grant  me  this  favor,  and  then 
do  with  me  what  you  will." 

Here  he  was  again  interrupted  and  required  to  be 
silent.-^  Finding  that  he  was  not  to  be  permitted  the 
privilege  of  speaking  and  vindicating  himself  from 
such  a  multitude  of  accusations,  he  kneeled  down, 
-and  raising  his  hands  and  eyes  to  heaven,  commended 
his  cause  in  prayer  to  God,  the  most  righteous  judge. 

At  length  the  old  accusation  which  had  before 
been  abandoned,  was  brought  forward.  It  was 
charged  that  Huss  had  written  and  taught,  that  in 
the  consecration  of  the  eucharist  the  material  and 
substantial  bread  (the  matter  and  substance  of  bread) 
remained.  To  this  was  added  the  article  "that  a 
priest  in  mortal  sin  cannot  baptize,"  etc.,  with  other 
articles  of  a  similar  tenor,  or  that  had  before  been 
fully  answered.  When  Huss  wished  to  reply  to 
these,  the  Cardinal  of  Florence  again  enjoined  si- 
lence. But  again  Huss  urgently  entreated  that  he 
might  be  heard  kindly,  at  least  on  account  of  those 
around  him,  whom  he  would  not  have  misled  by  the 
imagination  that  he  defended  such  errors  as  were 
now  adduced.  "  For,"  said  he,  "  I  utterly  deny  that 
I  ever  believed  or  taught  that  after  the  consecration 
in  the  sacrament  of  the  altar,  the  material  bread  re- 
mains. Moreover,  I  assert  that  baptism  and  conse- 
cration, and  the  administration  of  other  sacred  rites, 
performed  by  a  priest  guilty  of  mortal  sin,  is  infamous 

1  Mon.  Hus.,  346. 


Cu.  II.] 


AN    ABSURD    CHAIIGE.  63 


and  hateful  in  the  sight  of  God.  Whenever  he  is 
full  of  impurity,  he  is  least  of  all  a  worthy  minister 
of  sacred  and  divine  offices."  To  other  accusations 
upon  the  list  he  replied  briefly  in  much  the  same 
manner  as  he  had  done  before  in  writing,  either 
briefly  refuting  some,  or  candidly  confessing  others. 

Huss  was  now  accused  of  giving  out  that  he  was 
the  fourth  person— now  added— of  the  Holy  Trin- 
ity.*    This  was  established  by  the  testimony  of  a 
single  doctor,  whose  name  was  not  mentioned.    "  Give 
me  the  name,"  said  Huss,  "  of  that  doctor  who  testi- 
fies thus  against  me."     But  the  bishop  who  read  the 
accusation  refused  this  request.     He  merely  replied, 
"There  is  no  need  of  it."     Huss,  mastering  his  indig- 
nation, solemnly  declared,  "  God  forbid  that  such  an 
imagination    as   that  I  should  call  myself  a  fourth 
person  of  the  Trinity  should  have  been  thought  of 
by  me,  nor,  by  the  love  of  Christ,  has  it  ever  entered 
my  mind."     He  then  repeated  the  article  from  the 
Athanasian  creed  upon  the  Trinity,  declaring  in  it 
bis  firm  and  abiding  belief.     At  length  the  words  of 
his  appeal  to  God,  as  supreme  Judge,  were  read,  and 
this  solemn  appeal  was  pronounced  an  impious  error. 
To  the  council  Huss  had  no  reply  to  make  in  his  de- 
fence.     Mastering   his   emotions,  he   looked   up  to 
heaven,  and  said,  in  a  tone  that  should  have  thrilled 
the  assembly,  "  Most  blessed  Jesus,  behold  how  this 
council  holds  as  error,  and  reprobates  thine  own  deed 
and  the  law  which  thou  didst  prescribe,  when  thou 
thyself,  overwhelmed  by  enemies,  didst  commend  thy 
cause  to  thy  Father,  God,  the  most  holy  Judge,  leav- 

'  Mon.  Hus.,  ii.  346. 


54  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN"   HUSS.  [Ch.  II. 

ing  us  an  example  in  our  woe  and  weakness,  tliat, 
with  prayer  for  aid,  we  should  snppliantly  flee  in  our 
wrongs  to  the  most  righteous  Judge."  Here  he  paused 
a  moment,  and  then  added,  "  But  I — I  say  confidently, 
that  the  surest  and  safest  of  all  appeals  is  to  the 
Master,  Christ.  For  he  it  is  whom  no  one  can  sway 
from  the  right  by  any  bribes,  nor  deceive  by  false 
testimony,  nor  snare  in  any  sophistry, — since  to  each 
he  gives  back  his  own  reward." 

He  was  next  charged  with  having  treated  the 
papal  excommunication  with  contempt,*  still  unwar- 
rantably continuing  in  the  exercise  of  his  office,  even 
to  the  celebration  of  mass.  "  I  did  not,"  said  Huss, 
"despise  the  excommunication,  but  publicly  in  my 
sermons  I  appealed  to  him  who  is  the  Judge.  And 
thus  it  was  that  I  continued  to  discharge  the  sacred 
offices.  Meanwhile,  I  thrice  sent  to  the  chief  j^ontiff 
those  who  should  act  as  my  procurators,  to  give  sat- 
isfaction in  my  behalf  For,  for  good  and  satisftictory 
reasons  I  could  not  appear  in  my  own  behalf,  as  has 
been  stated.  Yet  I  was  never  able  to  obtain  a  hear- 
ing. My  representatives,  moreover,  were  cruelly 
treated.  Some  were  imprisoned,  some  were  insult- 
ingly rejected,  or  subjected  to  torturing  hardships. 
The  records  will  readily  certify  you  of  this,  in  which 
my  case,  and  the  injustice  done,  are  written  out.  For 
this  reason  I  came  hither  freely  to  this  council,  rely- 
ing upon  the  public  faith  of  the  emperor,  who  is  here 
pi-esent,  assuring  me  that  I  should  be  safe  from  all 
violence,  so  that  I  might  attest  my  innocence,  and 
give  a  reason  of  my  faith  to  all  who  compose  it." 

'  Mon  Ilus.,  i'v  346. 


Ch.  II.] 


sigismund's  blush.  55 


As  Huss  spoke  of  tlie  puLlic  faith— the  safe-con- 
duct which  he  had  received— he  fixed  his  eyes 
steadily  upon  the  emperor.  A  deep  blush  at  once 
mounted  to  the  imperial  brow.^  Sigismund  felt  the 
shame  and  meanness  of  which  he  had  been  guilty, 
and  his  own  previous  declarations  before  the  council 
deprived  him  of  any  chance  to  vindicate  his  integrity 
or  honor.  This  circumstance  was  not  soon  forgotten 
in  Germany.  To  it,  perhaps,  the  safety  of  Luther 
and  the  success  of  the  German  reformation  a  century 
later  were  in  part  due.  When  Charles  V.,  at  the 
celebrated  diet  of  Worms,  was  pressed  to  consent  to 
the  seizure  of  Luther  in  contempt  of  his  safe-con- 
duct, his  Spanish  honor  revolted  at  the  proposal. 
"No!"  said  he,  "I  should  not  like  to  blush  like 
Sigismund.'" 

At  length,  when  the  several  articles  of  accusation 
had  been  read,  one  of  the  judges  of  the  court  arose, 
and  made  a  statement  of  the  manner  in  which  Huss 
had  been  repeatedly  asked  whether  he  would  main- 
tain or  disavow  them.  In  his  prison  at  Gottlieben 
he  had  promised  to  submit  himself  to  the  decision 
of  the  council.  He  had  afterward  repeated  this 
before  the  commission  sent  to  him  upon  his  removal 
to  Constance.  A  third  time  he  had  made  a  similar 
declaration,  and  had  given  it  in  writing  under  his 
own  hand.  This,  as  already  presented,  was  then  read, 
and  it  was  added,  that  on  the  day  preceding,  (July  5,) 
Huss  had  been  once  more  asked  by  the  prelates  dep- 
utized to  visit  him  by  the  council,  whether  he  would 
abjure  the  articles  which  he  acknowledged  to  be  his, 

'  Mod.  Hus.,  ii.  346.     L'Enfant,  2*72. 


56  LEFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  II. 

promising  no  longer  to  hold  them,  and  no  more  to 
teach  those  which  he  did  not  acknowledge ;  but  he 
chose  still  to  abide  by  his  i3revious  declaration,  un- 
moved from  his  purpose  by  all  the  means  of  persua- 
sion which  could  be  employed. 

The  Bishop  of  Concordia,  Italian  by  birth,  whose 
bald  head  and  advanced  years  gave  him  a  venerable 
aspect,  had  been  selected  to  read  the  two  sentences 
of  the  council,  one  condemning  the  books  of  Huss  to 
be  burned,  and  the  other  requiring  his  degradation 
from  the  priesthood,  in  order  that  he  might  be  given 
over  to  the  secular  arm.  Upon  the  requisition  of  Henry 
de  Piro,  the  prosecutor  of  the  council,  these  sentences 
were  then  read.  The  first,  against  the  books  of 
Huss,  was  as  follows :  ^  "  This  most  holy  general  coun- 
cil of  Constance,  representing  the  Catholic  church, 
etc.,  etc. : — Because,  as  the  truth  itself  testifies,  an 
evil  tree  brings  forth  evil  fruit,  hence  it  is  that  John 
Wickliffe,  a  man  of  damnable  memory,  by  his  de- 
structive doctrine, — not  like  those  holy  fathers  of  old, 
who  in  Jesus  Christ,  through  the  gospel,  begot  believ- 
ing children, — but  against  the  saving  faith  of  Christ, 
like  a  root  of  poison, — has  begotten  sons  of  per- 
dition, whom  he  has  left  behind  him  as  successors 
in  the  inheritance  of  his  perverse  doctrine,  against 
whom  this  holy  council  of  Constance  is  compelled  to 
rise  up  as  against  bastard  and  illegitimate  sons,  and 
cut  off  their  errors  as  noxious  tares  from  the  garden 
of  the  Lord,  by  watchful  care,  and  the  knife  of  eccle- 
siastical authority,  lest,  like  a  canker,  they  spread 
abroad  to  others'  destruction ;  and  since,  moreover, 

*  See  Mansi.     Also,  Mon.  Hus.,  ii.  346.     Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  429-432. 


Cn.  II.]  SENTENCE    AGAINST   IIIS    BOOKS.  57 

in  the  sacred  general  council  lately  held  at  Home,  it 
was  decreed  that  the  doctrine  of  John  Wickliffe,  of 
damnable  memory,  ought  to  be  condemned,  and  his 
books  which  contain  this  said  doctrine  should  be 
burned  as  heretical,  and  this  decree  was  carried  into 
effect, — therefore  should  this  said  decree  be  approved 
by  the  authority  of  this  present  sacred  council.  And 
yet,  nevertheless,  a  certain  John  Huss,  in  this  sacred 
council,  here  present  in  person,  a  disciple,  not  of 
Christ,  but  rather  of  the  heresiarch  John  Wickliffe, 
after  and  acfainst  this  condemnation  and  decree  afore- 
said,  with  venturous  audacity,  has  dogmatized,  as- 
serted, and  preached  many  of  his  errors  and  heresies, 
which  have  been  long  condemned  by  the  most  rev- 
erend fathers  in  Christ,  their  lordships  the  archbish- 
ops, the  bishops  of  different  kingdoms,  and  masters 
of  theology  in  many  universities, — especially  in  his 
resisting,  along  with  his  confederates  in  the  schools, 
and  in  his  sermons  in  public,  the  scholastic  condem- 
nation of  the  articles  themselves  of  Wickliffe  several 
times  pronounced  in  the  University  of  Prague  ;  and  in 
favor  of  his  doctrine  he  has  declared,  in  the  presence 
of  a  multitude  of  the  clergy  and  the  people,  that 
John  Wickliffe  was  a  Catholic  man,  and  an  evangeli- 
cal doctor.  He  has,  moreover,  published  certain 
articles  hereinafter  written,  and  many  others  deserv- 
ing of  condemnation,  asserting  them  to  be  Catholic, 
which  articles  are  contained,  as  is  notorious,  in  the 
books  of  this  very  John  Huss.  Wherefore,  full  and 
sufficient  information  being  had  in  the  premises,  as 
well  as  careful  deliberation  on  the  part  of  the  most 
reverend  fathers,  their  lordships  the  cardinals  of  the 


58  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OP   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cii.  II. 

holy  Roman  church,  the  patriarchs,  the  archbishops, 
the  bishops,  and  other  prelates,  and  doctors  of  scrip- 
ture and  of  laws — composing  a  large  assembly — this 
most  holy  council  of  Constance  declares  and  decrees, 
that  the  articles  hereinafter  written,  which  have  been 
found  on  collation,  by  many  masters  of  the  sacred 
page,  to  be  contained  in  his  books  and  treatises  writ- 
ten by  his  own  hand,  and  which,  moreover,  this  same 
John  Huss,  in  the  presence  of  the  fathers  and  pre- 
lates of  this  sacred  council,  has  confessed  to  be  con- 
tained in  his  books  and  treatises,  are  not  Catholic, 
nor  to  be  taught  as  such  ;  but  some  of  them  are  ei'ro- 
neous,  some  scandalous,  others  offensive  to  pious  ears, 
many  of  them  rash  and  seditious,  and  some  notori- 
ously heretical,  and  long  since  by  the  holy  fathers 
and  general  councils  reprobated  and  condemned  ;  and 
to  preach,  teach,  or  in  any  way  approve  them,  is  pro- 
hibited. But  since  the  hereinafter  written  articles 
are  expressly  contained  in  his  books  or  treatises,  viz., 
in  the  book  which  he  has  entitled  '''' De  EcdesiaJ'^ 
and  in  his  other  works,  therefore,  the  aforesaid  books, 
and  their  doctrine,  and  each  of  his  other  treatises 
and  works,  edited  by  him  in  Latin,  or  in  the  vulgar 
Bohemian,  or  by  him  or  others,  one  or  more,  trans- 
lated into  some  foreign  idiom,  this  most  holy  council 
reprobates  and  condemns ;  and  doth  decree  and  ap- 
point that  they  shall  be  burned,  solemnly  and  pub- 
licly, in  the  ]3resence  of  the  clergy  and  people,  in  the 
city  of  Constance,  and  elsewhere,  adding,  moreover, 
for  the  reason  aforesaid,  that  his  whole  doctrine  is 
and  ought  to  be  suspected  as  to  faith,  and  should  be 
avoided  by  all  the  faithful  of  Christ.     And  that  this 


Cii.  II.]  REPLY    OF    IIUSS.  59 

pernicious  iloctriiie  may  be  rooted  out  from  the  midst 
of  the  church,  this  holy  synod  orders,  that,  by  the 
ordinaries  of  diffei-ent  h:)calities,  treatises  and  works 
of  this  natui-e,  by  means  of  ecclesiastical  censure,  and 
even,  if  need  be,  under  penalty  of  favoring  heresy, 
shall  be  carefully  sought  out,  and,  when  found,  shall 
be  committed  publicly  to  the  flames.  And  if  any 
one  l>e  found  to  violate  or  despise  this  sentence  and 
decree,  this  same  holy  synod  ordains  that  such  per- 
sons shall  be  pi'oceeded  against,  as  suspected  of 
heresy,  by  the  ordinaries  of  difterent  localities,  and 
the  inquisitors  of  heretical  pravity,"  ^ 

As  this  sentence  was  read,  Huss  replied,  "  Who  arc 
ye,  that  ye  can  justly  condemn  my  writings?  For  I 
always  desired  that  they  should  be  corrected  by  a 
better  application  and  understanding  of  Christian 
truth,  and  this  is  still  my  wish.  And  yet,  hitherto 
ye  have  not  presented  any  solid  arguments  against 
them,  nor  have  ye  convicted  of  error  a  single  word 
of  my  writings.  Why,  then,  have  ye  been  impelled 
to  destroy  my  books,  whether  rendered  in  the  Bohe- 
mian, or  other  language — those,  moreover,  which 
doubtless  ye  have  never  seen  ?  And  if  ye  were  to 
see  them,  your  ignorance  of  the  Bohemian  language 
would  prevent  your  understanding  them."  But  after 
complaining  of  other  injustice  in  the  accusation,  lie 
knelt  down,  and  with  his  eyes  to  heaven  uttered  fer- 
vent prayer. 

The  sentence  against  Huss  himself  was  then  read. 
"  The  things  done  and  to  be  done  in  the  cause  of  in- 
quisition of,  and  concerning  the  heresy  of,  John  IIuss 

'  MaDsl 


60  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHX   HDSS.  [Cn.  II. 

being  considered,  and  a  faithful  and  full  report  of 
the  commission  deputed  to  act  in  this  case  having 
been  had,  as  well  as  of  other  masters  in  theology 
and  doctors  of  law,  in,  of,  and  concerning  the  acts 
and  words  of  witnesses  worthy  of  credit,  and  in 
great  number — which  testimony  has  been  openly  and 
publicly  read  to  John  Huss  himself  before  the  fa- 
thers and  prelates  of  this  sacred  council,  by  which 
testimony  it  is  made  most  clearly  manifest  that  this 
same  John  Huss  has  taught  many  things  evil,  scan- 
dalous, seditious,  and  dangerously  heretical,  and  has 
preached  the  same  through  a  long  course  of  years ; 
this  most  holy  council  of  Constance — the  name  of 
Christ  being  invoked — having  only  God  before  their 
eyes,  doth  by  this  definitive  sentence,  in  these  writ- 
ings, pronounce,  decree,  and  declare,  that  the  said 
John  Huss  was  and  is  a  true  and  manifest  heretic, 
and  that  he  has  taught  errors  and  heresies  long 
time  condemned  by  the  church  of  God,  and  many 
things,  moreover,  scandalous,  offensive  to  pious  ears, 
rash,  and  seditious ;  and  that  he  has  publicly  preached 
them,  to  the  grievous  offence  of  the  divine  majesty, 
the  scandal  of  the  Catholic  church,  and  the  prejudice 
of  the  Catholic  faith ;  that  he  has,  moreover,  treated 
with  contempt  ecclesiastical  censures  and  the  keys 
of  the  church,  persisting  obstinately  in  this  spirit  for 
many  years,  scandalizing  Christian  believers  by  his 
extreme  stubbornness,  while  neglecting  ecclesiastical 
rules ;  that  he  has  interposed  his  appeal  to  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  as  supreme  Judge,  in  which  appeal  he 
has  laid  down  many  positions,  false  and  unjust,  scan- 
dalous in  regard  to  the  Apostolic  See  itself,  contemn- 


Cu.  II.]  SENTENCE    AGAINST   IIUSS.  Gl 

ing  ecclesiastical  censures  and  the  keys : — wherefore, 
for  the  aforesaid  reasons,  as  well  as  many  others,  this 
holy  synod  pronounces  John  Huss  to  have  been 
heretical,  and  concludes  that  he  ought  to  be  judged 
and  condemned  as  a  heretic,  and  by  these  presents 
doth  condemn  him,  reproving  his  appeal  as  unjust, 
scandalous,  and  derisive  of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction, 
and  himself  as  having  seduced  Christian  people  from 
the  faith,  especially  in  the  kingdom  of  Bohemia,  by 
his  preaching  and  by  his  writings,  and  as  having  been 
not  a  true  preacher  of  the  gospel  of  Christ  according 
to  the  exposition  of  the  holy  doctors,  but  rather  a 
misleader  of  the  people. 

"  But  because,  by  those  things  which  it  has  seen  and 
heard,  this  holy  synod  knows  this  same  John  Huss 
to  be  pertinacious,  incorrigible,  and,  moreover,  of  such 
a  disposition  as  not  to  desire  to  return  to  the  bosom 
of  holy  mother  church,  nor  abjure  the  heresies  and 
errors  which  he  has  publicly  defended  and  preached, — 
therefore  this  holy  synod  of  Constance  declares  and 
decrees  that  the  same  John  Huss  be  deposed  and 
degraded  from  the  order  of  the  priesthood,  or  other 
dignity  with  which  he  is  invested,  giving  in  charge 
to  the  ever  reverend  fathers  in  Christ,  the  archbishop 
of  Milan,  the  bishops  of  Feltri,  Asti,  Alexandria, 
Bangor,  and  Lavaur,  the  due  execution,  in  the  presence 
of  this  most  holy  synod,  of  the  said  degradation,  as 
the  canonical  rule  of  order  requires." 

As  the  charges  of  the  sentence  were  read,  Huss  in- 
terposed brief  comments.  It  was  in  vain  that  they  for 
bade  him  to  speak.  His  indignant  sense  of  the  wrong 
done  him  would  not  permit  him  to  be  silent.    When 


62  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN"   HUSS.  [Ch.  II. 

the  accusation  of  obstinacy  was  read,  he  promptly 
denied  it.  "This,"  said  he,  "I  do  utterly  deny.  I 
have  ever  desired  and  I  still  desire  to  be  better  in- 
structed from  scripture  ;  and  I  solemnly  declare  that 
such  is  my  zeal  for  the  truth,  that  if  by  a  single  word 
I  might  confound  the  errors  of  all  heretics,  there  is 
no  danger  that  I  would  not  face  in  order  to  do  it." 
Who  could  doubt  the  sincerity  and  conscientiousness 
of  the  speaker? 

When  the  reading  of  the  sentence  was  concluded, 
Huss  again  fell  upon  his  knees,  and  in  earnest  and 
distinct  tones  prayed  for  his  enemies.  "  O  Lord 
God,  through  thy  mercy  I  pray  thee  deign  to  pardon 
all  my  enemies,  for  thou  knowest  that  I  have  been 
unjustly  accused  by  them,  overcome  by  false  witnesses, 
oppressed  by  fictitious  accusations,  and  unrighteously 
condemned.  For  thy  mercy's  sake,  therefore,  remit 
their  sins."  The  scene,  in  its  circumstances,  had  a 
deep  and  solemn  significance  that  might  have  re- 
minded the  judges  of  the  prayer  once  offered  on  the 
cross  of  Calvary.  But  the  history  of  persecution 
was  to  carry  out  the  parallel  of  the  tragedy  in  a  still 
more  striking  manner.  Scorn  and  derision  were 
traced  in  the  features  of  the  members  of  the  council, 
and  were  uttered  in  their  sneers.  They  saw  in  Huss 
a  victim,  of  whom  they  felt  they  might  safely  make 
an  example. 

The  ceremony  of  degradation — the  first  step  in  the 
execution  of  the  sentence — was  now  commenced.^ 
By  the  direction  of  the  bishops  he  was  clothed  in 
priestly  robes,  and,  as  if  he  had  been  about  to  cele- 

»  Mon  Hus.,  i.  28,  and  ii.  346. 


Cn.  II.]  CEEEMONY   OF   DEGRADATIOlSr.  63 

brate  mass,  the  chalice  was  placed  in  his  hand.  As 
they  put  the  white  robe  upon  him,  Huss  could  not 
forbear  to  say — "  My  Master,  Jesus  Christ,  when  he 
was  sent  away  by  Herod  to  Pilate,  was  clothed  in  a 
white  robe." 

At  length,  being  clad,  the  prelates  admonished  him 
to  retract  while  he  yet  might,  and  abjure  the  errors 
witli  which  he  stood  charged.  But  he  replied  aloud, 
as  he  stood  upon  the  platform  to  which  he  had  been 
raised — turning  as  he  spoke  toward  the  people,  with 
tears  in  his  eyes  and  his  voice  trembling  with  emo- 
tion— "  Behold,  these  bishops  persuade  and  exhort 
me  to  retract.  But  I  fear  to  do  it,  lest  hereafter  I 
be  charged  with  falsehood  before  Grod,  in  case  I  should 
confess  myself  to  be  guilty  of  errors  of  which  I  was 
never  conscious,  which  I  have  never  taught,  and  thus 
sin  against  my  conscience  and  divine  truth  at  once. 
Never  have  I  asserted  those  articles,  but  they  are 
unjustly  imputed  to  me  on  false  testimony, — while  I 
have  written  and  taught  the  exact  opposite.  Above 
all,  I  fear  lest  the  minds  of  so  great  a  multitude  as 
that  to  which  I  have  preached  so  long,  as  well  as  of 
others  who  are  faithful  ministers  of  the  divine  word, 
should,  through  the  offence  thus  given,  be  torn  away 
from  truth."  ^ 

*  The  language,  as  given  by  another  them  as  certainties,  should  become 

historian,  though  to  the  same  purport,  matters  of  doubt ;  if,  by  my  example, 

is   more   spirited.     "  How   could    I,"  1  caused  confusion  and  trouble  in  so 

asked  Huss,  "  after  such  a  hypocriti-  many   souls,    so    many    consciences, 

cal  abjuration,  lift  my  face  to  heaven  ?  which  I  have  filled  with  the  pure  doc- 

With  what  eye  could  I  support  the  trine  of  Christ's  gospel,  and  which  I 

looks  of  that  crowd  of  men  whom  I  have  strengthened  against  the  saiires 

have  instructed,  should   it  come  to  of  the  devil  ?    No  !  no  !  it  shall  never 

pass,  through  my  fault,that  those  same  be  said,  I  preferred  my  life  to  their 

things  which  are  now  regarded  by  salvation." — Bonnechose. 


64  LIFE   AND   TlilES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  II, 

Such  language,  while  it  might  have  moved  some 
to  pity  and  resj^ect,  only  provoked  the  bishops. 
"  See,"  said  they — and  the  murmur  went  round  the 
assembly — "  how  perverse  he  is  in  his  wickedness, 
and  how  tenacious  of  his  heresy ! " 

The  bishops  now  directed  Huss  to  descend  from  the 
platform.  They  then  began  to  strip  him  of  the  sacer- 
dotal habit  in  which  he  had  been  clothed.  They 
took  from  him  first  the  chalice,  accompanying  the 
act  with  the  words — "  O  thou  accursed  Judas,  who, 
breaking  away  from  the  counsels  of  peace,  hast  con- 
sulted with  the  Jews !  Behold  !  we  take  from  thee 
this  chalice,  in  which  the  blood  of  Jesus  Christ  for 
the  redemj)tion  of  the  world  is  offered."  Unmoved 
by  the  united  curse  and  outrage,  Huss  exclaimed,  in 
a  clear,  loud  voice,  to  be  heard  by  all,  ''  But  I  have 
all  hope  and  confidence  fixed  in  my  God  and  Saviour, 
that  he  will  never  take  from  me  the  cup  of  salvation ; 
and  I  abide  firm  in  my  belief  that,  aided  by  his  grace, 
I  shall  this  day  drink  thereof  in  his  kingdom." 

The  bishops  proceeded  to  strip  him  of  the  7*emain- 
ing  symbols  of  the  priestly  office,  accompanying  the 
removal  of  each  with  a  correspondent  curse.  "  All 
these  insults,"  said  Huss,  "  I  can  endure,  undisturbed 
and  calm,  for  the  name  and  truth  of  Jesus  Christ." 

When  this  work  of  removing  the  sacerdotal  habits 
was  accomplished,  it  still  remained  to  efikce  the 
marks  of  the  tonsure,  and  thus  take  away  the  last 
syjubol  of  the  priestly  office.  Here  a  singular  and 
ludicrous  controversy  arose.^  In  order  to  crop  the 
hair,  some  were  for  using  a  razor,  and  some  insisted 

*  Mod,  Hu3.,  il,  347. 


Cn.  II.]  THE   PAPER   CROWN'.  65 

that  the  shears  were  tlie  proper  instrument.  Some 
would  be  satisfied  if  the  tonsure  were  but  disfigured ; 
others  would  have  the  hair  entirely  removed. 

The  scene  was  one  that  Huss,  even  in  his  circum- 
stances, felt  to  be  ridiculous.  "  Ah  !  "  said  he,  turning 
to  the  emperor  where  he  sat  upon  his  throne,  edified 
doubtless  by  the  pious  heresy  of  some  on  the  ques- 
tion under  discussion — "  Ah  !  these  bishops  cannot 
easily  agree  among  themselves,  even  in  regard  to  the 
method  by  which  to  insult  me." 

At  last  the  shears-party  was  triumphant.  His 
hair  was  cut  in  four  directions,  so  as  to  leave  bare 
tlie  form  of  a  cross.  This  was  then  washed,  as  if  to 
remove  the  oil  of  his  anointing  by  which  he  was 
consecrated  to  the  priesthood.  It  was  then  declared 
that  "This  holy  council  of  Constance  doth  now  re- 
move John  Huss  from  the  order  of  the  priesthood 
and  the  offices  of  honor  which  he  has  discharged, 
thus  declaring  that  the  church  of  God  disowns  this 
man,  and  gives  him  up,  no  longer  shielded  by  her 
protection,  to  the  secular  arm."  As  they  were  about 
to  place  upon  his  head  the  paper  crown  whictli  he 
was  to  wear  to  the  place  of  execution,  and  which  in 
derision  was  covered  with  pictured  fiends,  they  said, 
"  We  devote  thy  soul  to  the  devils  of  hell."  "  But 
I,"  said  Huss,  lifting  his  eyes  to  heaven  and  rever- 
ently folding  his  hands — "  I  commend  it  to  my  most 
merciful  Master,  Jesus  Christ."  The  crown  was  now 
set  upon  his  head.  It  was  a  sort  of  pyramidal  mitre, 
rising  to  a  considerable  height.  On  each  of  its  three 
sides  tlie  frightful  figure  of  a  demon  was  painted, 
while  on  each  was  written,  so  as  to  be  visible  to  all 
VOL.  n.  5 


66  LIFE   ATTD    TIMES    OF   JOHISr   IIUSS.  [Cu.  K. 

and  from  every  direction,  tlie  ciime  for  which  he 
was  condemned — Heresiarcli.  Huss  looked  at  it  and 
cahnly  said,  "  My  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  though  innocent, 
deigned  to  bear  to  an  infamous  death,  for  wretched 
me,  a  far  rougher  and  weightier  crown  of  thorns."  ^ 

Tlie  ceremony  of  the  degradation  of  Huss  was  now 
complete.  He  was  disowned  by  the  church,  and 
no  longer  as  a  priest  was  subject  to  its  exclusive 
jurisdiction.  Given  over  to  the  secular  arm,  it  be- 
longed to  the  emperor — ^such  was  the  orthodox 
theory  of  persecution — to  do  with  the  prisoner  as 
Pilate  with  Jesus — what  the  priests  could  not — exe- 
cute capital  sentence.  Sigismund  committed  Huss 
to  the  charge  of  Louis,  the  Elector  Palatine,  direct- 
ing him  to  go  and  see  that  he  was  delivered  into  the 
hands  of  the  proper  officers.  Huss  was  given  over 
by  the  elector  to  the  mayor  of  Constance,  and  by  the 
latter  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  those  to  whom  it 
belonged  to  see  the  sentence  executed.  They  were 
commanded  to  burn  him,  with  his  clothes,  and  all 
indiscriminately  that  belonged  to  him,  even  to  his 
knife  and  to  his  purse,  from  which  they  were  not  to 
take  so  much  as  a  single  penny. 

He  was  led  to  the  place  of  execution,  walking  be- 
tween two  officers  of  the  Elector  Palatine,  and  with- 
out being  chained ;  two  of  the  police  of  the  city 
preceded  and  two  followed  him.  The  princes,  with 
an  escort  of  eight  hundred  armed  men,  and  followed 
by  an  immense  multitude,  drawn  by  cuiiosity,  in- 
terest, or  anxiety,  accompanied  them  to  the  place  of 
-execution. 

*  Mon.  Hus.  ii.  347  ;  also  i.  28. 


Cu.  II.]  BURNING    OF  HIS   BOOKS.  67 

The  procession,  instead  of  taking  the  direct  route 
thither,  moved  first  in  a  nearly  opposite  direction,  in 
order  to  pass  upon  the  way  the  episcopal  palace,  in 
front  of  which  a  pile  of  the  prisoner's  writings  had 
been  heaped  up  for  the  flames.  The  fire  was  kindled 
and  the  books  were  burned  as  the  procession  passed. 
They  had  been  first  condemned,  and  were  first  to 
be  consumed.  But  to  Huss  the  scene  appeared 
simply  ridiculous,  as  indeed  it  was.  Nor  did  it  need 
a  prophet's  sagacity  to  discern  that  the  course  pur- 
sued was  like  to  defeat  its  own  object.  It  was  al- 
together out  of  the  power  of  the  council  to  obtain  and 
thus  destroy  all  the  writings  of  the  reformer.  They 
were  too  widely  scattered  and  too  deeply  cherished, 
and  this  act  of  impotent  vengeance  would  only  make 
them  the  more  prized — would  attach  to  them  a  new 
importance,  and  excite  a  more  eager  curiosity  for 
their  perusal.  The  scene,  even  in  the  solemn  circum- 
stances in  which  Huss  was  placed,  did  not  fail  to 
draw  from  him  a  smile  at  the  senile  malice  which  it 
displayed. 

As  the  procession  passed  on,  they  reached  a 
bridge  at  which  it  was  necessary  to  pause.  It  was 
not  considered  safe  for  the  whole  multitude  to  pass 
over  it  at  once.  The  armed  escort  first  proceeded, 
one  by  one,  and  then  the  crowd  of  citizens  followed. 
Huss  improved  the  occasion  to  say  a  few  words  to 
the  throngs  that  pressed  around  to  catch  a  sight  of 
him.  He  told  them,  in  the  German  language,  that  it 
was  not  for  any  heresy  that  he  had  been  condemned, 
but  through  the  injustice  of  his  enemies ;  that  they 
had  not  been  able  to  convict  him  of  any  error,  al- 


68  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF    JOHX    IIUSS.  [Cu.  II. 

though  he  had  challenged  them  to  do  it  so  often  and 
so  urgently.  As  he  approached  the  place  where  he 
was  to  be  burned,  which  was  a  meadow  adjoining 
the  garden  on  the  north  side  of  the  city,  outside  the 
Gottlieben  gate,  the  procession  paused,  that  eveiy- 
thing  might  be  made  ready  for  the  execution.  Here 
Huss  kneeled  down,  and  lifting  his  eyes  toward 
heaven,  prayed — using  the  language  of  some  of  the 
penitential  psalms,  especially  the  thirty-iii-st  and 
fiftieth.^  Repeatedly  he  used  the  petitions,  "Lord 
Jesus,  have  mercy  on  me,"  and  "  O  God,  into  thy 
hands  I  commit  my  spirit."  The  crowd  around  him 
were  surprised  at  such  an  exhibition  of  devotion  in 
one  whom  they  had  been  taught  to  regard  as  a 
heretic.  "  What  this  man  may  have  done  before," 
said  they,  "  we  know  not,  but  now,  certainly,  we 
hear  him  speak  and  pray  in  a  godly  and  devout 
manner."  ^ 

Huss  was  then  asked  by  some  who  stood  by — 
probably  in  the  hope  that  the  fear  of  death  might 
lead  him  to  recant — if  he  would  have  a  confessor. 
A  priest  near  by  on  horseback,  clothed  in  a  green 
gown  drawn  together  with  a  sash  of  red  silk,  heard 
the  question  asked,  and,  more  anxious  for  the  execu- 
tion than  for  a  recantation  which  might  even  yet 
snatch  the  victim  from  the  flames,  declared  that  a 
confessor  ought  not  to  be  allowed  him  because  he 
wjis  a  heretic.  Huss,  however,  replied  that  he  would 
be  glad  to  have  one.  Ulric  Keichenthal — one  of  the 
historians  of  the  council — as  he  himself  relates,  call- 
ed for  a  priest  then  present  to  come  and  receive  the 

*  More  probably  the  fifty-first.  '  Men.  Hus.,  ii.  347. 


ch.II.]  huss  declines  to  confess.  69 

prisoner's  coufessiou.  The  name  of  this  priest  was 
Ulric  Sclioraud,  a  man  of  repute  for  learning  and 
integrity,  and  highly  esteemed  by  the  council.  He 
asked  Huss  whether  he  was  willing  to  renounce  the 
erroi's  for  which  he  had  been  condemned  to  the 
punishment  which  he  now  saw  awaiting  him.  If  so, 
he  was  ready  to  confess  him ;  but  if  not,  he  must  be 
aware  that  a  heretic,  according  to  the  canon  law, 
could  neither  administer  or  receive  the  sacraments. 
Huss  havino"  heard  the  conditions  on  which  he  mio'ht 
be  confessed,  declined  to  accept  them.  He  replied, 
that  he  did  not  deem  it  necessary  for  him  to  confess, 
inasmuch  as  he  did  not  feel  himself  to  be  guilty  of 
any  mortal  sin.  He  desired,  however,  the  privilege 
of  improving  the  occasion  to  address  the  peojjle  in 
the  German  language.  But  the  brutal  elector,  true 
to  the  instincts  of  his  cruel  nature  and  in  perfect  con- 
sistency with  his  previous  course,  instead  of  allowing 
permission,  gave  orders  that  he  should  immediately 
be  committed  to  the  flames.  Huss  at  once  lifted  up 
his  voice  in  prayer.  "  O  Lord  Jesus,  I  would  endure 
with  humility,  for  thy  gospel,  this  cruel  death  ;  and  I 
beseech  thee,  pardon  all  my  enemies."  Such  were 
some  of  the  expressions  of  his  prayer.  While  he 
was  thus  engaged  in  liis  devotions,  with  his  eyes 
toward  heaven,  the  paper  mitre,  which  had  been 
placed  upon  his  head  in  the  council,  fell  off.  As 
Huss  turned  to  behold  it,  a  smile  played  over  his 
features.  Perhaps  he  saw  in  the  frail  thing  an  em- 
blem of  that  impotent  malice  which  in  vain  attempt- 
ed to  affix  calumny  to  his  name.  The  soldiers,  how- 
ever, more  inclined  to  sympathize  with  their  harsh 


70  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  ]L 

leader,  replaced  the  mitre  upon  Lis  bead,  and,  refer- 
ring to  the  images  painted  upon  it,  declared  be  ougbt 
to  be  burned  with  tbe  devils  be  bad  served. 

Having  asked  and  obtained  permission  to  speak  to 
bis  keepers,  Huss  tbanked  tbem  for  tbe  kind  treat- 
ment wbicb  be  bad  received  at  tbeir  bands.^  "  Ye 
have  sbown  yourselves,"  said  be,  "  not  merely  my 
keepers,  but  brethren  most  beloved.  And  be  assured 
tbat  I  rest  witb  firm  faitb  upon  my  Saviour,  in  wbose 
name  I  am  content  calmly  to  endure  this  sort  of 
death,  that  I  this  day  may  go  to  reign  witb  him." 
These  words  were  spoken  in  German.  We  have 
other  testimony,  also,  to  show  that  even  among  hm 
jailers,  Huss  must  already  have  seen  the  fruits  of 
bis  fidelity.  He  now  wished,  witb  his  dying  breath, 
to  seal  tbe  impression  tbat  bad  been  made  by  his 
life. 

He  was  now  stripped  of  his  garments  and  bound 
fast  to  a  large  stake,  through  which  boles  bad  been 
bored  to  secure  tbe  cords.  Of  these  there  were  six 
or  seven,  which  had  been  wet  in  order  longer  to  re- 
sist the  beat  of  tbe  flames.  One  was  bound  about 
bis  ankles,  one  below  and  another  above  tbe  knees, 
Avbile  others  were  distributed  over  the  upper  part 
of  bis  body  as  far  as  the  armpits.  His  bands  bad 
previously  been  bound  behind  his  back,  and  he  w^as 
now  made  fjist  in  this  position.  The  stake  was  driven 
downward  and  made  to  stand  erect  in  the  earth,  so  as 
to  support  the  victim  while  the  flames  consumed  him. 
By  some  accident  it  had  happened  that  Huss,  as 
bound  to  the  stake,  stood  facing  tbe  east.^     This  was 

'  Mon.  Has.,  ii.  341.  "  lb  348. 


Ch.  II.]  THE   FUNERAL    PILE.  71 

observed  by  some  of  the  bystanders,  and  tlie  order 
was  given  that  he  should  be  turned  so  as  to  face  the 
west.  As  a  heretic,  he  might  not  die  with  his  eyes 
directed  toward  the  Holy  Land.  The  order  was  im- 
mediately obeyed.  The  neck  of  the  prisoner  was 
now  bound  to  the  stake  by  a  black  and  sooty  iron 
chain,  which  had  been  used  by  a  poor  man,  its  former 
owner,  for  suspending  his  kettle  over  the  fire.  Huss 
bent  his  head  somewhat  so  as  to  obtain  a  siorht  of 
it,  but  instead  of  turning  pale  with  affright,  he  be- 
held it  with  a  cheerful  smile.  "The  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,"  said  he,  "  my  beloved  Redeemer  and  Saviour, 
was,  for  my  sake,  bound  with  a  harsher  and  more 
cruel  chain.  Why,  therefore,  should  wretched  I 
blush,  for  his  most  holy  name,  to  be  bound  with  this 
sooty  one  ? " 

Two  piles  of  fagots  were  placed  about  the  feet 
of  Huss,  which  had  been  stripped  of  their  covering. 
Bundles  of  straw  were  placed  erect  around  the 
stake,  reaching  as  far  upward  as  the  neck  of  the 
victim.  Every  thing  was  now  ready  for  the  kindling 
of  the  flames.  Before  the  torch  was  applied,  how- 
ever, one  more  effort  was  made  to  induce  Huss  to  re- 
cant. It  was  the  wish  of  the  emperor  even  yet,  un- 
doubtedly, to  save  if  possible  his  honor  with  the 
prisoner's  life ;  and  it  was  probably  by  his  direction — 
given  beforehand,  for  he  did  not  choose  to  witness 
the  scene — that  the  marshal  of  the  empire  with  the 
elector  approached  the  funeral  pile,  and  exhoi'ted 
Huss  yet  to  save  his  life  by  retracting  and  abjuring 
his  doctrines.  It  was  the  last  opportunity.  Would 
Huss  now  hesitate  ?     In  a  loud,  clear  voice,  he  re- 


'72  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHJST   IIUSS.  [Ch.  II, 

plied,  with  u  firmness  which  the  immediate  prospect 
of  death  could  not  shake,  "  I  call  God  to  witness, 
that  I  have  never  taught  nor  written  those  things 
which  on  false  testimony  they  impute  to  me ;  but 
my  declarations,  teachings,  writings,  in  fine,  all  my 
works,  have  been  intended  and  shaped  toward  the 
object  of  rescuing  dying  men  from  the  tyranny  of 
sin.  Wherefore  I  will  this  day  gladly  seal  that  truth 
which  I  have  taught,  written,  and  proclaimed — estab- 
lished by  the  divine  law,  and  by  holy  teachers — by 
the  pledge  of  my  death."  ^ 

On  hearing  this  final  decision  of  Huss — unshaken 
in  his  purpose  to  the  last — the  marshal  and  the 
elector  left  him.  The  executioners  kindled  the 
flames.  Amid  the  smoke  an^  blaze,  Huss  could  be 
heard  engaged  in  prayer.  "  O  Christ,  thou  Son  of 
the  living  God,  have  mercy  on  me."  The  prayer 
was  repeated,  and  again  he  was  heard  uttering  the 
words  of  the  creed,  when  the  wind,  rising  with  the 
flames,  kindled  the  pile  to  a  fiercer  heat,  and  he  was 
suffocated  by  the  smoke  that  prevented  his  saying 
more.  Still  was  he  observed  for  one  or  two  minutes 
obviously  engaged  in  devotion.  He  bowed  his  head, 
and  his  lips  were  seen  to  move  as  if  in  utterance  of 
prayer.  At  last  all  was  silent.  The  charred  carcass 
was  motionless,  and  the  spirit  had  fled.^ 

As  the  fagots  burned  away,  they  left  the  body 
visible,  still  hanging  to  the  stake  by  the  iron  chain. 
The  executioners  with  poles  pushed  the  fragments 
of  the  burning  brands  back  around  the  stake,  and 
heaped  up  new  fuel  about  the  half-consumed  skele- 

'  Mon.  Hus.,  ii.  348.  '  lb. 


Cu.  II.J  THE    FINAL   SCENE.  73 

ton.  They  struck  at  the  bones  and  limbs,  to  break 
them  in  pieces,  that  they  might  the  sooner  be  con- 
sumed. Plis  head  rolled  down.  It  was  beaten  into 
pieces  with  a  club  and  thrown  back  into  the  flames. 
His  heart,  found  among  his  intestines,  was  pierced 
by  a  sharp  stick  of  wood,  and  roasted  at  a  fire  apart 
until  it  was  reduced  to  ashes.  One  of  the  execu- 
tioners was  seen  still  having  in  his  possession  some 
of  the  garments  of  Huss.  The  elector,  on  observing 
it,  commanded  that  these  and  all  that  belonged  to 
Huss  should  be  cast  together  into  the  flames,  promis- 
ing the  executioner  compensation  for  the  loss.  "  The 
Boliemians,"  said  he,  "  would  keep  and  cherish  such 
a  thing  as  a  sacred  relic."  When  every  thing  had 
been  consumed,  the  ashes,  and  every  fragment  or 
memorial  of  the  scene  of  martyrdom,  were  shov- 
elled up  and  carted  away,  to  be  emptied  into  the 
Khine. 

Thus  perished,  upon  his  forty-second  birthday,  in 
the  full  vigor  of  bis  powers,  and  in  the  strength  and 
promise  of  manliood,  one  of  those  men  whom  the 
world  has  been  constrained  to  acknowledge  well 
worthy  of  the  martyr's  crown.  Even  his  enemies 
could  not  but  eulogize  his  noble  beai-ing,  and  respect 
his  manly  and  heroic  spirit.  "  They  went,"  said 
^neas  Sylvius,  who  afterward  filled  the  papal  chair, 
and  who  knew  all  the  circumstances  of  the  execu- 
tion of  Huss  and  Jerome — "They  went  to  their  pun- 
ishment as  to  a  feast.  Not  a  word  escaped  them 
whicli  gave  indication  of  the  least  weakness.  In  the 
midst  of  the  flames  they  sang  hymns  uninterruptedly 
to  their  last  breath.     No  philosopher  ever  suffered 


74  LIFE   AND   TniES    OF   JOHN   HUS3.  [Ch,  II. 

death   with   such   constancy   as   they   endured   the 
flames."  ^ 

The  question  here  rises — What  were  the  real  causes 
which  led  to  the  condemnation  of  Huss  ?  He  him- 
self would  never  allow,  even  to  the  last,  that  he  had 
departed  from  the  orthodox  standards  of  the  chui'ch 
— the  scriptures  and  the  fathers.  In  fact,  with  the 
exception  of  his  late  approval  of  the  views  of  Jaco- 
bel  in  regard  to  the  communion  of  the  cup,  there 
was  scarce  a  doctrine  which  he  held,  upon  which  he 
could  not  have  found  many  members  of  the  council 
to  agree  with  him.  When  questioned  upon  transub- 
stantiation  and  the  Trinity,  he  replied  by  a  full  and 
frank  confession  of  the  Catholic  formula.  In  regard 
to  confession,  he  did  not  reject  it,  though  like  many 
of  his  contemporaries  whose  orthodoxy  passed  unsus- 
pected, he  did  not  attach  to  it  that  supreme  and 
superstitious  importance  which  belonged  to  it  in  the 
eyes  of  many.  On  other  points  of  belief, — as  inter- 
cession of  the  saints,  the  adoration  of  images,  works, 
purgatory,  and  tradition,  his  replies  before  the  coun- 
cil show  that  his  views  differed  but  slightly  from 
those  of  the  French  theologians,  and  the  more  intel- 
ligent and  liberal  members  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
church.  As  to  the  doctrine  of  the  absence  of  the 
spiritual  character  in  bad  priests — a  doctrine  so  long 
obscure  in  his  mind,  and  which  at  first  he  seems  to 
have  adopted  from  Wickliffe — he  finishes  by  giving 
it  an  orthodox  explanation,  declaring  that  in  the 
ministry  of  an  unworthy  priest,  God  works  worthily 
and  efi^ectually  by  unworthy  hands.     Even  with  re- 

*  ^neaa  Sylv.,  xxxvi. 


Cii.  II.]  GENERAL    ORTnODOXY    OF   IIUS9.  15 

gard  to  indulgences,  be  declares  himself  indisposed 
to  witliliold  any  prerogative  wliicli  God  may  have 
given  to  the  Roman  pontiff,  but  merely  denies  that 
they  were  of  any  value  when  given  for  unwoi'thy 
pui-poses.  Many  of  the  propositions  attributed  to 
him  by  the  council  he  publicly  disavowed,  and  oth- 
ers he  explained  in  such  a  manner  that  they  could 
not  pi'operly  be  regarded  as  heretical.  Huss  attacked, 
not  so  much  the  doctrines  of  the  Romish  church,  as 
their  abuse,  and  in  this  respect  might  have  found 
sufficient  precedent  for  his  justification,  had  he 
sought  it,  among  the  writings  of  members  of  the 
council. 

Nor  can  we  ascribe  the  condemnation  of  Huss  to 
the  severe  language  which  he  used  in  regard  to  the 
coi'ruption  and  degeneracy  of  the  church.  *  No  Ian 
guage  to  be  found  in  his  writings  can  exceed,  if  even 
equal,  in  severity,  that  which  was  employed  upon 
this  sul)ject  by  Gerson,  Clemengis,  and  D'Ailly. 
Many  a  sermon  was  preached  before  the  council,  in 
which  plain  and  terrible  expositions  of  the  prevalent 
depravity  were  presented,  startling  enough  to  fill  the 
mind  of  every  hearer  with  astonishment  and  horror. 
No  one  ever  attempted  to  deny  the  truth  of  Avhat 
Huss  asserted  on  this  subject.  The  Cardinal  of  Cam- 
bray  merely  complained  that  it  was  said  inoppor- 
tunely. 

One  prominent  feature  of  the  criminality  of  Huss 
may  perhaps  be  found  in  some  lines  written  in  an 
old  manuscript  copy  of  his  works.  "  As  long  as 
John  Huss  merely  declaimed  against  the  vices 
of    the   seculars,    every   one    said   that  he    was  in- 


76  LIFE   AISTD   TmES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  II. 

spired  by  the  Spirit  of  God  ;  but  as  soon  as  lie  pro- 
ceeded against  ecclesiastics,  be  became  an  object  of 
odium,  for  he  then  really  laid  his  finger  upon  the 
sore." 

Huss  traced,  like  Wickliffe,  a  large  part  of  the  ex- 
cesses of  the  clergy  to  the  riches  which,  by  the  vio- 
lation of  ecclesiastical  order,  they  had  been  enabled 
to  accumulate.  He  saw  them  becomius^  lords  and 
princes,  entangled  in  worldly  business,  and  inspired 
by  worldly  ambitions.  He  believed  that  it  was  the 
right  and  duty  of  the  secular  power  to  secure  the 
proper  employment  of  the  property  of  the  church, 
and  when  it  had  been  perverted  from  its  uses,  it 
might  be  taken  away  altogether.  This  doctrine  was 
a  heinous  one  in  the  eyes  of  the  clergy.  It  gave  a 
mortal  blow  to  their  worldly  rank  and  temporal 
authority.  Undoubtedly  its  avowal  made  Huss 
many  enemies,  and  these  of  a  most  unrelenting  and 
vindictive  character. 

Various  23arties  in  the  council  stood  arrayed  against 
Huss  upon  distinct  grounds.  The  theologians  of  the 
University  of  Paris  saw  in  him  an  adherent  of  the 
philosophy  of  the  Realists,  and  the  odium  philosoph- 
icum^  full  as  much  as  the  odium  theologicum^  brought 
them  as  Nominalists  into  bitter  conflict  with  him. 
The  English  deputation,  indifferent,  or  perhaps  hos- 
tile to  the  philosophical  views  of  the  Parisians,  tak- 
ing but  little  delight  in  the  verbal  quibbles  with 
which  the  dialectic  skill  of  the  Cardinal  of  Cambray 
sought  to  entrap  Huss  into  self-contradiction,  regarded 
him  yet  as  a  disciple  of  Wickliffe,  and  when  they  heard 
him  defending  his  memory,  resolved  to  give  hira  up 


Ch.  II.]  GERMAN"   PREJUDICE.  77 

■ts  anotlier  victim  to  tlieir  hatred  of  their  own  coun- 
■Iryman. 

The  deputation  of  the  German  nation,  moreover,  had 
some  to  Constance,  many  of  them  bitterly  envenomed 
Dy  prejudice  against  IIuss.  They  regarded  him — 
«ome  of  them,  at  least — almost  in  the  light  of  a  per- 
sonal enemy.  They  charged  him  Avith  being  the 
principal  agent  in  the  measures  which  led  to  the  vir- 
tual expulsion  of  the  German  nation  from  the  Univer- 
sity of  Prague.  Among  those  who  are  mentioned  as 
especially  eager  to  secure  his  conviction  and  condem- 
nation, we  find  many  who  in  all  probability  had 
studied  in  that  university,  and  carried  back  with 
them  from  Bohemia  the  inveterate  hostility  and 
prejudice  which  had  there  been  excited.^  The  most 
pertinacious  antagonist  of  Huss — according  to  the 
historian,  the  only  one  who  could  vanquish  him  in 
argument — was  John  Zacharise,  professor  of  theol- 
ogy, who  represented  the  University  of  Erfurth  in 
the  council  of  Constance,  and  who  is  spoken  of  as  a 
man  of  extensive  learning  and  consummate  ability. 
To  him  the  same  historian  ascribes  the  prevailing 
influence  which  secured  the  sentence  of  Huss.  How- 
ever this  may  be,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the 
German  nation  in  the  council,  to  which  Huss  should 
have  looked  for  defenders,  was  envenomed  against  him 
by  the  reports  that  had  gone  forth  from  the  Univer- 
sity of  Prague. 

To  bring  the  various  interests,  antipathies,  and 
prejudices  of  the  several  parties  to  bear  against  the 
prisonei",  there  were  only  needed  the  skill  and  malice 

•  Von  der  Ilardt,  iv.  395. 


78  LIFE   AISTD    TEVIES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Ch.  II. 

of  men  like  Paletz  and  Causis.  Paletz,  a  former  com- 
panion and  associate,  soon  a  rival  in  influence,  at 
length  in  a  moment  of  terror  yielding  up  his  better 
convictions  to  secui'e  his  own  safety,  and  virtually 
sold  over  to  the  enemies  of  the  man  whom  he  now 
pursued,  not  so  much  for  the  purpose  of  taking  his 
life,  as  for  the  privilege  of  triumph  over  a  prostrate 
foe  ; — Michael  de  Causis,  a  villain  from  the  start,  and 
schooled  by  all  the  practised  arts  of  fraud  to  do  the 
meanest  things  which  the  tool  of  other  men's  malice 
needs  to  do,  while  he  gratifies  his  own : — these  were 
the  leaders  in  a  plot  of  which  bribery  was  an  ac- 
kowledged  element,  and  which  combined  and  wove 
into  its  web  of  intrigue  the  basest  passions,  and  the 
most  unhallowed  and  even  conflicting  interests. 

And  yet  it  is  probable  that  all  those  arts  by  which 
they  poisoned  the  minds  of  the  council,  and  all  the 
false  testimony  which  they  heaped  together  in  order 
to  convict  Huss,  would  have  proved  vain,  but  for 
that  which  was  in  reality,  after  all,  the  chief  crime 
that  rested  upon  his  head.  He  would  not  admit  the 
infallibility  of  the  council.  He  had  too  much  good 
sense,  not  to  say  piety,  to  allow  the  word  of  any 
man,  or  any  body  of  men,  to  silence  or  overthrow 
the  clear  authority  of  the  word  of  God.  He  had 
appealed  from  the  pope  to  Christ,  the  supreme 
Judge,  in  vain,  if  any  council  was  to  sit  in  judgment 
on  Christ  himself,  wrest  his  words  from  their  true 
meaning,  or  replace  them  by  human  decisions  from 
any  source.  He  demanded,  and  again  and  again  did 
he  repeat  the  demand,  that  he  should  be  set  right 
and  instructed  by  the  authority  of  the  Sacred  Scrip- 


Cir.  II.]  APPEAL    OF   HUSS    TO    SCRIPTURE.  79 

tures.  To  these  alone,  and  not  to  the  dicta  of  any 
body  of  men,  was  he  willing  to  submit.  Here  was 
the  root  of  the  difficulty.  Huss  was  a  Protestant 
before  the  name  was  known.  He  protested  against 
superseding  the  plain  word  of  Christ  by  any  inven- 
tions or  decisions  of  fallible  men.  This  constituted 
his  crime.  To  this  position  he  remained  steadfast  to 
the  last.  Sigismund,  like  a  second  Nebuchadnezzar, 
required  that  Huss  should  bow  down  and  worship 
the  great  image  of  synodical  infallibility  which  he 
had  set  up  in  place  of  the  pope.  The  council  itself 
repeated  the  demand.  Obedience  and  submission 
were  the  only  terras  on  which  his  life  Avould  be 
spared.  These  conditions  Huss  rejected  with  disdain ; 
and  his  doom  was  sealed.  He  went  to  the  stake 
with  a  clear  conscience,  forcing  the  very  flames  which 
his  enemies  had  kindled,  to  emblazon  before  the 
woi'ld  in  flery  letters  his  reverence  for  the  word  of 
God.  Had  his  life  been  spared,  we  can  readily  be- 
lieve that  new  light  would  have  dawned  upon  him, 
and  that  Luther  would  have  been  preceded  in  his 
career  by  a  man  who  combined  some  of  the  noblest 
qualities  of  the  martyr  S2:>irit  with  a  firmness  and 
decision  fully  equal  to  his  own. 

The  character  of  Huss  is  one  that  the  most  viru- 
lent calumny  has  scarce  dared  to  touch.  The  purity 
of  his  life,  the  simplicity  of  his  manners,  his  love  of 
truth,  his  deep  conscientiousness,  his  aversion  to  all 
assumption  or  display,  his  strong  sympathy  for  the 
poor  and  ignorant,  his  chivalrous  readiness  to  obey 
each  prompting  of  duty,  though  it  might  carry  him 
to  the  prison  or  the  stake,  are  plainly  legible  in  the 


80  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cn.  11. 

whole  story  of  his  life.  He  has  no  false  j)ricle  that 
forbids  him  to  retract  an  error,  or  reject  a  truth.  He 
only  asks  to  be  convinced,  and  he  is  willing  to  con- 
fess his  mistake.  We  can  see  at  times  the  impetuons- 
ness  of  his  nature  breaking  out  under  the  indignant 
sense  of  wrong  or  injustice.  He  utters  his  feelings 
in  sharp  and  even  burning  words.  Fearing  not  the 
face  of  man,  he  dares  avow  his  doctrines  before  the 
world ;  and,  if  the  occasion  demands,  can  lash  the 
vices  of  men  in  power  with  unsparing  invective  and 
reproof.  And  yet,  so  thoroughly  is  he  master  of  him- 
self, so  perfectly  has  he  schooled  his  passions  to  self- 
control,  that  rarely  a  word  escapes  his  lips,  or  a  step 
is  taken,  which  he  needs  to  recall.  In  all  the 
prominent  men  of  his  age  we  look  in  vain  for  that 
combination  of  qualities  by  which  he  was  eminently 
fitted  for  the  task  committed  to  his  hands.  He 
showed  throughout  his  trial  a  presence  of  mind,  and 
a  power  and  quickness  of  apprehension,  which  are 
perfectly  surprising,  when  we  consider  the  hardships 
of  his  severe  and  protracted  imprisonment — for  the 
most  part  deprived  of  books — and  the  tumultuous 
scenes  in  the  council,  which  at  times  made  it  more 
like  a  mob  than  a  body  of  men  assembled  to  delib- 
erate and  judge.  In  other  reformers  we  can  in 
almost  every  instance  detect  some  weakness  or  ex- 
cess that  led  them  into  blunders,  and  which  we  sadly 
regret.  Luther  might  have  been  too  defiant,  Me- 
lanchthon  too  compliant.  Jerome,  the  associate  of 
Huss,  was  impetuous,  perhaps  to  an  extreme ;  but 
Huss  himself  pursued  a  course  in  which  his  decision 
and  moderation,  his  conscientiousness  and  docility,  his 


Ch.  II.]  CHAEACTER   OF   IITJSS.  81 

loyalty  to  ti-utli,  and  liis  respect  for  tlie  rights  and 
judgment  of  otbere,  are  happily  blended.  We  could 
scarcely  wish  him  to  have  been  other  than  he  was. 
Even  without  the  crown  of  martyrdom,  we  should 
have  been  constrained  to  pi'onounce  him  brave  and 
true, — the  possessor  of  a  manly,  noble  nature. 

I  have  not  thought  it  necessary  to  sum  up  at 
length  the  character  of  Huss;  for  its  leading  fea- 
tures are  quite  distinctly  brought  out  in  the  course 
of  the  narrative.  Frank,  genial,  and  confiding,  he 
scorned  all  disguise  of  his  views  or  feelings.  His 
motives  are  transparent  and  avowed,  and  he  is 
never  ashamed  to  confess  them.  The  man  stands 
forth  before  us,  delineated  in  his  own  words  and 
deeds. 

That  he  valued  and  desired  the  love  of  all  good 
men  is  obvious ;  but  he  seems  never  to  have  been 
carried  away  by  the  mere  love  of  applause.  Severe- 
ly, and  perhaps  at  times  morbidly,  conscientious,  his 
moral  character  is  above  the  reach  of  calumny.  The 
malice  of  his  enemies  could  not  detect  in  it  a  flaw 
or  stain.  In  his  familiar  letters,  he  censures  himself 
for  faults  which  most  would  have  scarcely  esteemed 
foibles.  He  reproaches  himself  for  playing  chess, 
and  for  an  attention  to  dress  which  was  unbecomins:. 
But  his  gentleness  and  charity,  his  purity  and  integ- 
rity, are  above  question.  They  were  eloquently 
attested,  as  we  shall  see  hereafter,  by  the  document 
in  which  the  university  vindicated  his  memor}'  from 
the  charges  of  the  council. 

In  his  controversies  he  never  descends  to  personal 
abuse.     He  expresses,  in  strong  language,  his  disap- 
VOL,  n.  6 


82  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF    JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  II 

proval  of  the  course  of  some  of  his  party  in  tlie  use 
of  reproacliful  epitliets.  Yet  it  is  evident  that  he 
lacked  neither  the  occasion  or  ability,  had  he  been 
so  disposed,  to  cover  his  opponents  with  ridicule,  and 
convert  his  success  into  a  personal  triumph.  But  this 
his  loyalty  to  truth  as  well  as  the'  kindliness  of  his 
nature  forbade. 

His  social  affections  were  warm  and  tender.  His 
letters  in  exile  and  from  prison  unfold  his  heart  to 
us.  We  have,  indeed,  in  Huss  a  man  whose  Acui- 
ties were  admirably  balanced, — true  and  devoted  as 
a  friend,  powerful  yet  courteous  as  an  antagonist, 
eloquent  in  the  pulpit,  fiiithful  as  a  witness  to  the 
truth  before  the  council,  a  hero  in  the  prison,  and  a 
martyr  at  the  stake.*""' 


CHAPTER    III. 

JACOBEL,    GERSON,   AND   VOLADAMIR. 

The  Usk  of  the  Cvp.  —  Decree  of  the  Council.  —  Reasons  on  which  it  was 
Based.  —  History  of  the  Use  of  the  Cup.  —  Jacobel's  Treatise.  —  His  Argu- 
ment Characterized.  —  Sharp  Sentences.  —  Persecution  Rebuked.  —  The  Bold 
Tone  of  Jacobel's  Treatise.  —  Gregory's  Abdication.  —  Benedict  XIII.  Sum- 
moned.—  Affair  of  John  Petit.  —  His  Character.  —  His  Propositions  Con- 
demned at  Paris. — The  Duke  of  Burgundy  Appeals  to  the  Pope. — The 
Question  Before  the  Council.  —  The  Aspect  op  the  Case  Changed.  —  Eng- 
land Allied  wth  the  Duke  of  Burgundy.  —  Timidity  of  the  Council.  —  Disap- 
pointment of  Gerson.  —  The  King  of  Poland  and  the  Teutonic  Knights. — ■ 
Sketch  of  the  Order.  —  Question  Before  the  Council.  — Paul  Voladamir  and 
His  Propositions. — Their  Liberal  Tone.  —  Von  Falkenburg.  —  Apologizes 
for  the  Order.  —  His  Book  Escapes  Condemnation.  —  Gerson's  Motives. — 
Personal  Danger.  — Attacked  by  Falkenburg.  —  Futile  Hopes. 

May,  1415  —  August,  1415. 

During  the  period  which  intervened  between  the 
first  appearance  of  IIuss  before  the  council  and  his 
final  sentence,  there  were  other  subjects  of  discussion, 
of  grave  impoi'tance,  which  claimed  the  attention  of 
the  members  of  that  body.  The  Bishop  of  Lito- 
mischel,  as  we  have  already  seen,  entered  his  com- 
plaint against  the  innovation  introduced  by  Jacobel 
at  Prague.  The  matter  had  been  given  in  charge  to 
the  theologians  of  the  council,  who  were  directed  to 
examine  and  report.  The  result  of  their  labors  was 
a  small  treatise,  in  reproof  of  the  innovation.^  This 
treatise  was  submitted  to  the  council,  and  furnished 

*  Von  der  HarJt,  torn,  iii.,  pt.  xvii.,  p.  586. 

(83) 


84  LIFE   AND    TniES    OF   JOHN"   HUSS.  [Ch.  Ill, 

the  grounds  upon  wliich  their  subsequent  decree 
(June  15th,  1415)  was  based.  It  pronounces  the 
authority  and  long  practice  of  the  church  a  sufficient 
warrant  for  the  withholding  of  the  cup,  and  declares 
heretical  any  who  should  maintain  the  contrary  opin- 
ion ;  and  such  persons,  as  heretical,  are  to  be  pro- 
.ceeded  against,  wherever  they  may  be  found,  by  the 
diocesans,  their  vicars,  or  the  inquisitors  of  heretical 
pravity,  even  to  the  infliction  upon  them  of  severe 
penalties.* 

The  conclusions  of  the  doctors  and  the  penal 
decree  of  the  council  were  not  calculated  to  set  the 
question  at  rest.  As  to  the  first,  by  their  admissions 
they  stultified  themselves.  As  to  the  latter,  Jacobel 
was  not  a  man  to  be  intimidated  by  its  terrors.  The 
doctors  had  admitted — as  they  could  not  well  deny — ■ 
that  as  the  sacrament  was  instituted  by  Christ,  and 
observed  by  the  early  church,  the  communion  of  the 
cup  had  been  allowed.  Their  argument  for  with- 
holding it  from  the  laity  was  based  upon  the  practice 
and  authority  of  the  church.  A  custom  long  ob- 
served, had,  they  remarked,  the  force  of  law,  and  the 
church  had  the  right  to  make  or  adopt  such  changes 
in  the  sacraments  as  she  deemed  fitting.  On  these 
grounds,  which  would  allow  age  to  sanctify  error, 
and  permit  the  institutions  of  Christ  to  be  mutilated 
or  abrogated  by  Jiuman  caprice,  they  justified  the 
practice  of  the  church  in  the  withholding  of  the  cup. 

But  the  plea  in  its  favor,  drawn  from  custom  and 
precedent,  was  by  no  means  a  strong  one.  Scarce 
two  centuries  had  passed  since  the  cup  had  been  first 

*  Von  der  Ilardt,  iv.  332.     Fleiiry,  xxvi-  103. 


Cn.  III.]  THE   DOCTRINE   OF   THE    CUP.  85 

witlilield.  Ill  England  the  practice  seems  first  to 
have  prevailed,  and  yet,  from  the  writings  of  Anselm 
we  infer  that  he  knew  nothing  of  it.  The  celebrated 
Thomas  Aquinas  is  the  first  of  any  eminence  who 
taught  that  the  communion  of  both  kinds  was  unne- 
cessary, inasmuch  as  the  body  and  blood  of  our  Lord 
are  found  in  each.  Bonaventura  goes  further,  and 
advises  the  withholding  of  the  cup  from  the  laity. 
These  two  men,  whose  names  supplied  the  place  of 
authority  with  the  Dominicans  and  Franciscans  re- 
spectively, first  gave  an  impulse  to  the  innovation. 
The  mendicant  monks,  swarming  all  over  Europe, 
carried  the  practice  with  them.  By  degrees  the  com- 
munion of  the  cup  fell  into  disuse.  In  order  that 
laj^men  might  communicate  in  both  kinds,  a  dispen- 
sation was  at  length  required  by  the  popes.  This 
gainful  prerogative,  once  secured,  was  not  likely  to 
be  given  up.  It  was  a  new  jewel  in  the  tiara  of 
papal  prerogative.^  The  first  ecclesiastical  statute  dis- 
coverable on  the  subject,  dates  from  the  year  1261. 
It  was  enacted  at  a  general  chapter  of  the  Cistercian 
order,  and  is  grounded  on  the  pretence  that  evils 
arise  from  making  the  communion  of  the  cup  gen- 
eral. In  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century,  yet 
less  than  fifty  years  before  the  birth  of  Huss,  the 
denial  of  the  cup  to  the  laity  had  become  common. 
But  in  Bohemia,  on  the  confines  of  the  Greek  church, 
the  innovation  made  slower  progress.  Matthias,  who 
died  at  Prague  in  1389,  and  who  is  said  to  have 
maintained  the  same  doctrine  on  the  subject  with 
Jacobel,  must  have  seen  and  conversed  with  those 

*  Spittler's  llistory  of  the  Cup. 


86  LIFE    AND    TUTES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cii.  III. 

to  whom  the  cup  had  been  allowed.  Many  of  the 
citizens  of  Prague,  who  had  as  yet  scarce  passed 
middle  life,  must  have  remembered  how  Charles  IV., 
and  Blanca  his  wife,  at  their  coronation  in  1347,  had 
been  allowed  to  partake  of  the  communion  in  both 
kinds.  In  Bohemia,  therefore,  at  least,  the  argu- 
ments of  the  council,  futile  and  inane  as  they  were 
in  themselves,  would  lose  all  their  force.  So  far  as 
the  inhabitants  of  that  kingdom  were  concerned,  the 
communion  of  the  cup  liad  in  its  favor  the  practice 
of  twelve  centuries.  One,  or  even  two  hundred 
years  of  innovation  was  a  poor  offset — even  on  the 
grounds  uj^on  which  the  council  argued — against  a 
precedent  of  such  long  and  continuous  standing.  But 
Jacobel  did  not  rest  the  weight  of  his  arguments 
even  upon  this  ground.  He  had  already  learned, 
like  Huss,  to  go  back  to  the  original  records  of  Chris- 
tianity itself;  and  to  the  authority  of  these — sustained 
as  it  was  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  Christian 
fathers — he  was  willing  to  leave  the  question.  His 
controversy  with.  Broda  already  referred  to,  shows 
that  he  had  informed  himself  in  regard  to  the  whole 
subject,  with  care  and  diligence.  He  could  scarcely 
have  been  taken  by  surprise  at  the  announcement  of 
the  conclusions  and  the  decree  of  the  council.  These 
were  published  on  the  fifteenth  of  June,  and  must 
have  been  known  at  Prague  before  the  death  of 
Huss. 

But  at  nearly  the  same  time  the  report  of  the 
views  which  Huss  entertained  upon  the  subject  must 
have  been  received.  His  words  would  carry  especial 
weight  with  them,  as  the   dying  testimony  of  one 


Cn.  III.]  WEIGHT    OF   IIUSS'    OPINION.  87 

whom  tens  of  thousands  revered  and  loved.  In  his 
case,  it  was  to  be  presumed,  there  was  no  ])linding 
motive  of  self-interest  to  lead  him  to  a  wrong  con- 
clusion. In  the  circumstances  of  the  case  his  author- 
ity would,  with  the  mass  of  the  citizens  of  Pi'ague, 
more  than  counterbalance  that  of  the  council.  The 
latter  had  exposed  itself  to  contempt,  not  only  by 
its  treatment  of  Huss,  which  rxcited  the  deepest  in- 
dignation, but  by  its  notorious  intrigues  and  corrup- 
tions, unblushingly  proclaimed  by  members  of  its 
own  body.  Huss,  on  the  other  hand,  had  been  al- 
most canonized  in  the  affections  of  his  countrymen, 
by  the  injustice  which  the  council  had  inflicted  upon 
him.  Contrary  to  their  design,  they  had  crowned 
their  victim  with  a  dignity  and  power  with  which 
their  own  could  not  compete.  The  preacher  was  to 
be  elevated  into  the  confessor,  the  hero  into  the 
martyr.  Powerful  as  the  words  of  Huss  might  be 
from  his  pulpit  in  Bethlehem  chapel,  they  were  more 
eloquent  as  traced  by  his  manacled  hand  in  the  cell 
of  his  Gottlieben  prison.  The  decree  of  the  council 
stood  little  chance  of  securing  favor  or  recognition 
when  the  views  of  Huss  were  once  known. 

Jacobel  was  encouraged  and  strengthened  by  the 
approval  of  his  countryman  at  Constance.  His  own 
convictions  had  been  deliberately  formed,  and,  confi- 
dent of  the  rectitude  of  his  course,  he  did  not  quail 
before  the  storm.  But  although  the  decree  of  the 
council  doomed  him  as  a  heretic  to  inquisitorial  ven- 
geance, it  failed  to  frighten  him  from  the  stand  which 
he  had  made.  He  took  it  up,  along  with  the  con- 
clusions on  which  it  had  been  based,  and  hurled  it 


88  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cu.  III. 

back  in  the  face  of  tlie  council,  riddled  tliroiis-li  and 
through  by  the  arrows  of  scripture  logic.^  He 
brought  the  array  of  the  Christian  fathers  in  un- 
broken phalanx  against  an  innovation  of  less  than 
three  hundred  years'  standing  at  the  utmost.  Nor 
did  he  fail  to  improve  so  fair  an  occasion  of  speaking 
some  plain  truths  uj)on  kindred  topics. 

The  argument  of  Jacobel  displays  throughout  an 
uncompromising  love  of  truth,  a  thorough  detestation 
of  all  hyi^ocrisy  and  injustice,  a  devoted  fidelity  to 
the  authority  of  scripture,  as  well  as  a  most  vigor- 
ous intellect  and  a  glowing  eloquence.  As  he  takes 
up  the  conclusions  of  the  doctors,  adopting  the 
first,  and  exposing  the  more  fully  thereby  the  fallacy 
and  absurdity  of  the  last,  and  then  proceeds  to  at- 
tack the  decree  of  the  council,  which,  in  its  cruel 
severity,  bore  its  condemnation  on  its  face,  all  his 
powers  and  feelings  are  aroused,  and  his  argument 
grows  fierce  and  terrible  as  it  clothes  itself  in  the 
mantle  of  injured  and  insulted  truth.  His  irony, 
contempt,  sai'casm,  and  grave  reproof,  not  unmiugled 
with  a  sadder  tone  that  breathes  a  dirge-like  music 
over  the  bleeding  wounds  of  persecuted  truth,  carry 
us  along  on  the  tide  of  argument,  and  we  feel  that 
resistance  is  vain.  The  man's  words  come  from  the 
deepest  fountains  of  feeling  and  conviction.  His 
heart  is  a  volcano,  pouring  forth  a  lava  tide  of  fiery 
logic  that  scathes  and  burns  all  it  touches.  He  does 
not  fight  as  one  that  beateth  the  air.  He  feels  that 
he  is  dealing  with  real  antagonists. 

Each  paragraph  is  sharp  and  pointed  as  a  dagger. 

*  The  entire  discussion  on  both  sides  is  to  be  found  in  Von  der  Hardt,  torn.  iiL 


Ch.  III.]  jacobel's  argument.  89 

Every  sentence  stings.  "  If  we  are  Christ's  priests," 
he  says,  "  I  know  not  whom  we  should  follow  rather 
than  Christ  himself."  "If  Christ  is  the  founda- 
tion— as  we  have  heard  from  their  own  mouth  in  re- 
gard to  this  doctrine — not  only  the  doctors  of  the 
council  of  Constance,  but  the  gates  of  hell  shall  not 
prevail  against  it."  "  Whoever  loves  the  truth,  let 
him  dismiss  these  doctors,  even  though  there  were  a 
lesfion  of  them,  and  hear  him  who  is  the  Truth — 
Christ,  that  great  Prophet,  the  well-beloved  of  the 
Father."  "  Into  such  senselessness  do  they  fall,  who, 
when  anything  obscure  prevents  them  from  discern- 
mcr  the  truth,  have  recourse,  not  to  the  words  of  the 
prophets,  the  writings  of  the  apostles,  or  the  author- 
ity of  the  gospel — and  so  become  masters  of  error 
because  they  never  were  disciples  of  the  truth." 

Jacobel  takes  occasion  to  show  how  the  disciples 
of  Christ,  who  truly  followed  in  his  steps,  have  been 
persecuted  and  charged  with  heresy.  Abel  was 
killed,  Joseph  sold  as  a  slave,  Isaiah  sawn  in  sunder, 
Christ,  the  Lamb  slain  from  the  foundation  of  the 
world,  crucified.  Paul,  after  the  manner  that  men 
called  heresy,  worshipped  the  God  of  his  fathers. 
"  Such  men  the  council  takes  on  false  testimony,  con- 
victs and  condemns  them  of  heresy,  and  then  delivei's 
them  over  to  the  secular  arm  to  be  punished.  O 
Jesus  Christ,  the  author  of  this  truth  !  do  they  not,  as 
ftir  as  in  them  is,  make  thee  an  heresiarch  ?  They 
give  up  thee  and  thy  holy  primitive  church  to  the 
secular  ai'm,  and  still  wish  to  be  called  guiltless  of 
murder,  and  charitable  !  As  of  old  the  Phansees  and 
the  priests,  so  holy  that  they  would  not  enter  the 


90  LIFE   AIS^D   TBIES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  IIL 

preetorium,  or  tlie  house  of  a  Gentile,  gave  up  the  In- 
nocent One  to  be  crucified,  while  they  said  '  It  is  not 
lawful  for  us  to  put  any  one  to  death,'  so  now  is  their 
example  copied  by  those,  who  first  defame,  then  cite 
to  trial,  excommunicate  and  hastily  arrest,  and  de- 
grade, cursing  body  and  soul  as  far  as  in  them  lies, 
and  handinic  their  victims  over  to  the  secular  court. 
And  as  the  Jews  then  said,  '  If  thou  lettest  this  man 
go,  thou  art  not  Caesar's  friend,'  so  now  these  men 
say — 'Powerful  master,  this  man  is  under  your  juris- 
diction ;  the  church  has  no  more  to  do  with  him,  and 
so  he  must  be  restrained  by  the  civil  power.'  .  .  .  O 
King  of  kings  and  Lord  of  lords,  tribulations  are  on 
ever}^  side,  thou  Eternal  Father  !  For  if,  according  to 
thine  own  command,  I  am  to  hear  thy  well-beloved 
Son,  and  listen  to  the  gospel,  as  that  well-beloved 
Son  himself  gave  commandment,  and  so  live  after  the 
example  of  the  primitive  church,  I  shall  be  excom- 
municated, accounted  a  heretic,  condemned,  burned, 
or  in  some  other  way  put  to  death  by  this  Roman 
church,  which  savors  not  the  nature  or  practice  of 
the  primitive  one.  But  if  I  do  not  obey  the  gospel, 
eternal  death  and  everlasting  fire  "will  be  my  portion 
when  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  shall  be  revealed  from 
heaven  with  his  angels,  to  take  vengeance  upon  those 
that  know  not  God  and  obey  not  the  gospel  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ.  What  choice  then  shall  I  make  ? 
But  I  know  that  if  I  should  please  men,  I  should  be 

no  more  the  servant  of  Jesus  Christ Fear  not 

those,  therefore,  who  can  only  kill  tlie  body.  Not  a 
hair  of  your  head  shall  perish  without  our  Father ; 
in  patience  possess  ye  your  souls. 


Cu.  III.]  JACOBEL    ON    PERSECUTION^.  01 

"Since,  tlieu,  all  power  is  given  to  Christ,  in  heaven 
and  on  eai-th,  who  would  dare  to  bring  him  into 
subjection  to  his  own  rules,  shaping  His  gospel 
law  according  to  his  own  caprice— who,  but  the  son 
of  perdition,  who  is  exalted  above  all  that  is  called 
God?" 

Jacobel  does  not  spare  the  persecuting  doctrines  of 
the  council  embodied  in  their  decree.  "  Ye  know  not 
what  spirit  ye  are  of.  Christ  came,  not  to  destroy 
men's  lives,  but  to  save  them.  Mahomet  taught  his 
followers  to  persecute  and  kill ;  Christ  did  not. 
By  their  fruits  ye  shall  know  them,— j^ea,  those  who 
invoke  the  secular  arm  against  such  as  practice  gos- 
pel truth.  .  .  .  Antichrist,  as  Thomas  says,  forces,  by 
threats  and  torture,  those  whom  he  cannot  otherwise 
subdue."  Jacobel  seems  to  see  fulfilled  before  his 
eyes  the  prophecies  in  regard  to  the  last  days.  He 
quotes  the  language  employed  in  previous  centuries 
by  those  whom  the  church  still  honored,  and  shows 
how  severely  it  bore  against  those  who  chose  to  obey, 
and  force  others  to  obey,  men  rather  than  God.  Their 
final  doom  he  holds  up  as  a  fearful  warnin<A 

The  whole  treatise  is  written  in  a  bold,  manly,  and 
uncompromising  spirit.  It  was  the  gauntlet  of  defi- 
ance thrown  down  at  the  feet  of  the  council.  From 
first  to  last,  it  breathes  not  a  note  of  fear  or  sub- 
mission. While  perfectly  decorous  in  languac^e,  it 
tears  away  the  last  thread  of  apology  with  which 
the  council  would  veil  its  tyranny  and  iniquity. 
The  occasion  upon  which  it  Avas  written  lent  it  a  new 
force.  The  whole  Bohemian  nation  were  indi^mant 
at  the  outrage  offered  to  their  countryman.     Jacobel's 


92  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHIST   IIUSS.  [Cu.  III. 

words  gave  expression  to  the  couvictions  of  tlioiisands. 
They  sank  deep  into  the  hearts  of  the  people,  and 
animated  them  to  a  noble  resistance  of  ecclesiastical 
tyranny.^ 

The  council,  meanwhile,  did  not  neglect  the  sub- 
ject of  the  schism  of  the  church.  By  deposition  they 
had  disposed  of  John  XXIIL,  but  Gregory  and  Bene- 
dict still  maintained  their  rival  claims  to  the  pontifi- 
cate. The  former,  however,  worn  out  with  years  and 
care,  was  unequal  to  the  task  of  long  defying  the  au- 
thority of  the  council.  At  the  opportune  moment 
he  had  intimated  his  willingness,  on  certain  conditions, 
to  resign  his  office,  and  thus  remove  another  obstacle 
to  the  union  of  the  church.  Negotiations  upon  the 
subject  had  been  commenced,  and  the  matter  was  so 
far  matured  that  in  the  fourteenth  session,  two  days 
before  the  death  of  Huss,  the  act  of  abdication  was 
solemnly  executed.  Charles  Malatesta,  Lord  of 
Rimini,  was  authorized  by  Gregory  to  act  as  pleni- 
potentiary in  his  behalf.  The  two  conditions  of  ab- 
dication which  his  master  insisted  upon  were,  that 
the  council  should  consent  to  be  convoked  anew  by 
him  so  that  he  might  regard  it  as  legitimate,  and 
that  a  cardinal  of  his  obedience  should  preside  over 
the  council.  The  first  of  these  conditions  was  admit- 
ted without  much  difficulty,  the  council  readil}^  per- 
ceiving that  although  its  previous  sessions  would  thus 

'  The  various  treatises  of  Jacobel  dered  him  a  most  formidable  oppo- 

and  his  antagonists  are  given  by  Von  nent.      The   closing   treatise   of  the 

der  Ilardt,  in  his  third  volume.     Ja-  series  is  remarkable  as  controverting 

c<jljel  left   none   of  their  arguments  the  doctrine  of  Wickliffe  on  transub- 

uiianswered.     His     familiarity    with  stantiation — presenting  those   views 

scripture   and    the    fathers,  and  his  which  the  Calixtines,  of  whom  Jaco- 

remarkable  logic  and  eloquence,  ren-  bel  was  the  leader,  subsequently  held. 


Cu.  in.]  ABDICATION    OF    GEEGOEY    XH.  93 

bear  tlie  imputation  of  being  unautliorized,  even 
Gregory  himself  would  admit  the  justice  of  the  pro- 
cess by  which  his  rival,  John  XXIIL,  had  been  de- 
posed. The  other  condition  the  council  refused  to 
grant,  but  compromised  the  matter  by  directing  the 
emperor  to  preside  while  the  abdication  of  Gregory 
took  place.^ 

The  council  forbade  any  steps  to  be  taken  for  a 
new  election  without  its  permission.*^  There  might 
have  been  reason  for  apprehension  lest  the  united 
cardinals,  weary  of  the  council's  dela}^,  might  assume 
their  prerogative,  and  give  the  church  a  new  head 
from  among  their  own  number.  The  usages,  rights, 
and  privileges,  allowed  in  previous  elections,  were 
therefore  suspended.  The  council  reserved  to  itself 
the  authority  of  regulating  the  time,  place,  and  form 
of  this  election. 

It  was,  moreover,  decreed  that  the  council  should  not 
be  dissolved  until  such  an  election  had  taken  place, 
and  the  emperor  was  invoked  to  maintain  and  de- 
fend its  rights.  To  this  request  Sigismund  acceded. 
He  published  an  edict,  threatening  severe  penalties 
against  any  who  should  conspire,  or  attempt  anything 
to  the  prejudice  of  the  liberty  of  the  assembly. 

Upon  his  abdication  Gregory  was  allowed  by  the 
grateful  council  to  retain  the  dignity  of  cardinal,  and 
to  hold  the  highest  rank  in  the  college  of  which  he 
was  a  member.  His  six  cardinals  were  confirmed  in 
their  offices,  and  the  two  obediences  were  united. 

The  council  terminated  its  fourteenth  session  by 
the  reading  of  a  decree^  summoning  Benedict  XHL, 

*  Fleury  xxvi.  112,  118.        '  L'Enfant,  265.        '  Fleury,  xsvi.  121. 


94  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  III. 

the  List  recusant  pope,  to  keep  his  promise,  and  abdi- 
cate the  pontificate  within  ten  days,  under  pain  of 
being  proceeded  against  as  schismatic,  incorrigible, 
devoid  of  faith,  and  peijured.  In  case  of  contumacy, 
the  emperor  was  authorized  to  act  in  the  matter  ac- 
cording to  his  discretion. 

Another  subject,  which  in  the  minds  of  some  of 
the  members  of  the  council  was  of  scarcely  less  im- 
portance than  the  unity  of  the  church,  had  already 
been  brought  to  the  notice  of  the  council.  This  was 
the  affiih'  of  John  Petit.*  We  have  heretofore  no- 
ticed the  part  which  he  took  on  the  questions  that 
arose  out  of  the  murder  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans  by 
the  Duke  of  Burgundy.  The  last — bold,  perfidious, 
and  desperate  in  his  daring — had  awed  the  court  of 
France  by  the  terror  and  power  of  his  name.  He 
boldly  avowed  the  wicked  deed  by  which  he  removed 
an  odious  rival,  and  demanded  and  received  from  the 
weak  kins:  of  France,  the  brother  of  the  murdered 
man,  the  pardon  of  his  crime.  But  no  sooner  did  he 
return  to  his  hereditary  states  than  the  scale  turned 
against  him.  His  deed  ceased  to  be  regarded  in  the 
light  of  a  patriotic  act,  and  his  enemies  represented 
it  as  being — what  it  really  was — a  heinous,  inexcus- 
able, and  deliberate  murder.  The  Duke  of  Burgun- 
dy needed  the  aid  of  logical  casuistry  to  justify  what 
he  had  done  in  the  eyes  of  those  who  did  not  fear 
the  glitter  of  his  sword.  He  found  it  in  the  person 
of  John  Petit,  a  member  of  the  university,  who, 
grateful  for  the  patronage  of  the  duke,  by  whom  he 
Lad  been  educated  and  supported,  ofl:ered  his  bene- 

*  Monstrelet.      Gers.  op.  v.  391.     Von  der  Tlardt,  iv.  345. 


Ch.  III.]  CHARACTER    OF    PETIT.  95 

factor  the  aid  of  an  unscrupulous  conscience,  a  strong 
intellect,  and  the  ability  of  a  thorough  master  of 
scholastic  arts. 

This  Franciscan  friar  was  just  the  man  for  the  oc- 
casion. A  blind  and  violent  logician,  scrupling  not  to 
reason  against  reason,  and  justify  murder  by  scripture 
and  all  the  principles  that  should  condemn  it,  he 
entered  upon  his  task.  Prompt  where  all  others 
hesitated,  taking  by  storm  what  others  would 
patiently  besiege,  almost  raving  in  his  furious  advo- 
cacy or  invective,  yet  always  master  of  himself,  and 
calculating  with  cool  reason  the  effect  of  his  very 
paradox,  he  was  the  person  to  carry  along  with  him, 
by  the  logical  energy  of  his  nature,  the  mass  of 
minds  whose  weakness  or  timidity  demanded  a  leader. 
He  preached  before  the  university  a  discourse  as  re- 
markable almost  for  its  scholastic  logic  as  for  its 
daring  doctrine.  In  this  curious  but  masterly  pro- 
duction he  hews  his  way  to  his  conclusion  with  a 
direct  and  sti'aightforward  energy, — leaving  each 
granite  step  by  which  he  mounts,  visible  and  defiant 
to  every  eye.*  His  enemies  must  have  admired  the 
art  and  boldness  of  the  man  they  denounced,  and 
few  there  were  who  could  safely  venture  to  encoun- 
ter such  a  disputant. 

But  the  thing  must  be  done,  and  upon  Gerson,  as 
the  ablest  man  in  France,  the  task  was  devolved. 
Nor  did  he  shrink  from  it.  Although,  like  Petit,  he 
was  a  debtor  to  the  charities  of  the  house  of  Bur- 
gundy, his  mind  and  heart  were  both  arrayed  on  tlie 
side  of  justice.     He  hated  the  logic  that  defended 

'  Monstrelet,  i.  Cl-81. 


96  LITE    AND    TIjMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Ch.  III. 

the  crime,  as  lie  detested  and  boldly  denounced  the 
deed  itself.  With  a  chivalrous  devotion  to  his  cause, 
Gerson  threw  himself  into  the  midst  of  the  discus- 
sion. For  a  long  time  he  struggled  in  vain.  The 
Duke  of  Burgundy  carried  the  university  with  him, 
and  triumphed  temporarily  in  the  person  of  Petit. 
But  his  violence  made  him  odious.  The  relations  of 
parties  were  in  a  state  of  constant  change.  At  last, 
in  1412,  Gerson  secured  from  the  university  the  con- 
demnation  of  seven  articles  from  Petit's  writings,  in 
which  he  had  maintained  that  a  subject  may  justly 
put  a  tyrant  to  death  on  his  own  responsibility,  and 
even  deserves  to  be  recompensed  therefor.  The  king 
of  France,  in  consequence  of  these  proceedings,  di- 
rected the  Bishop  of  Paris  and  the. Inquisitor  of  the 
Faith  to  join  to  themselves  such  a  number  of  the 
doctors  of  the  university  as  they  should  see  fit,  and 
give  judgment  upon  the  disputed  propositions  !  Thus 
originated  the  celebrated  assembly  called  the  Council 
of  the  Faith.  By  this  body  thirty-seven  propositions,^ 
drawn  from  the  writings  of  Petit,  who  had  mean- 
wdiile  deceased,  were  condemned  to  be  publicly 
burned.  The  sentence  was  duly  executed,  and  was 
inscribed,  by  the  king's  order,  in  the  register  of  each 
parliament  of  the  kingdom. 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy  felt  that  this  blow  was 
aimed  at  him.  In  stamping  the  argument  of  his 
apologist  with  infamy,  the  council  had  left  him  with- 
out an  apology  for  his  ci'ime,  and  he  stood  charged 
before  the  world  with  the  murder  of  his  relative. 
He  appealed  to  the  Apostolic  See.     John  XXIII.  was 

'  L'Enfant  (242)  gives  only  the  seven  first  condemned. 


Ch.  in.]  GERSON,    AND    PETIT's    DOCTRINE.  97 

not  indisposed  to  listen  favorably  to  tbe  cause  of  a 
powerful  ruler,  who  hated  his  rival,  Benedict  XIIL, 
with  a  venomous  malice  equal  to  his  own.  Three  car- 
dinals, appointed  to  examine  into  the  affair,  reported 
in  ^ivor  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy.  They  quashed 
the  sentence  of  the  Bishop  of  Paris.  The  question 
was  thus  brought  to  the  notice  of  the  world,  and  the 
issue  joined  in  the  face  of  Christendom.  It  remained 
for  each  party  to  present  his  cause  at  the  council  of 
Constance,  and  strive  to  secure  its  judgment  in  his 
favor. 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy  had  now,  however,  the 
manifest  advantage.  He  merely  needed  to  have  the 
council  reject  the  appeal  of  the  opposite  party. 
Silence — a  passing  over  of  the  whole  subject — was  all 
that  he  demanded.  Each  party  nerved  itself  for  the 
struggle,  and  each  was  strongly  supported  in  the 
council.  Among  the  representatives  of  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy  were  Peter  Cauchon,  who  afterward  sat 
in  judgment  on  the  celebrated  Joan  of  Arc,  and 
Martin  Porree,  bishop  of  Arras,  who  had  purchased 
his  mitre  by  the  advocacy  of  the  doctrines  of  Petit.. 
Among  the  bishops  and  doctors  of  the  other  party,, 
representing  Charles  VI.,  the  king  of  France,  stood 
forth  illustrious  above  all  others  John  Gerson,  a  host 
in  himself.  Scarcely  had  he  reached  Constance 
before  he  took  measures  to  bring  the  question  that 
had  agitated  France  before  the  council.  He  wished 
to  have  it  committed  to  those  members  who  were 
known  as  the  commission  of  the  faith,  and  the  re- 
formatory college.  It  was  the  business  of  this  body- 
to  examine  into  all  causes  concerning  faith,  doctrine, 

VOL.  U.  7 


98  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  III. 

and  reformation.  They  were,  after  investigation,  to 
pronounce  judgment,  subject  to  the  definitive  sen- 
tence of  the  council.  To  this  step  Martin  Porree, 
as  well  as  the  other  rej^resentatives  of  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy,  objected.  They  sought  to  keep  the  cause 
of  their  patron  entirely  disconnected  with  questions 
that  concerned  the  faith.  "It  was  nothing  more," 
they  said,  "  than  a  simple  question  of  morality,  and 
religion  had  no  connection  with  it."  But  the  council 
on  this  point  did  not  at  first  agree  with  them. 

Foiled  here,  the  Bishop  of  Arras,  who  showed 
himself  an  adroit  tactician  and  an  able  advocate, 
studied  the  composition  of  the  commission  to  whom 
the  question  was  to  be  submitted.  He  found  upon 
it,  perhaps  in  part  secured  the  appointment  to  it,  of 
the  three  cardinals  of  John  XXIIL,  who  had  already 
reported  in  favor  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy.  But 
along  with  these,  also,  was  found  D'Ailly,  cardinal 
of  Cambray,  whose  views  upon  the  question  of  Petit's 
doctrines  varied  little,  if  any,  from  those  of  Gerson 
himself  From  such  a  man,  bold,  able,  and  influen- 
tial, a  leading  mind  among  any  with  whom  he  might 
come  in  contact,  the  Bishop  of  Arras  had  everything 
to  fear.  He  resolved,  if  possible,  that  he  should  not 
be  suffered  to  sit  and  act  as  judge.^  He  entered  be- 
fore the  council  a  solemn  protest  against  his  serving 
on  the  commission,  at  least  in  the  cause  at  issue  be- 
tween the  Duke  of  Burgundy  and  the  king  of  France.^ 

By  this  time  Gerson   must  have  begun  to  grow 

*  Van  der  Ilardt,  iv.  337. 
-  The  Bishop  of  Arras  proposed  to     he  miglit  have  made  as  good  a  ease 
bring  charges  of  heresy  against  D'Ail-     against  him,  perhaps,  as  the  cardinal 
<y.     Had  he  carried  out  his  purpose,     had  against  Huss. — L Enfant,  325. 


Cu.  in.]  GEESOX    CIRCUMVENTED.  99 

somewhat  anxious  as  to  the  result.  He  found  him- 
self circumvented  by  management  and  intrigue. 
Although  he  had  secured  one  object — to  have  the 
doctrines  of  Petit  regarded  as  matters  pertaining  to 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  commission  on  faith — yet  the 
commission  itself  was  so  composed  that  his  confidence 
must  have  been  not  a  little  shaken  in  the  result  at 
which  they  would  arrive. 

Other  events  occurred  that  might  well  have  in- 
creased the  despondency  of  Gersou.  The  weak  and 
vacillating  monarch  of  France  withdrew  from  him 
the  authority  previously  granted,  to  act  in  his  name 
in  bringing  the  affair  of  Petit  before  the  council.^ 
Gerson  could  hence  act  in  his  own  name  only,  as  a 
private  member  of  the  body.  The  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy had  agreed  to  adopt  the  same  policy  with  the 
French  monarch,  and  direct  the  Bishop  of  Arras  and 
his  colleague  to  proceed  no  longer  on  the  authority 
of  his  name.  But  he  did  not  keep  his  promise.  It 
was  not  to  have  been  expected  that  he  would  do  so 
against  his  own  interest.  Guilty  already  of  ])erfidy 
and  murder,  this  violation  of  his  word  was  but  an- 
other grain  thrown  into  the  scale  of  his  enormous 
crimes. 

Gerson  had  therefore  to  act  in  his  own  name  ao-ainst 
the  avowed  representatives  of  one  of  the  most  power- 
ful princes  of  his  time.  Nor  was  the  duke  himself 
idle.  Deeply  anxious  to  secure  from  the  council  the 
silence  that  would  be  for  him  virtually  a  verdict  of 
acquittal,  he  had  approached  near  the  confines  of  the 
city  where  the  council  was  assembled.^     This  con- 

'  L'Enfant,  248.  «  Michelet,  ii.  19. 


100  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN"   HUSS.  [Cn.  111. 

fidence  of  security  made  his  power  more  terrible. 
His  pretence  was,  he  wished  to  hear  by  night  the 
belhng  of  the  stags.  But  with  his  tent  pitched  in 
the  great  forest  of  Argilly,  we  can  see  the  proof  of 
the  eager  and  anxious  feelings  with  which  he  watch- 
ed the  ^proceedings  of  the  council.  The  earliest  in- 
telligence was  conveyed  to  him.  We  seem  to  see 
the  princely  criminal  walking  amid  the  twilight 
glooms  of  the  deep  woods,  visited  by  the  spectres  of 
ancient  crime,  and  hourly  haunted  by  memories  that 
drove  him  almost  to  desperation,  in  his  efforts  to  cir- 
cumvent the  great  chancellor.  Nor  did  he  labor  in 
vain.  The  terror  of  his  name  was  felt.  The  power 
of  his  intrigues  and  the  skill  of  his  agents  were  pro- 
ducing their  impression.  His  lavished  gold  was  an 
argument  which  Gerson  could  not  refute. 

Meanwhile  new  obstacles  rose  into  view  with  more 
threatening  front.  England  and  France  were  on  the 
brink  of  a  war,  in  a  few  months  to  be  made  forever 
memorable,  to  the  dishonor  of  France,  by  the  terrible 
battle  of  Agincourt.  On  the  sixteenth  of  April,  141 5, 
Henry  of  England  had  announced  to  parliament  his 
intention  of  making  a  descent  upon  France.  On  the 
twenty-ninth,  he  ordered  all  his  barons  to  hold 
themselves  in  readiness.^  The  English  church  shared 
in  the  feeling  of  the  English  nation,  which  demanded 
war.  Henry's  claim  to  the  crown  of  France  found  men 
to  justify  it  who  wore  the  robes  of  the  ecclesiastical 
order.  The  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  was  directed 
to  summon  his  vassals.  In  such  circumstances  it  was 
obvious  that  the  two  enemies  of  France,  the  English 

'  Rapin's  England,  L  511. 


Cn.  III.]  PETIt's    proposition    CONDEMNED.  101 

monarch  and  tlie  Duke  of  Burgundy,  would  be  in- 
clined to  yield  each  other  a  mutual  support.  The 
last  deriv^ed  a  new  accession  of  strength  from  the 
virtual  alliance  of  the  former. 

Intelligence  of  these  things  would  reach  Constance 
while  the  commission  on  the  faith  was  holding  its 
sessions,  and  discussing  this  very  question.  Its  in- 
fluence could  not  fiiW  to  be  felt,  not  only  on  the 
English  members  of  the  body,  but  upon  others  in- 
clined to  the  prudent  measure  of  not  offending  a 
powerful  ruler.  Still,  with  all  these  things  against 
him,  Gerson  did  not  despair.  Undoubtedly  he  had 
hoped  to  humble  the  powerful  duke.  He  had  meant 
that  in  his  person  the  council  should  manifest  its 
power  to  rebuke  sin  even  in  high  places,  and  make 
the  criminal  tremble.  But  in  this  hope  he  was 
doomed  to  disapjwintment.  The  council  refused  to 
implicate,  in  the  matter  brought  before  them,  the 
powerful  Duke  of  Burgundy,  or  any  of  his  partisans. 
It  did  not  even  venture  to  pronounce  the  name  of 
his  apologist,  John  Petit.  In  the  most  general 
terms  it  condemned  the  principal  proposition  of  the 
apology  as  erroneous  in  faith  and  subversive  of  civil 
order.^  This  proposition  was  expressed  in  such  a 
way,  that  the  condemnation  could  scarcely  have 
found  an  opponent.  It  was  as  follows:  "That  any 
tyrant  may  lawfully  and  ought  meritoriously  to  be 
put  to  death,  })y  any  subject  or  vassal,  whether  by 
ambush,  lure,  or  treachery,  notwithstanding  any  oath 
or  treaty,  and  without  waiting  for  the  sentence  or 
authority  of  any  judge."   Such  a  principle  one  would 

'  L'Enfant,  275. 


102  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  IIL 

scarce  suppose  admitted  even  of  debate.  In  later 
years  it  became,  however,  a  dangerous  weapon  in  the 
very  city  where  it  was  first  forged  by  the  bold  scho- 
lastic skill  of  Petit.  Its  import  has  become  forever 
memorable  in  connection  with  the  dagger  of  Ravail- 
lac,  and  the  murder  of  the  heroic  Henry  IV.  Its 
condemnation  was  secured  in  the  council  in  great 
measure  by  the  urgency  of  the  emperor,  who  de- 
nounced it  in  no  measured  terms.  This  condemna- 
tion, general  as  it  was,  cost  Gerson  the  most  stren- 
uous efforts. 

D'Ailly,  who  in  this  matter  had  been  rejected  as 
a  judge,  appeared  by  his  side.  These  two  men  ex- 
hausted the  stores  of  their  eloquence  in  describing 
the  necessary  results  of  such  a  dangerous  principle.* 
They  took  up  the  several  arguments  urged  by  the 
advocates  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  for  leaving  the 
matter  at  least  in  doubt,  and  not  regarding  it  as  a 
question  of  the  faith,  and  demolished  them  one  after 
another  with  a  merciless  logic.  D'Ailly  did  not 
hesitate  to  declare  that  the  doctrine  of  Petit  merited 
condemnation  infinitely  more  than  the  proposition 
of  Wickliffe,  which  asserts  that  if  princes  fall  into 
error,  their  subjects  may  reprehend  and  correct 
them. 

The  condemnation  of  Petit's  doctrine  was 
prononnced  while  Huss  was  on  his  way  to  the 
scene  of  his  martyrdom.^  To  Gerson,  the  mo- 
ment must  have  been  one  of  the  deepest  anxi- 
ety. The  council  had  just  sent  Ilnss  to  the 
stake,  and  now,  in  a  condemnation  so  gen- 
eral  as   to  leave  the  real  offenders  unmolested, 

*  See  vol.  V.  of  Gerson's  works.  ^  Fleury,  xxvi.  129. 


Ch.  ni.]  gerson's  disappointment.  103 

denounced  a  principle  which  would  overthrow  all 
the  foundations  of  social  and  civil  order.  Something 
had  been  obtained,  but  far  from  what  he  had  hoped. 
.  Was  it  all  that  he  could  expect  ?  Gloomy  thoughts 
must  have  filled  his  mind,  as  he  reverted  from  the 
victim  who  had  just  been  sentenced  to  the  flames,  to 
the  character  of  those  judges  who  had  been  tampered 
with  by  the  agents  and  the  bribes  of  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy.  We  may  well  believe  that  at  such  a 
moment  bitter  words  may  have  escaped  his  lips; 
that  in  the  soreness  of  disappointment,  he  gave  ut- 
terance to  statements  which  his  convictions  declared 
true,  but  which  others  might  account  rash.  Did  he 
begin  to  doubt  whether  after  all  it  might  not  have 
been  that  in  the  case  of  Huss  the  council  had  com- 
mitted a  judicial  murder  ?  Did  the  image  of  the 
holy  man,  on  bended  knee  before  the  assembled 
council,  appealing  to  the  sentence  of  the  great  Judge, 
haunt  him  with  the  presentiment  that  he  too  must 
answer  at  another  bar  to  the  charge  of  injured,  of 
murdered  innocence?  We  cannot  tell.  We  only 
know  that  he  boldly  avowed  that  if  Huss  had  been 
properly  defended,  he  would  never  have  been  sen- 
tenced to  the  stake.  We  know  that  his  deliberate 
opinion  of  the  council,  years  afterward,  was  such  that 
he  could  speak  of  it  with  a  severity  equal  to  that  of 
Huss'  prison  letters,  and  declare,  "  I  would  rather 
have  Jews  and  pagans  forjudges  in  matters  of  faith, 
than  the  deputies  of  the  council." 

It  is  but  a  little  while  after  Huss  has  been  burned 
as  a  heretic,  that  Gerson  himself,  one  of  his  judges, 
is  arraigned  on  charges,  some  of  which  were  not 


104  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF    JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  III. 

altogether  dissimilar.*  His  enemies  were  resolved  to 
break  down  his  influence  in  the  council,  and  no  effort 
was  spared  to  make  him  odious.^  It  is  true  he  tri- 
umphed in  the  conflict.  His  position,  standing,  and 
acknowledged  abilities,  carried  him  safe  through 
the  ordeal ;  but  had  his  circumstances  been  only  like 
those  of  Huss,  who  could  have  foreseen  the  result  ? 

Another  affair  in  which  Gerson  took  a  deep  inter- 
est was  that  of  the  complaint  of  the  king  of  Poland 
against  the  Teutonic  knights.^  This  order  had  arisen 
during  the  crusades,  at  the  siege  of  Acre.  Some 
German  merchants  from  Bremen  and  Lubeck  had 
witnessed  the  sufferings  of  the  Christian  army,  and, 
under  the  promptings  of  humanity  and  charity,  had 
formed  themselves  into  an  organization  to  afford  re- 
lief. They  applied  to  the  pope  for  the  charter  of  an 
order,  whose  rule  was  to  be  similar  in  many  respects 
to  that  of  the  Templars.  The  original  object  of  the 
association  was  to  defend  the  Christian  religion 
against  infidels,  and  to  take  care  of  the  sick  in  the 
Holy  Land.  Driven  out  from  Palestine,  the  order 
was  first  removed  to  Venice,  and  afterward  was 
called  in  by  the  Poles  to  aid  them  against  their  in- 
fidel neighbors,  the  Prussians.  They  accepted  the 
invitation,  and  with  the  arguments  of  sword  and 
battle,  at  last  succeeded,  in  the  space  of  fifty-three 
years,  in  accomplishing  the  task. 

*  One  of  the  articles  for  which  Ger-  noted  above, — "  Malo  in  causis  fidei, 

son  was  charged  with  heresy,  was  his  Judajos  vel  Gentiles  judices  habere, 

declaration  "  that  if  John  Huss,  whom  quam    deputatos    concilii." — Fleury, 

the    council     condemned    and     pro-  xxvi.  161. 

nounced  a  heretic,  had  had  an  advo-  ^  Ger.  op.  v.  439. 

cate,  he  would  never  have  been  con-  '  L'Enfant,  160,  268,  et  seq.     Von 

victed,"    Another  was  his  language,  der  Hardt,  iv.  546. 


Ch.  III.]  SKETCH  OF  THE  TEUTONIC  KNIGHTS.  105 

Meanwhile  the  order  increased  in  strength  and 
numbers,  and  enlarged  its  territories  in  such  a  man- 
ner as  to  become  a  formidable  power.  At  the  com- 
mencement of  the  fifteenth  century  they  had  reached 
the  highest  point  of  their  prosperity.  Grown  inso- 
lent with  success,  and  utterly  regardless  of  the  ol)ject 
of  their  institution,  they  were  ready  at  the  first  op- 
portunity to  arm  against  the  king  of  Poland.  If 
we  are  to  believe  the  statements  of  the  latter,  pre- 
sented in  a  letter  to  the  Emperor  Kobert,  in  which 
he  implores  his  aid,  they  dealt  out  an  indiscriminate 
and  impartial  vengeance  alike  to  Christian  and  infi- 
del. Mutual  recriminations  were  followed  by  fre- 
quent and  bloody  battles.  The  knights  extended 
their  ravages  beyond  the  regions  to  which  they 
could  fairly  lay  claim,  attacking  the  allies  of  Poland, 
already  Christianized,  without  sparing  the  territory 
of  those  whom  they  should  have  regarded  as  their 
benefactors,  the  Polish  nation  itself.  The  knights 
were  defeated  in  numerous  battles,  but  sot>n  con- 
trived to  recover  from  the  loss.  They  complained 
that  the  kini?  of  Poland  was  become  indifterent  to 
the  conversion  of  infidels,  as  was  indeed  the  case  if 
his  zeal  was  to  be  measured  by  their  violence  and 
ambition.  His  humanity  is  attested  by  the  teais  he 
shed  when  battle  was  successively  forced  upon  him. 
At  last  he  had  recourse  to  the  council  of  Constance. 
His  ambassadors  were  charged  to  bring  the  matter 
to  its  notice.  It  was  committed  for  investigation  to 
Cardinal  Zabarella,  assisted  by  two  deputies  from  each 
of  the  nations  composing  the  council.  It  was  on  the 
eleventh  of  May  that  the  commission  was  appointed. 


106  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  111. 

The  question  brought  before  them  was,  "  Is  it  right, 
Tinder  the  pretext  of  propagating  religion,  to  invade 
foreign  territory  and  wage  war  upon  it  ?  "  It  was  a 
question  in  regard  to  which  humanity  and  justice  de- 
manded to  be  heard.  The  old  doctrine  of  the 
church  had  been,  not  merely  in  theory,  but  in  prac- 
tice, that  as  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  world  belonged 
to  Christ,  an  infidel  king  had  no  right  to  reign,  and 
might  justly  be  deposed.  The  bloody  recoi'd  of  the 
Albigenses  had  attested  the  faitliful  application  of 
this  principle,  when  Simon  de  Montfort  had  signal- 
ized his  infamy  by  the  slaughter  of  thousands,  and 
turned  tlie  fertile  fields  of  Southern  France  into  an 
uninhabited  desert.  The  career  of  the  Teutonic 
knights  could  be  justified  on  the  strength  of  this 
principle  alone.  Strictly  considered,  it  was  the  prin- 
ciple of  the  religious  bigot  everywhere.  It  built  up 
the  inquisition,  and  invented  its  tortures.  It  tri- 
umphed in  the  crusades,  and  was  vindicated  in  the 
execution  of  Huss.  But  men  of  that  day  did  not 
see  it  in  the  whole  extent  of  its  application.  Gerson 
could  allow  Huss  to  be  sent  to  the  flames,  but  was 
nobly  inconsistent  with  himself  when  the  same  prin- 
ciple was  to  be  applied  on  a  more  extended  scale. 
His  sympathies  were  strongly  enlisted  on  the  side  of 
th.e  Polish  king,  and  his  ambassador,  Paul  Voladimir. 

The  latter,  on  the  day  previous  to  the  burning  of 
Huss,  (July  5,)  presented  to  the  German  nation,  by 
them  to  be  considered  and  communicated  to  the  other 
nations,  a  treatise,  entitled  "  A  Demonstration,"  in 
which  he  undertook  to  prove  against  the  Teutonic 
knights,  "  that  Christians  are  not  permitted  to  employ 


Cn.  ITI.]  LIBERAL   VIEWS    OF    VOLADIMIR.  107 

violent  means  for  the  conversion  of  infidels,  nor  under 
this  pretext  to  plunder  them  of  their  goods."  After 
statins:  the  excesses  and  ferocious  cruelties  of  the  order 
which — invoked  by  Poland  as  a  shield — had  become 
a  lash,  and  giving  a  brief  history  of  the  peaceful 
])rogress  of  Christianity  among  those  who  were  now 
molested  by  them,  he  proceeds  to  show,  in  fifty-two 
consecutive  propositions,-'  that  such  conduct,  and  the 
doctrine  by  which  it  is  sustained,  are  equally  opposed 
to  natural  equity  and  the  law  of  God.  Some  of  his 
positions  would  scarcely  be  allowed  at  the  present 
day,  but  others  are  characterized  by  sound  sense  and 
true  humanity.  Infidels,  he  maintains,  if  not  of  the 
fold  of  the  church,  are  yet  of  the  fold  of  Christ ; 
as  he  said,  "  I  have  other  sheep  not  of  this  fold." 
From  this  he  infers  that  Christ's  successor  should 
protect  them  and  defend  them  in  their  right,  while 
they  live  as  good  citizens,  instead  of  maltreating 
them,  or  suffering  them  to  be  maltreated.  Even  he, 
though  he  may  send  preachers  among  them  whom 
he  may  sustain,  must  not  constrain  them  by  force  to 
embrace  the  gospel.  They  must  be  left  to  the  free- 
dom of  their  own  will,  inasmuch  as  conversion  is 
God's  work,  and  faith  is  not  to  l)e  forced  by  blows. 
He  condemns  the  cruelty  which  had  been  too  com- 
mon in  Europe  in  the  treatment  of  the  Jews  and 
other  unbelievers,  contending  that  Christian  princes 
ought  not  to  plunder  them,  or  expel  them  from  their 
lands.  He  enforces  the  teachings  of  natural  reason 
in  regard  to  the  rights  of  individuals,  by  the  com- 
mand of  the  proverb  not  to  trespass  on  a  neighbor's 

*  Von  der  Hardt,  iii.  10,  et  seq. 


108  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN"   HUSS.  [Ch.  III. 

landmarks.  Infidels  possess  their  authority  as  rulers 
from  God,  and  by  no  guilt  of  their  own.  Voladamir, 
while  he  inconsistently  excepts  heretics  from  the 
privileges  allowed  to  infidels,  declares  that  they  are 
not  to  be  dealt  harshly  with,untried  and  uncondemned. 
He  maintains  that  even  letters  of  the  Roman  pontiff, 
conferring  privileges  upon  any  man  or  order,  are  to 
be  interpreted  in  accordance  with  law  and  the  rights 
of  individuals — a  doctrine  that  would  have  spared 
the  world  the  sight  of  many  a  horror,  now  to  be 
charged  to  the  claims  of  papal  infallibility.  He 
condemns  the  principle  of  doing  evil  that  good  may 
come.  We  are  not  to  injure  our  neighbor,  and  thus 
transgress  the  commandment  in  order  to  convert  him. 
The  decision  of  the  council  of  Toledo  is  referred  to, 
as  condemning  the  use  of  violent  and  harsh  methods, 
and  recommending  only  the  arts  of  persuasion  and 
gentle  means.  Voladimir  goes  even  beyond  the  spirit, 
not  of  his  own,  but,  we  may  even  say,  of  the  present 
age,  in  maintaining  that  the  individual  soldier  must 
be  convinced  of  the  justice  of  the  cause  in  which  he 
is  engaged.  If  a  subject,  and  the  matter  is  in  doubt, 
it  may  be  possible  that  his  sovereign's  command  may 
be  paramount.  But  no  fear  of  temporal  losses  should 
induce  him  to  take  part  in  a  war  which  he  knows  to 
be  unjustly  waged.  In  these  views,  the  Polish  am- 
bassador unconsciously  passes  the  limit  of  that  servile 
rule  which  proscribes  the  right  of  private  judgment. 
He  is  unconsciously  arguing  against  the  infallible 
authority,  whether  of  pope  or  council.  It  shows, 
moreover,  the  liberal  spirit  by  which  he  was  anima- 
ted, that  he  dares  to  throw  off  the  bigoted  scruples 


Ch.  III.]  VOLADIMIR   AND    GEESON.  109 

of  tlie  age,  and  assert  tliat  a  Christian  prince  miglit, 
in  case  of  danger,  justly  seek  the  alliance  of  an  infi- 
del. He  closes  his  treatise  by  picturing  the  horrid 
results  that  would  follow  the  adoption  of  the  princi- 
ple of  his  adversaries.  If  all  unbelievers  were  i]pso 
facto  disqualified  from  ruling ;  if  they  might  be  as- 
saulted with  force  of  arms  to  bring  them  to  the 
adoption  of  the  Christian  faith,  the  door  is  opened 
to  all  manner  of  violence.  The  command,  "  Thou 
shalt  not  kill,"  stands  in  the  way,  and  forbids  all 
these  forms  of  cruelty  and  injustice.^ 

Erroneous  as  some  of  the  positions  of  Voladimir 
were,  the  humane  and  sensible  character  of  others 
shows  the  ability  and  Christian  feeling  of  the  man. 
As  rector  of  the  University  of  Cracow,  and  represen- 
tative of  the  king  of  Poland,  he  honored  the  office 
and  position  which  he  occupied  in  the  council.  In 
many  respects  he  and  Gerson  found  themselves 
drawn  together  by  strong  sympathies.  And  as  if 
the  more  to  unite  them  in  feeling,  they  had  much  the 
same  experience  of  the  character  of  the  council.  It 
was  for  a  long  time  in  vain  that  Voladimir  sought  to 
obtain  from  the  council  some  judgment  in  favor  of 
his  proposition.  But  he  too  had  Ms  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy. The  Teutonic  order  was  powerful,  and  not 
lightly  to  be  offended.  Sigismund,  earnest  as  he 
was  for  peace,  was  unwilling  to  do  anything  which 
should  tend  to  alienate  their  sympathies  from  the 
great  cause  he  had  at  heart, — the  union  of  Christen- 
dom against  the  Turk.  And  might  not  some  of  the 
principles  of  Voladimir's  demonstration  rise  up  to 

*  Von  der  Hardt,  iii.  p.  2. 


110  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHlSr   HUSS.  [Ch.  IH. 

protest  even  against  his  cherished  project  ?  In  vain 
did  Gerson  lend  all  the  weight  of  his  influence  to 
enforce  the  representations  of  his  Polish  brother. 
Weightier  motives  than  those  of  simple  justice,  he 
must  once  more  have  felt,  in  the  bitterness  of  his  soul, 
controlled  the  action  of  the  council. 

But  Voladimir  had  not  only  his  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy in  the  Teutonic  order,  but  the  order  itself 
had  its  John  Petit  in  the  person  of  a  Dominican 
monk,  John  Von  Falkenberg.^  The  latter  became, 
at  the  instance  of  the  order,  their  apologist  against 
the  king  and  kingdom  of  Poland,  and  he  showed 
himself  not  unworthy  in  some  respects  of  his  Parisian 
prototype.  The  apology  itself,  as  a  whole,  has  per- 
ished, but  fragments  of  it  have  been  preserved, 
enough  to  show  the  venomous  spirit  that  pervades  it. 
It  is  directed  to  all  kings,  princes,  prelates,  and  to 
Christendom  generally,  and  the  author  promises 
eternal  life  to  all  that  will  league  together  to  exter- 
minate the  Poles  and  Jagellon  their  king.  He  was 
accused  of  maintaining  that  the  king  was  an  idol, 
and  his  subjects  idolaters ;  that  both  should  be  hated, 
as  they  deserved  to  be ;  that  they  were  heretics  and 
shameless  dogs,  turning  back  to  their  vomit  by  fall- 
ing into  heathenism  ;  that  to  kill  the  Poles  and  their 
king  is  more  meritorious  than  to  slay  pagans  ;  that 
secular  princes  who  shall  do  it  at  the  risk  of  earthly 
dignity  will  merit  eternal  glory,  while  those  who 
tolerate  them  or  aid  them  will  be  damned;  and 
that  all  Poland,  with  Jagellon  its  king,  is  to  be  ac- 
",ouuted  criminal  as  committed  to  schism  and  heresy. 

*  L'Enfant,  678-9. 


Cn.  ni.]  PARTIALITY    OF   THE   COUXCIL.  Ill 

This  treatise,  which  the  emperor  met  with  in  Paris  a 
few  months  after  the  subject  had  been  brought  be- 
fore the  council,  was  subsequently  condemned  to  be 
burned,  as  erroneous  in  faith  and  morals,  seditious, 
cruel,  scandalous,  injuaious,  impious,  offensive  to  pi- 
ous eai's,  and  heretical.  But  no  sentence  was  passed 
upon  it  in  public  session.  The  order  exerted  their 
influence  with  Martin  V.,  just  then  elected  pope, 
(1-118,)  and  he  dared  not  offend  so  powerful  a  body. 
In  vain  did  the  French  and  Polish  deputations,  who 
felt  that  their  cause  was  one  and  the  same,  urge  the 
matter. 

Neither  Falkenberg's  book,  nor  Petit's  apology, 
odious  as  they  both  were,  could  be  brought  to  share 
the  fate  to  which  the  works  of  Huss  had  been  doom- 
ed. Falkenberg  himself  was  imprisoned,  but  to  leave 
the  matter  there  seemed  to  Gerson  a  mockery  of  all 
justice.  His  deliberate  view  of  the  matter,  as  he  saw 
it  in  retrospect,  is  expressed  in  his  works.^ 

The  course  of  the  council,  so  he  remarks,  "gives 
the  Bohemians  just  occasion  to  accuse  it  of  a  most 
criminal  partiality,  in  treating  with  indifference  a 
matter  so  vital  to  Christian  morals  and  civil  society, 
while  other  heresies  less  ftital  are  dealt  with  so 
harshly.  It  opens  the  gate  to  robbery,  perjury,  mas- 
sacre, and  assassination.  It  takes  fi-om  bishops  the 
power  of  repressing  heretics,  or  correcting  those  who 
err  within  their  diocese  ;  for  if  they  see  that  the  coun- 
cil had  no  such  authority,  they  will  not  dare  to 
undertake  its  exercise.  Secular  princes  will  find 
themselves  under  the   necessity  of  using  temporal 

*  Ger.  Op.  torn.  v.  1014. 


112  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  Ill, 

weapons  against  such  as  teacli  pestilent  doctrine  in 
their  states.  Thus  the  authority  of  the  council  is 
made  cheap ;  its  deeds  are  null  and  void ;  it  becomes 
a  laughing-stock  for  infidels,  schismatics,  especially 
for  Peter  de  Luna  (Benedict  XIII.)  and  his  adherents, 
who  will  not  fail  to  exult  at  the  result  of  a  measure 
so  exciting  in  expectations,  so  futile  in  its  issue." 

It  is  more  than  possible  that  motives  of  a  more 
personal  and  worldly  nature  than  Gerson  was  aware 
of,  found  a  place  in  his  heart.  His  zeal  was  quick- 
ened, perhaps,  by  a  sense  of  what  he  considered  in- 
dignities offered  to  himself.  He  had  boldly  stemmed 
the  tide  of  popular  opinion,  when  the  power  of  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy  was  at  its  height  in  Paris.  His 
name  had  been  mingled  with  the  curses  of  the  popu- 
lace. His  house  had  been  sacked,  and  his  life  en- 
dangered by  a  lawless  mob.^  He  doubtless  felt  him- 
self to  have  been  a  persecuted  man.  ]N'or  had  his 
treatment  in  the  council  been  such  as  he  might  deem 
justly  due  to  his  position  and  his  ability.  He  found, 
to  his  sorrow  and  disappointment,  that  human  nature 
was  much  the  same  at  Constance  and  at  the  French 
capital.  The  scenes  of  the  council  were  sucb,  that  to 
take  a  part  in  them  must  at  times  have  wounded  his 
own  self-respect.  They  were  anything  but  models 
of  decorum  and  order.  Shouting,  stamping,  recrim- 
ination, and  almost  every  form  of  confusion,  were  not 
infrequent.  In  Von  Falkeuberg  he  found  another 
John  Petit,  and  the  cause  each  defended  was  much 
the  same.  Nay,  the  former  had  even  volunteered, 
incited,  doubtless,  by  the  bribes  of  the  Duke  of  Bur- 

*  Sketch  of  Gerson's  Life  in  Von  der  Hardt. 


Cii.  III.]  TEEATMEXT    OF    GEIISON.  113 

gundy,  and  to  secure  his  alliance,  to  become  tlie 
avowed  champion  of  Petit.  In  this  character  he 
assaulted  D'Ailly  and  Gerson  in  no  measured  terms. 
His  pamphlets  teem  with  insults,  full  of  abuse  and 
contemptuous  insolence.  He  speaks  of  Gerson  as  so 
unversed  in  logic  that  he  should  be  sent  to  school  to 
learn  its  rules.  Not  the  glory  of  the  University  of 
Paris,  but  the  disgrace  of  its  ignorance,  is  manifest 
in  the  stupidity  of  its  chancellor.  No  wonder,  he 
says,  if  such  a  man  as  he,  unacquainted  with  the 
rudiments  of  logic,  occupied  that  post,  the  Bishop 
of  Paris,  with  the  doctors  of  his  council  of  faith, 
should  have  blundered  into  the  error  of  condemnino- 

o 

the  propositions  of  Petit. 

It  is  not  strange  that  Gerson's  zeal  was  inflamed 
by  some  sense  of  the  personal  outrage  to  which  he 
was  subjected.     The  consciousness  of  his  own  integ- 
rity perhaps  needed  this  new  spur  to  rouse  him  to 
the  most  strenuous  effort.     And  that  effort  was  put 
forth.     The  great  man,  with  his  noble  heart  and 
gigantic  intellect,  toiled  on,  hoping  against  hope,  and 
trusting  with  the  fondness  of  affection  to  the  action 
of  a  council  that  was  forever  humbling  his  idolatrous 
respect  for  it  by  showing  itself  but  a  prostrate  Da- 
gon.     Efforts   that   would   have   crushed   others  in 
weeks,  were  by  him  continued  without  intermission 
for  years.     It  was  with  feelings  that  none  can  envy, 
that  he  at  last  withdrew  from  a  scene  that,  at  once, 
had  witnessed  his  glory  and  humiliation.  The  dreams 
of  early  years  were  dashed  to  the  earth.   His  enemy, 
the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  was  triumphant.     The  coun- 
cil, which  he  had  at  first  idolized,  dared  not  touch 
VOL.  n.  3 


114  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  III. 

tlie  powerful  criminal.  The  University  of  Paris  was 
no  lono-er  liis  home.  The  murderer  of  the  Duke 
of  Oi'leans  ruled  there  still ;  and  the  broken-hearted 
exile  found  the  only  repose — the  only  real  peace  he 
was  again  to  enjoy  on  earth — in  the  humble  monas- 
tery of  a  distant  city.  There,  at  Lyons,  we  see  that 
intellect,  which  found  not  its  peer  in  the  assembled 
representatives  of  the  Christian  world,  engaged  in 
the  instruction  of  little  children,  and  teaching  them — 
in  a  humility  which  had  been  taught  by  adversity — 
as  they  should  pass  the  spot  where  his  ashes  would 
soon  rest,  to  "  pray  for  poor  John  Gerson  I " 


CHAPTER    IV. 

THE  COUNCIL  AND  THE  BOHEMIANS.— JEROME  RECANTS, 

Impressions  Made  by  the  Execution  op  Huss.  —  Pasquinade. — Sermon  of  thb 
Monk  of  Mavence.  —  Its  Severity.  —  Similar  Sermons.  —  Inference.  —  The 
Council  Condemns  Itself.  —  Death  of  Huss  Known  at  Prague.  —  Consterna- 
tion.—  Veneration  for  the  Memory  of  Huss. —  Unanimity  of  Feeling. — 
Voice  of  the  University.  —  Jerome  Visited  by  a  Deputation  of  the  Council. 
Other  Matters.  — Sigismund  Zealous  for  the  Condemnation  of  Petit's  Prop- 
ositions. —  llis  Mission  to  Spain.  —  Obstinacy  op  Benedict.  —  Sigismund  Pre- 
pares for  His  Journey.  —  Decree  op  the  Council.  —  Sigismund's  Departure. 
—  Conference  with  Benedict.  —  The  Council  in  Sigismund's  Absence.  —  Slow 
Progress.  —  Disputes,  Games,  and  Violence.  —  Many  Leave  Constance. — 
Gerson's  Sermon.  —  The  Council's  Letter  to  Bohemia. — Its  Threats. — 
Provocation.  —  Excitejient  at  Prague.  —  Jerome's  Severe  Imprisonment. — ■ 
Presumption  of  His  Heroism. — His  Recantation  Explained.  —  Qualified  Sub- 
mission to  the  Council.  —  Unsatisfactory.  —  Nineteenth  Session.  —  Jerome's 
Second  Form  of  Submission.  —  His  Speech,  Explanatory  and  Introductory. — 
How  Far  Sincere. 

Aug.  1,  1415  — Sept.  23,  1415. 

The  execution  of  Huss,  as  the  intelligence  of  it 
went  abroad,  was  variously  received.  To  some  it 
afforded  occasion  for  exultation ;  in  the  minds  of 
others  it  excited  only  grief  and  indignation.  The 
enemies  of  the  reformer  gained  nothing  by  it.  The 
council  had  only  aggravated  its  own  infamy  by  the 
cruel  deed.  Sigismund  had  forever  alienated  from 
himself  the  sympathies  of  the  Bohemians,  by  the 
complacency  with  which  he  had  tolerated  the  viola- 
tion of  his  safe-conduct.  The  instigators  of  the  pros- 
ecution had  covered  their  own  memory  with  an  odi- 
um which  would  follow  them  to  their  graves. 

(115) 


116  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.  [Ch.  IV. 

There  were  some,  undoubtedly,  who  exulted  in 
the  fate  of  a  man  charged  with  heresy, — one  whose 
name  had  been  so  long  coupled  with  that  of  Wick- 
liffe,  or  who  had  been  recognized  by  them  only  as 
a  dangerous  innovator.  But  there  were  not  want- 
ing those,  even  at  Constance,  who  regarded  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  council,  in  the  case  of  Huss,  with  in- 
dignation and  abhorrence.  The  doctrines  for  which 
he  was  willing  to  die  assumed  a  new  importance.  The 
persecuting  bigotry  of  the  council,  in  their  method 
of  dealing  with  him, — the  outrage  committed,  in  his 
imprisonment,  trial,  and  execution,  upon  all  the  forms 
of  justice, — combined,  with  the  notorious  corruption 
of  the  council  itself,  to  tear  from  the  eyes  of  men 
the  veil  of  its  false  assumptions.  Any  public  mani- 
festations of  the  feelings  which  had  thus  been  excited 
would  have  been  hazardous  in  the  extreme,  and  yet 
their  expression  could  not  be  entirely  suppressed.  It 
would  have  been  difficult  to  conceive  anything  more 
bitterly  severe  than  the  method  which  was  taken  to 
set  forth  the  contempt  which  the  council  had  invited 
upon  itself  On  the  day  after  the  execution  of  Huss, 
the  follow iuo:  writino^  was  found  affixed  to  the  doors 
of  all  the  churches  in  the  city.  "The  Holy  Ghost, 
to  the  believers  in  Constance,  greeting: — Pay  atten- 
tion to  your  own  business.  As  to  us,  being  occupied 
elsewhere,  we  cannot  remain  any  longer  in  the  midst 
of  you.     Adieu."* 

None  would  dare  to  avow  the  authorship,  and  few 
perhaps  would  approve  the  spirit  of  this  pasquinade 
Yet  many  were  dissatisfied  and  disgusted  with  tht 

*  L'Enfant.    Von  der  Ilardt 


Cn.  IV.]     SEEMONS  BEFORE  THE  COUNCIL.        117 

proceedings  of  tlie  council.  It  was  not  many  months 
after  the  death  of  Huss,  that  an  Augustinian  monk, 
of  Mayence,  preached  before  it  a  sermon,  the  severe 
rebukes  of  which  were  terrible  truths  or  atrocious 
libels.  "  It  is  related,"  said  he,  "  of  Socrates,  that 
he  once  laughed  at  seeing  great  robbers  drag  little 
ones  to  the  gibbet ;  more  reason  would  he  have  to 
lausfh  if  he  were  here  now  at  this  council  of  Con- 
stance,  where  we  see  great  rogues,  that  is,  Simonists, 
suspend  little  ones."  ^  In  truth,  one  only  needs  to 
note  the  measures  of  the  council  in  connection  with 
the  sermons  preached  before  it,  to  be  convinced  that, 
so  far  as  morality  and  religion  were  concerned,  the 
whole  business  of  the  assembly  was  a  pompous  farce. 
But  for  the  blood  and  crime  accumulated  upon  the 
hands  of  the  actors,  the  council  would  have  seemed 
but  a  theatre,  on  which,  before  the  eyes  of  Europe 
and  to  the  scandal  of  Christendom,  was  played  out,  in 
the  name  of  religion,  a  grand  "  comedy  of  errors." 
Scarce  a  sermon  was  preached,  for  months  after  the 
execution  of  Huss,  which  was  not  its  virtual  con- 
demnation. The  most  frightful  pictures  of  the  prev- 
alent immorality  and  corruption  of  the  clergy  were 
successively  presented  to  view,  and  presented  by  men 
who  were  eye-witnesses  of  what  they  described,  and 
looked  the  council  in  the  face  while  they  exhibited 
the  memorials  of  its  disgrace.  A  Carmelite  doctor 
from  Montpelier  preached,  a  few  weeks  after  the 
martyrdom  of  Huss,  a  discourse  on  the  necessity  of 
a  reformation  of  the  church.  He  demanded  that 
most  prompt    and    effectual    measures    should    be 

'  L'Enfant. 


118  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOITN-   HUSS.  [Ch.  IV. 

adopted  by  the  council  to  correct  the  prevalent 
abuses, — "  the  insatiable  avarice,  the  indomitable  am- 
bition, the  gross  ignorance,  the  shameful  indolence, 
and  execrable  impurity  of  the  ecclesiastics.^  Still, 
a  few  weeks  later,  another  preacher  before  the  coun- 
cil expatiates  on  the  same  theme.  After  depicting 
the  wretched  condition  of  the  church,  he  traces  it  to 
its  causes, — "  in  the  avarice  and  cupidity  of  the  eccle- 
siastics, their  haughtiness  and  pride."  .  "Who,"  he 
asks,  "  are  those  that  most  oppose  reform  ?  Secular 
princes  ?  No !  far  from  it.  They  are  the  eccle- 
siastics, who  tear  the  robe  of  Christ  in  pieces,  and 
whom  we  may  compare  to  famished  wolves,  who 
come  into  the  fold  in  sheep's  clothing,  and  who,  un- 
der the  habits  of  religion,  conceal  hearts  impious 
and  heinous  with  enormity."* 

Still  later  (October  25)  the  Bishoj^  of  Lodi,  who 
had  urged  the  council  to  severity  against  Huss  at 
the  session  in  which  his  sentence  was  pronounced, 
preached  a  funeral  sermon  on  the  death  of  Landolph 
Maramour,  Cardinal  de  Bari.  He  says  not  a  word 
of  the  dead,  but  takes  for  his  subject  of  discourse 
the  vices  of  the  ecclesiastics,  and  the  necessity  of 
reform.  The  council  might  well  blush  at  such  re- 
proof, if  any  sense  of  shame  was  left  it.  "  Instead  of 
being,"  says  the  bishop,  "  an  example  to  the  people, 
it  is  they,  (the  people,)  perhaps,  that  will  need  to 
teach  us  how  to  live.  Do  we  not  see  in  the  laity 
more  gravity,  decorum,  exemplariness  in  morals  and 
conduct,  more  respect  and  devotion  in  church,  than 
in  the  ecclesiastics  themselves  ?   Are  we  to  be  sur- 

» L'Enfant  » lb.,  330. 


Cii.  R^]  SHARP   REPROOF.  ,  119 

prised  tliat  secular  princes  despoil,  persecute,  and 
scorn  us,  making  of  us  a  public  mockery  ?  This  is  a 
just  judgment  of  God,  who  will  not  allow  this  perse- 
cution to  cease  until  we  remove  its  cause  by  a  change 
in  our  lives."  He  represents  the  clergy  as  so  plunged 
into  excess  of  luxury  and  brutal  indulgence,  that,  in 
his  opinion,  Diogenes,  seeking  a  man  among  them, 
would  only  find  beasts  and  swine.^ 

As  if  the  subject  was  too  large  to  be  exhausted, 
we  find  an  English  preacher,  the  following  week, 
proceeding  in  the  same  strain  in  a  sermon  before  the 
council.  With  his  Ensrlish  aversion  to  the  mendi- 
cants,  he  empties  out  upon  them  the  vials  of  his 
wrath,  and  then  proceeds  to  administer  his  rebuke 
to  the  bishops  and  doctors,  who  neglect  scripture, 
theology,  and  morals,  for  the  contentious  and  lucra- 
tive study  of  the  canon  law.  He  depicts  the  ig- 
norant and  sensual  ecclesiastics,  who  leave  their 
charges  and  churches,  and  go  to  the  great  cities  to 
live  in  wantonness  and  splendor.  He  applies  to  them, 
on  the  part  of  the  church,  the  language  of  scripture : 
" '  My  hus})and  is  not  at  home  ;  he  has  gone  a  long 
journey:  he  has  taken  with  him  a  bag  of  silver,  and 
will  not  return  until  the  full  moon ' — that  is,"  says 
the  preacher,  "until  autumn,  when  he  shall  find  the 
granaries  and  cellars  full,  and  with  his  full  puree  may 
return  to  buy  many  rich  benefices."  ^ 

It  would  be  tedious  even  to  sketch  the  successive 
discourses,  which  turned  almost  uniformly  upon  this 
theme.  Nothing  could  have  justified  them,  nothing 
could  have  secured  them  a  hearing  in  the  council, 

»  L'Enfant,  839.  « lb.  840. 


120  LIFE   AISTD    TDIES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  IV. 

but  the  notorious  and  undeniable  truth  which  they 
contained.  The  facts  upon  which  they  were  based 
were  too  patent  to  be  denied. 

The  deliberations  of  the  council  in  its  assemblies, 
moreover,  were  often  characterized  by  a  confusion 
approaching  to  mob  violence.  Kepeatedly  the  at- 
tempt to  read  a  statement  or  a  protest  would  be  clam- 
ored down.  elimination  and  recrimination  were 
rife,  and  Gerson  had  reason  for  saying  that  he  would 
sooner  have  Jews  and  pagans  for  his  judges,  than  the 
deputies  of  the  council.  Thus  all  the  language  which 
Huss  had  used  at  Prague,  in  reference  to  the  cor- 
ruption of  the  church,  was  more  than  justified  in  the 
eyes  of  his  countrymen.  The  council  itself  had  ex- 
hibited the  proof  that  the  charges  brought  against  it 
were  true.  It  had  refuted,  beforehand,  those  who 
would  have  been  its  apologists.  It  had  deposed  the 
pontiff  by  whom  Huss  had  been  excommunicated. 
The  mutual  recriminations  of  its  members  had  ex- 
ceeded in  severity  the  calmer  and  more  moderate 
statements  of  Huss. 

It  was  inevitable  that,  as  the  intelligence  of  the 
execution  of  their  countryman  reached  the  citizens 
of  Prague,  it  should  at  once  be  coupled  in  their 
minds  with  the  confessed  character  of  a  large  portion 
of  his  judges.  The  known  purity  of  Huss,  the  noto- 
rious corruption  of  the  council — the  constant  appeal 
of  one  to  the  authority  of  scripture,  the  tyrannic  de- 
mand of  the  other  for  a  blind  sulimission  in  which 
perjury  was  implied — ^presented  contrasts  too  obvious 
to  allow  hesitation  as  to  which  party  should  receive 
their  sympathies.     The  whole  city  was  in  commotion. 


Cu.  IV.]  IJfDIGXATIOX    OF    THE    r.OirEMIATs'S.  121 

Grief,  indignation,  and  resentment  pervaded  the  com- 
munity. The  exasperated  multitude  flocked,  as  by- 
one  common  impulse,  to  the  Bethlehem  chapel.  It 
was  the  place  hallowed  to  them  now  by  every  mem- 
ory of  him  whose  words  still  seemed  to  echo  along 
its  walls.  All  classes  alike  felt  the  enthusiastic  im- 
pulse to  demand  revenge.  The  dictates  of  prudence 
could  scarce  restrain  them  from  an  instantaneous  ris- 
insr.  The  torch  of  the  executioner  at  Constance  had 
set  the  nation  on  fire. 

The  ashes  of  Huss  had  been  carefully  gathered  up 
and  thrown  into  the  Rhine.  The  council  had  rightly 
suspected  that  his  disciples  might  seize  upon  them, 
if  the  occasion  was  offered,  to  bear  them  off  as  treas- 
ured relics.  But  the  ingenuity  of  their  malice  went 
further.  As  a  last  insult  to  the  memory  of  the  mar- 
tyi*,  a  dead  mule  was  buried  on  the  spot  where  he 
was  burned.  "It  was,"  says  a  Protestant  author, 
"  that  the  stench  proceeding  from  the  body  might 
lead  the  people  to  imagine  that  it  came  from  the 
heretic." 

But  all  this  was  of  no  avail.  The  earth  itself, 
about  the  funeral  pile, — in  place  of  the  martyr's 
ashes, — was  taken  up,  and  carried  into  Bohemia.^ 
Huss  was  honored  as  the  apostle  and  the  martyr 
of  the  nation.  The  cruelty  and  faithlessness  of  the 
council  were  denounced  in  no  measured  terms.  Nor 
was  it  merely  a  blind  and  misjudging  crowd  that 
paid  this  homage.  The  barons  and  nobles  of  the 
kingdom  met  together,  and,  with  hand  on  sword, 
swore  to  avenge  what  they  regarded  at  once  as  aa 

'  JEneaB  Sylvius'  His.  Boh.,  cxxxvi. 


122  LIFE    AIS^D    TIMES    OF   JOHIST   HUSS.  [Ch.  IV. 

outrage  upon  innocence,  and  a  national  insult.  The 
University  of  Prague  sympathized  strongly  in  the 
popular  feeling.  The  presence  at  Constance  of  those 
members  of  it  who  were  hostile  to  Huss,  relieved  it 
of  the  opposition  whicli  might,  perhaps,  liave  sought 
to  silence  its  voice,  or  stay  or  modify  its  decision. 
Prague  was  no  place  for  them  now.  Their  partici- 
pation in  the  measures  tliat  led  to  the  fatal  deed, 
would  have  concentrated  upon  them  tlie  national  ven- 
geance. The  doctors  of  the  university  indignantly 
appealed,  and  with  a  unanimity  that  awed  all  dis- 
sent,— even  if  there  was  any, — to  the  whole  of 
Europe,  against  the  sentence  of  the  council,  and  the 
reproaches  that  had  been  directed  against  them- 
selves. "  In  the  midst  of  our  innumerable  and  poign- 
ant subjects  of  grief,"  said  they,  "  we  consider  it  an 
imperious  necessity  to  defend  the  insulted  reputation 
of  our  university,  hitherto  always  esteemed  so  pure, 
against  the  attacks  of  blasphemers.  To  all  the 
other  motives  which  induce  us  to  adopt  this  course, 
is  added  the  remembrance  of  the  honor  and  the 
virtue  of  that  man  who  is  now  lost  to  us  forever.  .  .  . 
We  desire  to  do  this,  that  the  great  renown  of  one 
of  our  own  children,  John  of  Hussinitz,  surnamed 
Huss,  should  not  fade  away,  but  shine  forth  more  and 
more  in  the  eyes  of  the  univei'se.  .  .  .  We  desire  the 
more  -ardently  that  our  words  may  be  heard  by  all 
believers,  because  the  presence  of  so  great  a  man 
among  us  has  produced  so  much  good,  before  God 
and  before  man.  .  .  .  For  his  life  glided  on  before 
our  eyes,  from  his  very  infancy,  and  was  so  holy  and 
pure,  that  no  man  could  show  him  to  be  guilty  of  a 


Cn.  ly.]  TESTIMONY    OF   THE   UNIVEESITY.  123 

single  fault.  O  man,  truly  pious,  trul}^  humble ! 
thou  who  wast  conspicuous  with  the  lustre  of  such 
great  virtue — who  wast  accustomed  to  despise  riches, 
and  to  succor  the  poor,  even  to  experiencing  want 
thyself — whose  place  was  by  the  bedside  of  the  un- 
fortunate— who  invitedst,  by  thy  tears,  the  "most 
hardened  hearts  to  repentance,  and  soothedst  rebel- 
lious spirits  by  the  inexhaustible  mildness  of  the 
word  !  thine  it  was  to  root  out  from  every  heart,  and 
particularly  from  that  of  a  clergy,  rich,  covetous, 
and  haughty,  their  manifold  vices,  by  aj^plying  to 
them  the  ancient  remedy  of  the  scriptures,  which 
appeared  as  new  doctrines  in  thy  mouth ; — thou,  in 
fine,  following  in  the  footsteps  of  the  apostles,  re- 
storedst  the  morals  of  the  primitive  church,  in  the 
clergy  and  the  peo2:)le !  .  .  .  Ah  !  beyond  a  doubt, 
nature  had  loaded  this  man  with  all  her  gifts,  and 
the  divine  grace  was  so  abundantly  shed  around 
him,  that  not  only  was  he  virtuous,  but  it  may  even 
be  permitted  to  assert,  that  he  was  virtue  itself! 
But  why  employ  words  when  acts  speak  ?  A  fright- 
ful death,  inflicted  by  his  enemies,  and  supported 
with  such  wonderful  patience,  proves  that  he  placed 
his  trust  on  a  heavenly  foundation.  ...  It  is,  in  fact, 
a  divine  thing — it  is  the  effect  of  a  courage  inspired 
by  God  alone,  to  endure  so  many  outrages,  so  many 
tortures,  and  so  much  infamy  for  the  divine  truth,  to 
receive  all  these  insults,  with  a  visage  calm  and  se- 
rene, to  shine  forth  by  the  greatest  piety,  in  the  face 
of  tyrants,  and  thus  to  terminate  an  irreproachable 
life  by  the  most  bitter  death."  ^ 

Mod.  Hus.,  i.  82. 


124  LLFE    AINTD    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cn.  IV. 

Language  like  this  from  tlie  university  of  wliicli 
Huss  had  once  been  rector,  and  whose  members 
could  claim  with  him  an  intimate  acquaintanceship 
of  years,  is  significant.  Its  testimony  to  his  ability, 
purity,  and  worth  is  above  impeachment. 

The  council  seem  to  have  imagined  that,  with  the 
terrible  example  of  Huss  before  him,  his  friend  and 
associate,  Jerome,  could  be  more  easily  brought  to 
retract.  It  was  ou  the  nineteenth  of  July,^  nearly 
two  weeks  after  the  execution  of  Huss,  and  two 
months  after  his  own  examination  at  the  time  of  his 
capture,  that  he  was  again — after  having  been  vis- 
ited in  his  prison  by  the  commission — brought  before 
the  council.  These  two  months  had  been  to  him  a 
period  of  suffering  and  hardship.  The  severity  of  his 
imprisonment  had  affected  his  health,  and  he  fell 
dangerously  ill.^  To  his  bodily  sufferings  was  added, 
also,  a  more  oppressive  mental  anxiety.  The  fate 
of  Huss  must  have  been  felt  as  a  terrible  blow.  We 
have  scant  record  of  the  pi'ison  examination,  or  of 
his  appearance  before  the  council.^  A  manuscript 
history  states,  that  among  the  questions  put  him 
were  those  on  the  real  presence,  and  on  the  Realist 
doctrine  of  universals.  On  these  points  his  views 
agreed  with  those  of  Huss.  After  this  public  ex- 
amination, Jerome  was  left  to  the  sadness  of  his 
prison  meditations.  The  council  hoped  that  the 
execution  of  Huss  would  have  a  salutary  and  molli- 
f}'ing  influence  upon  the  mind  of  his  disciple.  They 
had,  moreover,  other  matters  of  importance  upon 
their  hands,   and  could  well  afford    their   prisoner 

»Fleury,  xxvi.  145.        "  L'Enfant,  184.         *  lb.  302. 


Cu.  IV.]        CAUTION  OF  THE  COUNCIL.  125 

leisure  for  reflection.  One  victim  at  least  sufficed 
for  tlie  present ;  and  the  issue  of  their  policy  in  the 
case  of  Huss — it  was  soon  to  be  found — was  not  such 
as  to  invite  them  to  repeat  the  experiment.  The 
argument  of  fire  had  inflamed  rather  than  terrified 
those  to  whom  it  had  been  addressed.  Jacobel  per- 
sisted in  his  reform,  which  the  council  had  pronounc- 
ed an  heretical  innovation.  The  minds  of  the  Bo- 
hemians were  in  no  mood  to  relish  further  the  Iootc 
of  the  stake,  and  the  emperor  also  was  now  about  to 
set  out  upon  his  expedition  to  Spain  to  confer  with 
Peter  de  Luna,  (Benedict  XIII.,)  and  the  king  of 
Aragon,  by  whom  he  was  supported,  so  that  the 
council  might  well  feel  it  necessary  to  proceed  with 
extreme  caution. 

With  all  the  weight  and  authority  of  his  influence, 
Sigismund  had  urged  the  condemnation  of  the  prop- 
ositions of  John  Petit,  and  had  even  gone  so  far  as 
to  say  that  he  would  not  set  out  upon  his  journey 
until  that  condemnation  was  pronounced.  Perhaps 
he  felt  that  his  own  life  was  in  danger  from  the 
Duke  of  Austria.  One  of  the  ostensible  rcc'isons  of 
his  leaving  Constance  during  the  few  days  precedino" 
the  final  hearing  of  Huss,  was  his  dissatisfaction  with 
the  council  in  the  slackness  with  which  they  prose- 
cuted the  subject.  He  was  reported  to  have  said 
that  he  would  not  return  to  the  city  until  steps  had 
been  taken  toward  the  result  which  he  desired.  The 
council  therefore  saw  fit  to  condemn  a  proposition 
represented  as  that  of  Petit,  and  in  doing  so — by  this 
temporary  and  unwilling  compromise  of  hostile  par- 
ties— made  the  emperor  its  dupe.     Sigismund  seems 


126  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  IV. 

to  have  regarded  the  measure,  as  Gerson  wished  to 
have  it  considered, — the  necessary  initiative  to  further 
process  against  the  defendei's  and  promoters  of  Petit's 
views;  and,  contenting:  himself  as  well  as  he  could 
with  the  progress  already  made,  commenced  prepara- 
tions for  his  journey. 

The  proposed  conference  was  to  have  taken  place 
before  the  emperor  actually  set  out,  but  he  wrote 
for,  and  obtained,  the  privilege  of  a  month's  delay. 
Great  anxiety  was  felt  by  the  council  in  regard  to 
the  result  of  his  enterprise.  Another  pope  could  not 
well  be  elected  while  Benedict  XIIL,  with  the  ad- 
herence of  Spain  and  Scotland,  stood  in  the  way.  It 
was  especially  important  that  the  king  of  Ai'agon 
should  be  withdrawn  from  his  allegiance  ;  and  the 
presence  and  influence  of  the  emperor,  it  was  hoped, 
would  most  effectually  promote  this  desired  result. 
The  greater  portion  of  Spain — Aragon,  Castile,  and 
Navarre — the  counties  of  Foix  and  Armagnac,  and 
the  kingdom  of  Scotland,  still  acknowledged  the 
jurisdiction  of  Benedict.  Everything  that  could 
possibly  be  done  to  withdraw  these  from  his  allegi- 
ance must  be  attempted.  It  was — so  it  seemed — the 
only  course  to  be  adopted.  And  yet  by  some  it  was 
fondly  hoped  that  Benedict  would  consent  to  a  vol- 
untai-y  abdication.  They  little  understood  the  spirit 
of  the  man.  In  his  feeble  and  attenuated  fi-ame 
glowed  a  spirit  that  aspired  to  rival  a  Gi-egory  VII. 
or  an  Innocent  III.  It  was  no  Gregory  XII.  with 
whom  the  council  had  now  to  deal.  Benedict  saw 
himself  the  sole  claimant  of  the  tiara.  He  evidently 
hoped,  to  the  last,  that  such  he  might  be  suffered  to 


Ch.  IV.]  SIGISMUND    SETS    OUT    FOR   SPAIN.  12*7 

remain.  His  old  secretary,  Clemengis,  had  written  ''■ 
— of  bis  own  accord,  according  his  statement, — yet 
perhaps  not  without  some  urgency  of  Benedict — to 
the  council,  remonstrating  with  them  against  their 
decision  that  neither  of  the  contestants  for  the  tiara 
should  be  a  candidate  for  their  election.  What 
might  his  influence  be  with  his  old  friends,  Gersoa 
and  D'Ailly  ?  To  what  terms  might  not  the  council 
be  brought  by  the  untiring  perseverance  of  Benedict  ? 
The  last  was  at  least  resolved  that  his  dignity  should 
not  be  lost  without  a  struofi^le.  We  shall  see  with 
what  result  he  defied  the  council  and  the  emperor. 

In  the  sixteenth  session,  Sigismund  announced,  in 
a  formal  manner,  his  intended  departure.^  The 
council  named  to  accompany  him,  and  to  assist  him 
with  their  counsels,  fourteen  deputies,  of  whom  four 
were  bishops,  and  ten  doctors,  selected  from  the 
several  nations.  The  cardinals  bore  it  ill  that  none 
of  their  number  were  appointed.  But  the  council 
was  too  suspicious  and  distrustful  of  them,  to  accept 
their  nominations.  The  deputies  were  authorized  to 
act  as  plenipotentiaries  with  the  emperor  for  the 
transaction  of  everything  that  should  be  found 
necessary  to  secure  the  abdication  of  Benedict. 

The  seventeenth  session  (July  15)  was  devoted 
to  measures  preparatory  to  the  emperor's  journey. 
After  mass  and  sermon,  Sigismund,  laying  off  his  im- 
perial robes  and  crown,  knelt  with  bared  head  before 
the  altai',  to  receive  the  benediction  of  the  council. 
With  a  cardinal  upon  either  side  of  him,  he  awaited 
the  close  of  prayers  adapted  to  the  occasion,  when 

*  See  the  letter  in  the  works  of  Clemengis.        '  L'Enfant,  299. 


128  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOniST   HUSS.  [Cn.  IV. 

tlie  presiding  officer  gave  him  the. benediction,  while 
the  words  were  chanted — "  Lord,  preserve  the  king."  ^ 

Among  the  decrees  then  read  was  one  which  the 
Jesuit,  Maimbourg,  does  not  regard  as  infallible. 
He  considers  it  an  arrogant  assumption  over  the  tem- 
poral power  of  kings  and  princes.  But  the  council 
did  not  deem  it  unnecessary ;  and  rumors  of  previous 
attempts  on  the  emperor's  life,  and  his  own  sensitive- 
ness to  Petit's  doctrine,  effectually  preserved  him  from 
any  remonstrance.^  The  decree  was  to  the  effect  that 
"  The  sacred  council  threatens  with  excommunication, 
and  with  the  deprivation  ipso  facto  of  their  digni- 
ties, whether  secular  or  ecclesiastical,  whomsoever — 
whether  king  or  prince,  bishop  or  cardinal — who 
shall  in  any  manner  impede  the  journey  of  the  em- 
pei'or  or  his  suite."  ^  These  certainly,  on  the  part  of 
the  council,  were  lofty  pretensions.  Had  their  object 
been  other  than  the  emperor's  security,  they  would 
scarcely  have  passed  unquestioned.  Sigismund's  anx- 
iety for  his  own  life  led  him  to  pawn  the  prerogative 
of  exclusive  secular  dominion  for  the  hope  of  secu- 
rity found  in  the  council's  decree. 

To  add  new  importance  to  the  emperor's  mission, 
a  solemn  mass  and  procession  was  decreed,  every 
Sabbath  during  his  absence,  for  the  fortunate  issue 
of  his  journey.  A  hundred  days'  indulgence  was 
granted  to  all  who  should  assist  at  these  devotions, 
as  well  as  to  the  officiating  priests.  A  forty  days'  in- 
dulgence was  extended  to  such  as  should  substitute 
an  Ave  Maria^  or  Pater  Noste)\  instead.* 

The  emperor  hastened  to  the  place   of  meeting. 

*  Fleury,  xxvi.  142.  ^  L'Enfant,  300. 

'  lb.  144.  *  Fleury,  xxvi.  144. 


Cii.  IV.]  CO^^FEKENCE    WITH    BENEDICT.  129 

This  had  been  changed  from  Nice,  the  city  first  des- 
ignated, to  Narboone,  as  nearer  to  Perpignan,  the 
residence  of  Benedict.    But  neitlier  the  kinir  of  Ara- 
gon  nor  Benedict  was  there.     The  first  was  danirer- 
ously  ill,  the   last  hesitated  and  delayed  to  come. 
At   last   he   appeared,  as  if  for  armed  conference, 
with   soldiers    and   armed   cavalry.      But   his   real 
strength  was  in  his  own  resolute  and  unbendinir  will. 
The  fire  of  ambition  glowed  like  a  volcano  in  the  old 
man's  heart,  and  he  met  the  emperor  in  no  cringino- 
or  fawning  manner.     He  was  resolved  to  fall — if  fall 
he  must— a  pope  to  the  last.     He  had  kept  the  iii'st 
appointment  of  the  conference  for  June,  and  when 
the  emperor  did  not  appear,  had  the  insolent  assur- 
ance to  accuse  him  of  contumacy,  and  issued  a  pro- 
clamation publishing  the  fact  that  he  had  not  kept 
his  appointment.^    When  Sigismund  reached  Perpig- 
nan, Benedict  was  absent  at  Valentia.     To  the  em- 
peror's notification  and  request  to  meet  him,  he  re- 
plied by  demanding  a  safe-conduct  which  should  be 
granted  to  him  as  supreme  pontiff.     The  emperor 
escaped  the  dilemma  which  would  force  him  to  a  fatal 
acknowledgment,  by  replying  that  on  the  territory 
of  a  foreign  ruler  it  was  not  for  him  to  grant  a  safe- 
conduct.     Nor  did  he  hesitate  to  say  that  he  alto- 
gether ignored  the  claims  of  Benedict.     He  might 
come  as  cardinal,  but  could  not  be  received  or  recog- 
nized as  pope.    Benedict  scorned  the  offer  as  an  insult. 
He  replied  by  demanding,  as  the  conditions  of  his 
renunciation  of  the  papacy,  the  assembling  of  a  coun- 
cil in  the  immediate  neigh l)orhood  of  his  jurisdiction, 


'  L'Enfant,  S29. 
VOL.  n.  0 


130  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cn.  IV. 

in  which  his  claims  should  be  confirmed ;  after  which, 
he  should  remain  perpetual  legate  a  latere^  with  full 
temporal  and  spiritual  power  throughout  his  whole 
obedience — saving  only  the  name  of  pope,  which 
should  be  given  up.  The  emperor  refused  the  con- 
ditions, and  summoned  Benedict  to  appear  at  Per- 
pignan.  He  came  at  last,  but  not  to  surrender  his 
claims.^  The  emperor  was  soon  to  find  that  he  dealt 
with  a  wily  foe. 

The  council  made  but  slow  progress  during  Sigis- 
mund's  absence.  Some  of  its  members  were  well 
content  that  this  should  be  the  case.  Many  showed 
a  strong  disposition  to  leave  the  city,  either  willing 
that  the  council  should  be  broken  up,  or  dissatisfied 
with  the  little  progress  made,  and  disgusted  with  its 
proceedings.  Surely  they  might  imagine  that  the 
Holy  Ghost  had  taken  his  departure,  if  indeed  he 
had  ever  been  pi-esent.  Never  did  any  city  present 
a  more  vivid  picture  of  Vanity  Fair  than  Constance 
had  presented,  up  to  the  time  of  the  emperor's  depar- 
ture. It  was  Europe  in  miniature.  It  was  the  com- 
pendium of  its  splendor  and  its  vice.  It  was  the 
focus  of  ecclesiastical  and  princely  inti-igue.  Each 
nation,  each  ruler,  had  diplomatists  there  to  look  after 
their  interests.  A  very  small  fraction  of  the  council 
had  any  concern  to  secure  more  than  an  individual 
and  personal  advantage.  The  knights  and  nobles 
had  their  sports  and  tourneys.  Cardinals,  bishops, 
and  doctors  tilted  with  the  weapons  of  logic  and 
sophistry,  and,  if  more  deeply  in  earnest,  played  a 
more  hazardous  game. 

'  L'Enfant,  354. 


Cn.IV.]  ACTS    OF   VIOLENCE.  131 

Acts  of  violence  in  tlie  streets  and  neighboi'lioods 
of  the  city  were  not  infrequent.  It  was  difficult  to 
control  the  immense  multitude,  made  up  of  all  classes 
and  characters,  and  impelled  by  so  many  diverse  and 
conflicting  interests,  with  which  the  city  was  filled. 
Pillage  and  assassination  were  of  frequent  occurrence, 
not  only  without,  but  even  within  the  walls.^  The 
princes  did  not  hesitate  to  use  their  authority  to  the 
prejudice  of  the  liberty  of  the  council.  Many  were 
forced,  by  fear,  to  vote  against  their  conscientious 
convictions.  The  council  was  under  the  necessity  of 
passing  a  decree  for  the  protection  of  its  members, 
in  coming  to  and  going  from  it,  in  which  they  threat- 
ened with  severest  penalties  all  persons — emperor, 
pope,  kings,  princes,  ecclesiastics,  seculars — ^who  should 
make  any  attempt  on  the  life,  person,  or  property  of 
any  connected  with  the  body.  The  disposition  to 
leave  the  city  had  become  so  manifest,  and  threat- 
ened such  dangerous  consequences,  that,  in  the  session 
held  previous  to  the  emperor's  departure  for  Spain, 
the  council  appointed  a  commission  to  look  after  the 
absentees,  and,  under  threat  of  the  severest  penalties, 
bring  them  back  or  keep  them  at  their  posts.  Some, 
doubtless,  were  led  to  believe  that  the  emperor's  de- 
parture would  be  the  signal  for  a  general  dispersion. 
In  fact,  but  little  was  expected  of,  and  little  accom 
plished  by^  the  council  in  his  absence.  The  time  was 
mostly  spent  in  fruitless  and  angry  discussions. 

Gerson  preached  a  sermon  before  the  council,  at  or 
about  the  time  of  the  empei-or's  departure,^  in  which 
he  endeavored  to  bring  the  action  already  taken  by 

'  L'Eniant,  299.        « lb.  303.    Fleury,  xxvi.  145.    Gcr.  op.  ii.  273. 


132  LITE   AND   TniES    OF   JOHIN-   IITTSS.  [Ch.  TV. 

the  council  to  bear  upon  the  case  of  John  Petit. 
Assuming  "  that  a  general  council  holds  its  authority 
immediately  from  Jesus  Christ,  and  that  every  man, 
even  the  pope,  is  bound  to  obey  such  a  council  in  all 
matters  of  faith,  extirpation  of  schism,  and  reform- 
ation of  the  church,  in  head  and  members,"  he  pro- 
ceeds to  lay  down  the  rules  of  procedure  by  which 
it  should  be  guided.  He  maintains  that,  the  author- 
ity of  the  council  being  supreme,  it  should  shrink 
from  the  examination  of  no  error,  by  whomsoever 
held  or  defended.  "The  general  council  may,  and 
should  judge,  in  cases  of  heresy,  all  classes  of  persons, 
however  high  in  position,  without  fear,  favor,  or  ac- 
ceptance of  person."  "  It  must  condemn  all  errone- 
ous or  heretical  propositions,  even  though  it  finds 
itself  thereby  necessitated  to  proceed  against  such  as 
assert  them."  Gerson  then  lays  down  other  rules, 
certainly  not  above  criticism, — as  that  many  propo- 
sitions with  their  authors  may  be  condemned,  al- 
though, by  the  rules  of  grammar  or  logic,  or  by  some 
gloss,  they  admit  of  being  understood  in  a  good 
sense;  that  propositions  may  and  ought  to  be  con- 
demned, which  cannot  be  disproved  by  scrij^ture, 
without  calling  in  the  exposition  of  the  doctors  and 
the  usage  of  the  church.  These  positions  were  in- 
deed implied  in  the  action  of  the  council,  with  re- 
spect to  Wickliffe,  Huss,  and  Jacobel,  and  it  would 
have  been  difficult  for  any  one  to  deny  it.  Gerson 
adroitly  makes  use  of  this  fact,  to  take  away  eveiy 
excuse  for  not  proceeding  further,  even  to  the  con- 
demnation of  Petit's  propositions,  and  to  process 
against  the  Duke   of  Burgundy  himself.     But  the 


Cu.  IV.]  THE  COU:?f oil's    letter   to  PRAGUE.  133 

emperor  had  left  the  council.  The  weakness  of  the 
king  of  France  was  despised,  and,  notwithstanding 
the  frequent  letters  of  the  emperor  enjoining  action 
in  the  condemnation  of  Petit's  propositions,  little 
progress  could  be  made.  The  Duke  of  Burgundy 
and  his  partisans  were  too  powerful  to  be  summarily 
dealt  with. 

It  was  a  few  days  after  Gerson's  sermon,  when  the 
council  at  last  found  leisure  to  give  the  Bohemians 
a  tardy  notice  of  what  they  had  done  with  Huss.* 
Twenty  days  had  already  elapsed  since  his  execution. 
The  popular  feeling  in  Prague  was  in  a  state  of  in- 
tense excitement,  and  the  letter  of  the  council  was 
only  calculated  to  increase  it.  It  was  but  attempting 
to  quench  the  flame  by  covering  it  with  new  fuel, 
and  it  blazed  the  more  fiercely.  The  letter  is  ad- 
dressed to  the  bishop,  the  chapter,  the  suffragans,  and 
the  whole  of  the  clergy  of  Prague.  It  begins  with 
a  protestation,  on  the  part  of  the  council,  of  the  evils 
that  had  sprung  up  from  schism  and  heresy,  to  the 
grievous  affliction  of  the  church,  and  of  the  profound 
grief  and  anxiety  with  which  the  council  were  con- 
strained to  regard  them.  It  sets  forth  their  estimate 
of  the  perverse  doctrines  of  Wickliffe,  to  whom  it 
concedes  the  first  rank  among  pestiferous  heretics, 
and  states  the  sentence  which  had  been  passed  in  the 
condemnation  of  his  doctrines,  the  burning  of  his 
books,  and  the  exhumation  of  his  bones.  It  then 
proceeds  to  show  how  his  heresy  had  spread,  infect- 
ing the  minds  of  IIuss,  Jerome,  and  others,  to  the 
manifest  injury  of  the  church,  and  the  destruction  of 

«  Mon.  Hub.,  I  81. 


134  LIFE   AND    Ti:\rES    OF   JOnN   HUSS.  [Cn.  IV. 

the  Catholic  faith.  Impelled  by  the  earnest  desire 
of  restoring  peace  and  delivering  Bohemia  from  the 
desperate  men  who  filled  it  with  their  pestilent  doc- 
trines, the  council  had  yielded  to  the  urgency  of 
persons  of  the  Bohemian  nation,  and  carefully  de- 
liberated on  the  course  to  be  pursued.  The  matter 
was  not  one  of  small  moment.  The  evil  was  like  to 
spread,  not  only  among  the  ignorant,  but  the  learned. 
The  council,  therefore,  had  proceeded  to  the  examina- 
tion of  Huss  and  his  writings,  and  employed  all  the 
means  in  their  power  to  induce  him  to  recant  his  false 
doctrines.  The  letter  then  states  briefly  the  measures 
that  had  been  taken,  his  examination,  his  public  au- 
dience, the  testimony  against  him,  and  the  charity 
with  which  he  had  been  treated.  But  all  efforts  had 
proved  vain.  The  benevolence  of  the  council,  which 
sought  not  the  death  of  the  sinner,  but  rather  that 
he  should  turn  and  live,  was  utterly  defeated.  Huss 
was  convicted  of  the  most  manifest  and  intolerable 
heresy,  and,  after  being  condemned  and  degraded, 
had  been  given  over  to  the  secular  arm. 

The  letter  then  ui'ges  upon  the  Bohemian  clergy 
the  most  strenuous  efforts  to  perfect  the  work  thus 
begun.  It  gives  Wenzel,  the  king,  credit  for  a  deep 
anxiety  to  witness  and  aid  such  a  desirable  work.  It 
praises  the  Bishop  of  Leitomischel  for  his  diligence 
in  defence  of  the  honor  of  the  king  and  kingdom, 
and  the  defence  of  the  Catholic  faith.^*"'  It  then  be- 
seeches them,  "  by  the  bowels  of  Jesus  Christ,  to 
silence  all  those  pestiferous  men  v/ho  teach  or  preach 
the  doctrine  of  Wickliffe  and  his  zealot  Huss,  so  that 
this  most  dangerous  corruption  may  be  extirpated 


Cu.  IVJ  EXASPERATION   AT   PRAGUE.  135 

from  the  very  extremities  of  the  kingdom."  If^  any 
should  offer  opposition  to  this  good  work,  they  were 
hereby  denounced  beforehand,  and  threatened  with 
process,  according  to  canonical  sanctions,  so  that  their 
correction  should  serve  as  an  example  to  others.  The 
admonitions  and  directions  of  the  letter  were  en- 
forced by  the  terrors  of  the  greater  excommunica- 
tion, the  deprivation  of  benefices,  and  degradation 
from  the  priesthood.* 

But  all  these  threats  were  of  no  avail.  An  indig- 
nant and  outraged  people  treated  them  with  con- 
tempt. Jacobel  still  preached  without  molestation. 
The  offended  nobles  and  princes  of  Bohemia  were 
strengthened  in  their  regard  for  the  memory  of  Huss, 
and  in  their  confidence  of  the  soundness  of  his  doc- 
trines, by  the  measures  of  the  council,  rendering 
itself  continually  more  and  more  odious.  Even  the 
king,  steeped  as  he  was  in  the  brutality  of  a  sensual 
nature,  showed  some  signs  of  resentment  at  the 
affront  which  had  been  offered  him  in  the  violation 
of  the  liberty,  and  in  the  execution,  without  his  as- 
sent, of  one  of  his  own  subjects.  Daring  thoughts 
and  bold  designs  grew  up  in  the  minds  of  many  dur- 
ing the  few  weeks  that  followed  the  death  of  Huss.* 
He  was  gone  from  among  them — and  was  no  more 
present  to  repress  and  restrain  the  popular  tumult 
by  his  saintly  presence  and  calm  counsels.  The  mul- 
titude were  impelled  by  motives  of  a  more  worldly 
and  personal  character  than  he  would  have  allowed. 

The  importance   attached  to  the  communion   in 

*  MansL  Council  of  Constance,  xxvii,  '?81.  '  JEneas  Sylvius,  ch.  36. 

Cochlaeus. 


136  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHIST   HUSS.  [Cq.  IV, 

both. kinds — an  outward  visible  symbol  calculated  to 
appeal  to  fanatic  feeling — swelled  the  tide  of  indig- 
nation and  vengeance.  This,  undoubtedly,  Huss 
would  have  sought  to  restrain.  He  would  never 
have  allowed  a  mere  rite  to  engross  to  itself  the 
place  of  a  fundamental  truth,  however  much  he 
might  admit  or  even  urge  its  propriety.  The  princes, 
knights,  and  nobles  of  the  kingdom  were  many  of 
them  rude,  bold  men,  who  little  appreciated  orthodoxy 
of  docti'ine,  but  who  did  not  lack  the  sensibility  to 
wrong  and  outrage  which  urged  them  to  resentment. 
They  met  at  once,  and  drew  up  a  letter  of  protest 
and  remonstrance  addressed  to  the  council.  We  shall 
have  occasion  to  notice  it  more  fully  hereafter. 

The  attention  of  the  council  was  now  directed,  in 
a  somewhat  different  spirit  than  heretofore,  to  the 
case  of  Jerome.  No  efforts  or  persuasions  were 
spared  to  induce  him  to  recant.^  He  had  already 
been  twice  examined,  first  at  the  time  of  his  arrest, 
(May  24th,  1415,)  and  again  briefly  on  the  nine- 
teenth of  July,  when  he  had  been  brought  before 
the  council  assembled  in  the  church  of  ISt.  Paul. 
For  nearly  two  months  more  he  was  left  in  prison. 
His  third  examination  took  place  on  the  eleventh  of 
September.  Meanwhile,  however,  the  most  stren- 
uous exertions  had  been  put  forth  to  induce  him  so 
far  to  submit  that  the  council  might  be  spared  the 
necessity  of  inflicting  capital  sentence.  We  can  well 
believe  that  in  his  circumstances  they  would  be  not 
without  effect.  He  had  for  four  months  been  pining 
in  chains.     The  greatest  harshness  and  severity  had 

•  De  Vrie,  apud  Von  der  Hardt,  i.  170. 


Cu.  lY.]  FEAELESSNESS    OF   JEROME.  IST" 

been  shown  in  Lis  treatment.  He  Lad  been  pros- 
trated by  sickness  in  Lis  noisome  dungeon,  and  Lis 
legs  were  already  afflicted  witL  incurable  ulcers. 
Sufferings  so  protracted  may  Lave  well  depressed 
Lis  spirit  and  exLausted  Lis  energy.  In  tLese  cir- 
cumstances, Le  was  taken  out  of  prison  and  brougLt 
before  tLe  counciL  Under  terror  of  being  burned, 
Le  was  called  upon  to  abjure  Lis  errors  and  subscribe 
to  tlie  justice  of  tLe  execution  of  Huss. 

Had  one  been  asked  beforeLand  in  regard  to  tLe 
two  men,  Huss  and  Jerome,  wLicL  was  most  like  to 
meet  tLe  ordeal  unmoved,  Lis  answer  probably  would 
Lave  been — Jerome.  Nature  seems  to  Lave  endowed 
Lim  witL  an  eminently  fearless  spirit,  a  resolute 
energy,  a  noble  generosity  of  soul,  and  a  cLivalrous 
oblivion  of  self,  wLicL  Lis  religious  views  Lad  nurtur- 
ed ratLer  tLan  repressed.  He  seemed  born  to  be  a 
Lero.  Had  it  been  Lis  destiny  to  Lave  led  armies  to 
tLe  field,  Le  would  Lave  been  found  sLaring  every 
danger,  nor  sLrinking  from  tLe  LardsLips  of  tLe 
meanest  soldier.  In  days  like  tLose  of  EnglisL  sLip- 
money,  Le  would  Lave  been  seen  breasting  tLe 
storm,  tLe  foremost  man  of  all  to  expose  Limself  for 
otLers — a  Hampden  or  a  Cromwell,  to  bid  tyranny 
concentrate  its  bolts  upon  Lis  Lead.  But  tLere  was 
wanting  in  Jerome  wLat  was  found  in  Huss — tLat 
truly  CLristian  self-distrust,  wLicL  would  lead  Lini  in 
prayerful  Lumility  to  tLrow  Limself  into  tLe  arms  of 
Omnipotence.  Jerome  was  self-reliant.  Under  tLe 
impulse  of  conscious  strengtL,  Le  rusLed  too  reck- 
lessly to  tLe  Lazardous  encounter.  By  sore  trial  Le 
Lad  to  learn  tLe  lesson  tLat  taugLt  Lim  to  be  a  bet- 


138  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  IV. 

ter  man,  and  a  nobler  because  a  Christian  hero. 
The  hardships  of  his  imprisonment  had  unnerved 
him — had  made  the  bold  man  fear  and  quail.  The 
terrors  of  a  cruel  death  awed  him  to  a  base  submis- 
sion. Human  weakness  prevailed.  The  promises 
and  threatenings  of  the  council  shook  his  purpose. 
He  signed  a  pa2:)er  by  which  he  declared  his  submis- 
sion to  the  council,  and  approved  the  condemnation 
of  the  errors  of  Wickliffe  and  of  Huss. 

Yet  it  was  at  no  slight  sacrifice  of  feeling  that  this 
compliance  was  wrung  from  him.  He  gave  as  an. 
excuse  for  his  course,  that  he  was  not  aware  that  the 
errors  imputed  to  Huss  had  been  truly  held  by  him. 
We  can  scarcely  admit  the  sincerity  of  such  a  defence. 
If  any  one  should  have  known  what  Huss  taught, 
Jerome  was  the  man.  He  must  have  heard  him  and 
read  his  books.  As  his  intimate  friend  and  associate, 
lie  must  have  frequently  conferred  with  him,  and 
may  almost  have  been  said  to  have  read  his  heart. 
But  a  prison  was  an  irksome  place  ;  and  death  at  the 
stake  was  no  pleasing  prospect,  and  in  a  weak  hour 
the  strong  man  fell.^  And  yet  there  lingered  so 
much  of  conscience  and  self-respect,  that  Jerome  was 
forced  to  add  conditions  or  explanations  of  his  submis- 
sion, that  could  have  been  in  nowise  acceptable  to 
the  council.  While  he  subscribed  to  the  condem- 
nation of  the  articles  of  Wickliffe  and  Huss,  he  added 
that  he  was  not  to  be  considered  as  thereby  doing 
any  prejudice  to  the  holy  truths  which  these  men 
had  taught  and  preached.     Explaining  himself  after- 

*  Many  facts  in  regard  to  Jerome's     two  narratives  contained  in  the  last 
treatment  are  brouglit  out  upon  his     volume  of  Huss'  Monumenta. 
trial.     Others  are  to  be  found  in  the 


Cn.  lY.]  Jerome's  SUBMISSION.  139 

ward  iij)()n  the  subject,  he  said,  of  Huss  particularly, 
that  he  still  repeated  that  he  did  not  mean  to  do 
anything  tending  to  the  prejudice  of  his  person,  and 
his  excellent  morals,  any  more  than  to  the  many 
truths  which  he  had  heard  from  his  mouth.  He  con- 
fessed that  he  had  been  his  intimate  friend,  and  that 
he  was  disposed  to  defend  him  toward  and  against 
all,  for  the  gentleness  of  his  conversation  and  the 
holy  truths  which  he  had  heard  him  explain  to  the 
people,  but  that  now,  on  being  better  informed  by 
reading  his  works  themselves,  he  was  unwilling  to  be- 
fiiend  his  erroi'S,  though  he  had  loved  his  pei-son. 
Esto  quod  &i7it  amici  et  Plato  et  Socrates^  sed  mcigis 
arnica  Veritas  mild  est  et  esse  debet.  Let  Plato  and  So- 
crates be  my  friends,  yet  I  love  and  ought  to  love 
truth  more.  Such  was  his  attempt  at  justification,  by 
which  he  essayed — and  perhaps  for  the  time  success- 
fully— to  deceive  himself.  He  added  still  other  re- 
marks. He  declared,  that  in  condemning  the  errors 
of  Huss  he  did  not  thereby  intend  to  make  a  recant- 
ation, because,  althous^h  he  had  often  heard  and 
read  the  condemned  articles,  he  never  had  held 
them  to  be  articles  of  faith,  and  had  never  preferred 
his  own  judgment  to  the  authority  of  the  church. 

The  terms  of  this  submission  were  too  vague  and 
ambiguous  to  satisfy  the  council.  It  was  not  the 
unequivocal  condemnation  of  Huss  which  they  de- 
manded. They  saw  the  necessity  of  using  further 
influence  to  secure  a  more  unqualified  submission. 
The  time  between  this  present  and  the  following 
session  was  employed  to  secure  this  object.^ 

» L'Enfant,  S83. 


140  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cii.  IV. 

The  nineteentli  general  session  was  to  have  been 
held  on  the  twentieth  of  September,  but  was  defer- 
red until  the  twenty-third  of  the  mouth — doubtless 
in  order  to  bring  Jerome  to  better  terms.  The 
greater  part  of  it  was  taken  up  with  the  effort  to 
induce  him  to  retract  unconditionally.  The  articles 
of  Wickliffe  and  of  Huss  were  again  read,  that  he 
might  publicly  anathematize  them.  The  Cardinal  of 
Cambray  announced  the  form  of  retraction  drawn 
up  by  Jerome  in  his  own  hand-writing,  conceived  in 
the  following  terms.^ 

"I,  Jerome  of  Prague,  master  of  arts,  acknowl- 
edging the  true  Catholic  church  and  Apostolic  faith, 
do  anathematize  eveiy  heresy,  especially  that  in  re- 
gard to  which  I  have  hitherto  been  defamed,  and 
which  in  past  times  was  taught  and  held  by  John 
Wickliffe  and  John  Huss,  in  their  works,  books,  or 
sermons  to  the  clergy  and  the  people,  on  which  ac- 
count they  were  condemned  with  their  dogmas  and 
errors,  as  heretical,  by  this  the  said  council  of  Con- 
stance, and  their  doctrine  aforesaid  was  especially 
condemned  in  sentence  passed  by  this  sacred  council, 
upon  certain  express  articles.  I  assent,  moreover,  to 
the  holy  Roman  church,  to  the  Apostolic  See,  and 
to  this  sacred  council,  and  with  heart  and  mouth  pro- 
fess, in  and  in  respect  to  all  matters,  specially  the 
kej^s,  sacraments,  orders,  offices,  and  censures  of  the 
church,  indulgences,  relics  of  the  saints,  ecclesiastical 
liberty,  rites,  and  whatever  pertains  to  the  Christian 
religion, — as  the  Roman  church  itself,  the  Apostolic 
See,  and  this  sacred  council  profess:  and  specially 

'  L'Enfant,  334.     Fleury,  xxvi.  ITl. 


Cn,  IV.]  RECANTATION    OF   JEIIOME.  141 

that  of  the  aforesaid  articles  many  are  notoriously 
lieretical,  and  long  since  reprobated  by  the  holy  fa- 
thers, some  are  blasphemous,  others  erroneous,  others 
scandalous,  some  offensive  to  pious  ears,  and  some 
of  them  rash  and  seditious.  As  such,  the  aforesaid 
articles  were  by  this  sacred  council  recently  con- 
demned, and  Catholics  were  forbidden,  each  and  all, 
under  threat  of  anathema,  venturing  to  preach,  teach, 
or  hold  the  said  articles,  or  any  of  them. 

"  Moreover,  I,  the  aforesaid  Jei'ome,  inasmuch  as  in 
some  scholastic  exercises,  in  order  to  enforce  my  views 
on  the  tenet  of  Universalia  a  parte  rei^  and  to  show 
that  many  qualities  of  the  same  species  might  be  speci- 
fied by  one  essence,  described,  in  order  to  present  an 
illustration  obvious  to  the  senses,  a  triangular  figure 
which  I  called  the  shield  of  ftiith  ;  therefore,  to  pre- 
vent any  erroneous  or  scandalous  understanding, 
which  some  might  perhaps  receive  therefrom,  I  say, 
assert,  and  declare,  that  I  did  not  draw  the  said  figure, 
or  name  it  the  shield  of  faith,  with  any  such  intention 
of  exalting  the  doctrine  De  Universalihus  over  its  op- 
posite, as  if  it  was  in  such  a  sense  the  shield  of  faith, 
that,  without  it,  faith  or  catholic  truth  could  not  be 
protected  or  defended,  since  I  Avould  by  no  means 
stubbornly  adhere  to  it.  But  the  reason  of  my  call- 
ing that  figure  by  such  a  name  was,  because,  in  the 
figure  of  the  triangle  describing  the  three  different 
persons  (supposita)  of  the  divine  essence,  the  Father, 
Son,  and  Holy  Spirit,  I  regarded  this  article  of  the 
Trinity  as  the  principal  shield  of  faith,  and  the  foun- 
dation of  Catholic  truth. 

"  Besides,  that  it  may  be  plain  to  all  what  were 


142  LIFE   AKD   TOIES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.  [Ch.  IV. 

the  reasons  for  whicli  I  was  reputed  an  adherent  and 
an  approver  of  the  said  John  Huss,  I  make  it  known 
by  these  presents,  that  when  on  many  occasions  I 
heard  him  in  his  sermons  and  scholastic  lectures,  I 
believed  him  to  be  a  good  man,  and  not  in  any  way 
proceeding  contrary  to  the  traditions  of  holy  mother 
church,  and  the  holy  doctors.  Yea,  even  when  of 
late  certain  articles  laid  down  by  him,  and  condemned 
by  this  sacred  council,  were  shown  to  me,  I  did  not 
believe  them  to  be  his,  at  least  in  that  form.  And 
when,  from  certain  eminent  doctors  and  masters  in 
the  sacred  page,  I  had  heard  it  affirmed  that  they 
were  his,  I  asked  fuller  information,  and  that  the 
books  might  be  shown  me  in  which  the  said  articles 
were  reported  to  be  contained.  These  being  presented 
to  me  in  his  own  hand-writing,  which  I  know  as  well 
as  I  do  my  own,  I  found  that  the  said  articles  were 
written,  each  and  all,  in  that  very  form  in  which  they 
had  been  condemned.  Whence  I  have  apprehended, 
and  do  now  apprehend,  that  he  and  his  doctrine, 
with  those  that  follow  it,  were  not  undeservedly  con- 
demned by  this  sacred  council  as  heretical  and  insane. 
And  all  these  things  aforesaid,  I  say  sincerely  and 
absolutely,  as  now  having  been  fully  and  sufficiently 
informed  of  the  aforesaid  sentences  pronounced  by 
this  holy  council  against  the  doctrines  of  the  said 
Wickliffe  and  Huss,  and  against  their  persons,  to 
which  sentences,  I,  as  a  devoted  Catholic,  in  all  and 
regarding  all,  consent  and  adhere. 

"  Also,  I,  the  same  aforesaid  Jerome,  who  on  an- 
other occasion  voluntarily,  freely,  and  of  my  own 
accord  explaining  and  declaring  my  views  before  the 


Cn.  IV.]  PROFESSION    OF   JEROME.  143 

most  reverend  fathers,  etc.,  in  this  same  place,  made 
a  threefold  distinction,  which  as  I  afterward  perceived 
by  some  was  understood  as  if  I  meant  to  say  that 
there  was  ftiith  in  the  church  triumphant,  while  nev- 
ertheless I  believe  that  with  them,  there  is  beatific 
vision  excluding  doubtful  knowledge, — I  do  now  say, 
assert,  and  declare,  that  it  was  never  my  intent  to  say 
that  there  was  faith  there  as  fait\  but  a  knowledge 
which,  implying  all  that  faith  could  apprehend,  ex- 
ceeds it.  And  in  general,  whatever  I  there  or  before 
said,  I  refer  and  submit  with  all  humility  to  the  de- 
cision of  this  holy  council  of  Constance. 

"  I  moreover  sweai*,  both  by  tlie  holy  Trinity  and 
by  these  most  holy  Gospels,  that  I  will  abide  undoubt- 
iugly  in  the  truth  of  the  Catholic  church ;  and  I  do 
pronounce  all  those  that  shall  contravene  this  ftiith, 
with  their  dogmas,  worthy  of  eternal  anathema. 
And  if  I  myself  shall  ever  presume  (far  be  it  from 
me)  to  think  or  preach  anything  to  the  contrary,  I 
will  subject  myself  to  tlie  severity  of  the  canons,  and 
shall  be  found  exposed  to  eternal  punishment.  This 
copy  of  my  confession  and  profession,  before  this  holy 
general  council,  I  freely  and  voluntarily  present,  and 
the  same  and  each  of  these  have  I  subscribed  with 
my  own  hand."  ^ 

Such  was  the  form  of  recantation  whicb  Jerome 
had  been  induced  to  subscribe.  "When  his  purpose 
to  present  it  had  been  announced  by  the  Cardinal 
of  Cambray,  Jerome  came  forward  to  read  it  before 
the  council,  prefacing  it  with  a  few  remarks.  Ad- 
dressing himself  to  each  and  all  the  members  of  the 

*  Mansi  Concilia,  xxvil  791,  793.     Von  der  Hardt.  iv.  499,  506. 


144  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Ch.  IV. 

council,  whom  he  embraced  iu  one  "  glorious  assem- 
bly," he  proceeded  :  "  Since  from  the  history  of  the 
Holy  Bible  it  is  evident,  indeed  and  truly,  that  in  the 
temple  of  God  all  may  not  present  offerings  of  equal 
value,  but  each  according  to  his  ability,  as  some  gold, 
some  silvei",  some  precious  stones,  etc.,  if  I,  with  the 
meanest  of  the  people,  shall  present  in  this  temple 
of  God,  acceptably  to  God  and  to  yon,  but  skins  of 
goat's  hair,  I  shall  account  that  I  have  done  enough ; 
since  the  poor  woman  in  the  temple,  giving  from  her 
poverty,  according  to  the  words  of  our  Saviour,  is  said 
to  have  bestowed  more  than  kings,  who  furnished 
cedar,  onyx-stones,  gold,  and  silver  for  the  structure 
of  the  temple.  Nor  is  this  to  be  wondered  at,  since 
it  is  not  things  presented,  but  the  spirit  of  the 
one  that  bestows  them,  that  is  to  be  taken  into  ac- 
count. But  by  the  temple  of  the  Lord,  I  mean  this 
present  most  holy  general  council.  Nor  as  I  imagine 
without  reason,  since  the  apostle  Paul,  writing  to  a 
particular  church,  says.  The  temple  of  the  Lord  is 
Jioly.  which  temple  ye  are.  As  to  you,  therefore, 
most  eminent  men,  and  those  who  resemble  you,  like 
the  men  of  the  days  of  Solomon,  here  present  in 
this  sacred  temple  of  God,  long  time  have  you  ]3re- 
sented  and  offered  the  gold  of  shining  wisdom ;  and 
you  that  are  less  eminent,  the  silver  of  divine  elo- 
quence ;  and  others  still  of  a  lower  order,  by  your 
various  virtues  and  efforts,  the  scarlet,  pui'ple,  and 
hyacinth,  for  the  larger  vessels  of  the  temple,  for 
restoring  the  curtains  and  roof  of  the  militant  hie- 
rarchy. I,  after  you,  so  many,  so  great,  so  distin- 
guished men,  who  in  comparison  with  you  am  but 


Cii.  IV.]  PREFATORY   SPEECH.  145 

nothing,  having  my  head  bowed  down  by  almost 
every  kind  of  fanltiness — what  shall  I  offer  ?  Lest, 
however,  placed  in  this  holy  temple  in  the  presence 
of  God  and  of  you,  I  may  appear  entirely  destitute, 
I  may  offer  at  least  the  skins  of  my  beast-like  deeds, 
md  the  goat's  hair  of  my  unworthy  conduct,  with  a 
free  heart,  beseeching  you  each  and  all  with  deep 
earnestness  that  I  may  not  be  wholly  despised  or 
condemned  in  this,  nor  be  driven  forth  and  ejected 
with  obloquy  from  this  temple  of  God,  which  ye 
are.  For  even  these  offerings  of  mine  may  be  of 
service,  in  their  own  way  and  time,  in  the  temple  of 
God.  Thus  to  show,  with  your  approbation,  that 
not  only  clusters  of  grapes,  but  leaves  also,  may  con- 
tribute to  render  the  vineyard  of  the  Lord  of  Hosts 
not  only  spacious,  but  specious,  I  have  prefaced  this 
much,  like  one  who  goes  through  steep  and  hidden 
ways,  forewarning  of  their  nature.  After  this  en- 
trance upon  them,  follows  this  my  offering,  which  I 
present  voluntarily  for  the  honor  of  God  and  of  the 
holy  faith." 

Jerome  then  read  the  paper  which  he  had  drawn 
up,  and  which  seemed  to  meet  the  demands  of  the 
council.  They  had  forced  him  by  the  terror  of  the 
flames  to  an  act  of  hypocrisy,  and  of  treason  to  his 
own  convictions.  How  far  at  the  time  the  sophistry 
of  his  own  fears  led  him  to  believe  his  course  to  be 
justifiable,  it  is  difficult  to  say.  None  could  con- 
demn it  more  heartily  than  he  afterward  did  him- 
self. For  the  present  his  declaration  satisfied  the 
council.  He  was  led  back  to  prison  and  ti'eated  less 
harshly. 

VOL.  n.  10 


CHAPTER    V. 

VIOLENCE  OF  THE   TIMES.     LETTERS   OF  THE   BOHEMIANS. 

ZISCA. 

New  Commission  on  Heresy.  —  Annates.  —  Ravages  of  the  Turks.  —  Conference 
OF  Benedict  XIII.  and  Sigismund.  —  Canonization.  —  Commission  Appointed. — 
Gerson's  Treatise. —Violence  and  Anarchy  op  the  Times.  —  Narrative  op 
Bernard  Witt.  — Frederic  op  Austria  and  the  Bishop  op  Trent. --Measures 
o-p  the  Council  Against  the  Former.  —  Caroline  Constitution.  —  Nason's 
Complaint.  — Letter  from  Bohemia.  —  Mission  of  the  Bishop  of  Leitomischel. 
—  Reply  of  the  Bohemian  States.  — Vindication  of  the  Bohemians  Presented 
to  the  Council.  —  The  Principles  Avowed  by  the  Latter  on  Keeping  Faivh 
with  Heretics.  —  They  Fail  to  Convince  the  Bohemians.  —  Measures  Adc<-»- 
ED  AT  Prague.  —  Zisca.  —  Permission  Granted  Him  by  Wenzel. 

Sept.  23,  1415— Dec.  19,  1415. 

In  the  same  session  in  which  Jerome  abjured,  a 
decree  was  read,  which  intimated  the  purpose  of  the 
council  to  follow  up  the  task  which  it  had  begun,  of 
extirpating  heresy.  The  Patriarch  of  Constantinople 
and  the  Bishop  of  Senlis  were  appointed  a  commis- 
sion to  examine  such  as  adhered  to  Huss,  and  inquire 
into  their  doctrines,  as  spread  throughout  Bohemia 
and  Moravia.  Other  heresies,  that  might  call  for 
notice,  were  also  to  be  referred  to  them.  They  were 
to  hear,  decide,  and  judge  them,  with  all  things 
thereto  appertaining.  No  state,  grade,  rank,  order, 
or  condition  was  allowed  exemption  from  their  juris- 
diction. They  were  empowered  to  cite  before  them, 
in  person,  all  who  were  subject  to  suspicion,  and  to 


Cii.  Y.]  ANNATES.       TUIIKISTI   INVASION.  147 

proceed  in  tlieir  case  to  a  definitive  sentence.^  This 
commission  was  appointed  over  another  to  wliicb  tlie 
general  subject  of  heresies  had  been  committed.  It 
was  doubtless  the  intention  of  the  council,  by  its 
appointment,  not  only  to  expedite  business,  but  to 
place   the  matter  in   safe  hands. 

Many  matters  of  local  as  well  as  general  interest 
occupied,  from  time  to  time,  the  attention  of  the 
council.  The  subject  of  the  papal  abuse  of  annates 
had  been  strongly  urgpd,  especially  by  the  German 
and  some  of  the  French  nation,  but  the  question  what 
means  should  be  provided  for  the  support  of  the 
Roman  court,  if  annates  were  disjDensed  with,  fur- 
nisbed  a  problem  for  which  a  satisfactory  solution 
was  difficult.  After  long,  tedious,  and  often  angry 
discussions,  the  subject  was  for  the  time  deferred. 

The  absence  of  Sigismund  in  Spain  had  furnished 
an  occasion  for  the  Turks  to  renew  their  inroads  up- 
on the  provinces  bordering  on  his  kingdom  of  Hun- 
gary.^ Relieved  of  all  apprehension  by  his  distance 
from  the  scene,  they  extended  their  invasions  so  far 
that  the  council  itself  was  not  altogether  free  from 
anxiety  upon  its  own  account.  Startling  reports 
reached  Constance  of  the  terrible  ravages  by  fire  and 
sword  which  had  been  already  committed.  Sigis- 
mund's  territories  were  singled  out  for  vengeance. 
His  purpose  to  unite  Christendom  in  a  grand  crusade 
as^ainst  the  Turk  was  no  secret.  The  council  felt 
that  in  his  absence  it  became  them  to  repay  the  gen- 
erosity of  his  service  by  exerting  themselves  in  his 

*  Von    der    Hardt,    iv.    562,   573.        '  Xiem,  apud  Von  der  Hardt,   ii. 
Fleury,  xxvi.  176.  416. 


148.  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.  [Cn.  V 

behalf.  They  wrote  to  the  king  of  Poland,  urging 
him  to  interfere  to  restore  peace.  They  sent  one  of 
the  bishops  present  at  the  council  to  engage  the 
nobles  of  Hungary  to  remain,  faithful  to  their  master. 
The  influence  of  the  king  of  Poland  was  at  once  ex- 
erted, and  the  negotiations  for  peace  were  like  to  be 
successful,  when  the  violence  of  the  Hungarians,  in 
arresting  the  Polish  ambassador  as  a  spy,  excited  the 
resentment  of  the  Turks,  and  hostilities  were  resumed. 
The  Hungarian  army  was  defeated,  and  many  of  its 
nobility  were  slain. 

Meanwhile  the  council,  anxious  that  the  nego- 
tiations with  Benedict  XHI.  should  be  brouo;ht  to 
a  fav^orable  conclusion,  despatched  the  Archbishop 
"VVallenrod  of  Riga  to  aid  the  emperor  with  his 
counsel.  His  influence  with  Sigismund  was  well 
known.  His  energy  and  decision  were  not  checked 
by  any  conscientious  scruples,  or  enfeebled  by  any 
feelings  of  sympathy  or  humanity.  The  treatment 
of  Huss,  who  had  been  committed  to  his  charge, 
could  attest  the  harsh,  unscrupulous  sjijirit  of  the 
man.  The  council  feared  lest  the  attention  of  the 
emperor,  whose  plans  looked  toward  the  securing  of 
such  a  peace  among  the  nations  as  to  favor  his  pro- 
ject of  a  crusade,  might  be  somewhat  withdrawn 
from  the  matter  of  the  union  of  the  church,  or  be 
misled  by  the  artifice  of  Benedict.  But  they  had 
no  good  reason  to  distrust  his  perseverance  or  fidelity 
in  the  task  in  which  he  was  engaged.  He  had  already 
gained  over  the  king  of  Aragon,  who  resolved  to 
withdraw  obedience  from  Benedict  if  he  would  not 
abdicate  his  office.     The  latter  too  gave  such  signs 


Cn.  Y.]  benedict's  hypockisy.  149 

of  readiness  to  consider  tlie  projiosals  of  tlie  empe- 
ror, in  bis  fii'st  conference  witli  him,  that  some  were 
deceived  with  the  hope  that  he  would  acce})t  the 
terms  offered.*  He  received  the  emperor  with  all 
respect,  in  a  castle  which  bore  his  own  name.  In  a 
conference  of  two  or  three  hours,  he  seemed  to  give 
such  evidence  of  good  intentions,  that  the  report  of  it 
at  the  council  was  welcomed  with  joy.  He  wept  freely 
during  the  interview,  but  his  tears  had  the  virtue  of 
the  crocodile's.  The  hypocrisy  that  belonged  to  the 
part  he  played  called  for  tears,  and  they  were  shed 
as  a  matter  of  business.  It  was  not  long  before 
their  true   value  was  discerned. 

It  was  at  about  this  time  that  the  subject  of 
the  canonization  of  new  saints  by  the  church  was 
brought,  in  a  special  manner,  before  the  council.  The 
king  of  Sweden  had  written  to  John  XXIII.  soon 
after  his  arrival  at  Constance,  urging  him  to  grant 
the  canonization  of  three  of  his  subjects  who  had 
sustained  a  high  reputation  for  sanctity  ^  But  John 
XXIIL,  however  facile  he  might  have  shown  him- 
self in  complying  with  the  request,  was  too  much 
absorbed  in  the  conduct  of  his  own  affairs  to  pay 
much  attention  to  othei's,  and  St.  Bridget  alone  se- 
cured his  favorable  regard.  He  was  soon  placed  in 
such  circumstances  that  any  further  action  on  his 
part  would  have  been  strongly  opposed,  or  at  least 
sharply  controverted.  The  ambassadors  of  the  Swe- 
dish king,  therefore,  laid  their  letter  before  the  coun- 
cil.     A  commission  was   appointed,  to  which   the 

'  L'Enfant,  354-358.     Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  1240,  et  seq.        »  Von  der  Hardt, 
iv.  490. 


150  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  V 

subject  was  referred.  They  were  to  examine  into 
the  claims  of  the  pretended  saints,  the  life  they  had 
led,  and  the  miracles  they  had  performed,  and  to 
consider  generally  whether  it  were  not  better  to 
diminish  the  number  of  saints  than  to  increase  it. 
The  members  of  the  commission  were  selected  from 
the  cardinals,  bishops,  and  doctors.  Beside  the  cardi- 
nals of  Cambray  and  Cologne,  and  the  bishop  of 
Lodi,  Gerson  was  placed  upon  it.  The  subject  which 
they  were  now  to  consider  was  one  that  for  a  long 
time  had  claimed  the  serious  consideration  of  thought- 
ful minds.  Wickliffe  had  denounced  in  the  most 
severe  terms  that  worship  of  the  saints,  which  was 
derogatory  to  the  honor  of  Christ  as  the  one  and 
only  mediator.  There  are  those,  he  says,  that  deem 
it  right  that  all  other  intercessors  should  be  dis- 
carded. The  frequency  of  canonization  he  imputes 
to  cupidity  and  ignorance  of  the  true  faith.  It  was 
obvious  that  the  possession  of  a  saint's  bones  often 
ensured,  to  the  body  that  held  it,  a  large  income.  It 
was  but  a  just  inference  that  the  frequent  appeals  to 
the  court  of  Rome  for  canonization  were  connected 
with  the  profits  that  were  to  be  the  result.  But, 
said  Wickliffe,  some  would  choose  a  king's  fool  to 
intercede  for  them  with  his  master ;  and  these  saints 
are  but  the  buffoons — fools  of  the  court  of  heaven. 
Moreover,  in  the  multiplication  of  saints  through  the 
cupidity  of  men,  there  was  great  danger  that  mis- 
takes would  be  made,  and  it  might  even  come  to 
pass  that  men  would  adore  and  serve  the  devil  can- 
onized as  a  saint. 

But  such  views  as  these  were  not  shared  by  Wick- 


Cii.  Y.]  EVILS    OF    CANONIZATION.  1/51 

liffe  alone.  Ileni-y  de  ILissia,  or  Langstein,  as  lie  was 
also  called,  a  member  of  the  Uuiversity  of  Paris, 
and  afterward  a  teacher  at  Vienna,  Lad  written  on 
the  subject  in  a  manner  that  seen I'ed  the  approbation 
of  Gerson  who  had  for  a  time  known  him — and  per- 
haps been  his  pupil.  Clemengis  too,  the  Cicero  of 
the  university,  and  friend  of  Gerson,  while  exhaust- 
ing the  store  of  his  wonderful  eloquence  in  depict- 
ing the  vices  of  the  chui'ch,  did  not  suffer  the  evils 
of  frequent  canonizations  to  escape  his  notice.  He 
pronounces  the  advent  of  a  new  saint  in  the  calen- 
dar a  tremendous  curse.^ 

Gerson  entered  upon  the  subject  with  an  earnest- 
ness which  showed  that  he  had  not  been  an  inatten- 
tive observer  of  the  evils  connected  with  it.  In  re- 
gard to  the  pretended  saint  and  vision,  he  lays  down 
the  rule  of  investigation  grounded  on  the  principle, 
"  By  their  fruits  ye  shall  know  them."  The  formula 
was:  "Ask  who,  what,  why,  to  whom,  how,  and 
whence."  ^  Under  these  several  heads,  he  enters  into 
a  close  and  searching  investigation  of  the  claims  put 
forth  in  behalf  of  pretended  saints  and  their  visions. 
These  last  might  present  a  thousand  truths ;  but  if 
they  contained  a  single  falsehood,  that  would  be  fiital 
to  them.  If  they  came  from  the  Spirit  of  God,  and 
were  intended  for  men,  they  would  be  intelligible, 
instead  of  obscure,  as  they  often  were.  They  would 
declare  some  truth  which  was  consonant  with  scrip- 
ture, but  not  rendered  unnecessary  previously  by 
Bible  revelation.     They  would  be  concise,  lest  their 

*  Clemcng.  Op,  104.  ^  Tii,  quis,  quid,  quare,  cui,  qualiter,  unde,  require, 
Ger.  Op.  i.  39. 


152  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS,  [Cu.  Y. 

prolixity  should  at  length  make  them  more  burden- 
some than  the  law  of  the  Old  Testament.  Gerson, 
moreover,  represents  visions  as  sometimes  springing 
from  injury  or  weakness  of  the  brain.  A  person's 
temperament  might  supei'induce  a  tendency  to  vis- 
ions, with  which  nothing  but  a  mere  human  spirit 
had  any  concern. 

Gerson  expresses,  in  connection  with  the  examples 
he  cites,  his  conviction  that  the  claims  of  pretended 
saints  were  to  be  closely  scrutinized,  and  that  J9nm6f 
facie  there  was  strong  reason  for  rejecting  them. 
"  The  demon  once  presented  himself,"  so  Gerson  re- 
lates, "transfigured  as  Christ,  to  one  of  the  holy 
fathers.  '  I  am  Christ,'  said  he,  '  personally  visiting 
thee,  because  thou  art  worthy.'  But  the  holy  father 
at  once  shut  his  eyes,  covering  them  with  both  hands, 
and  cried  out,  '  1  have  no  wish  to  see  Christ  here,  it 
is  enough  to  see  him  in  glory.'  Upon  this  the  de- 
mon immediately  vanished."  Another  of  the  fathers 
had  a  similar  vision,  but  he  kept  his  humility,  and 
was  kept  by  it.  "But  see,"  said  the  holy  man,  "to 
whom  you  have  been  sent;  for  surely  I  am  not 
such  a  one  as  is  worthy  to  behold  Christ  here." 
Another  person  was  unwilling  to  enter  the  church, 
saying,  that  it  was  enough  for  him  that  with  his 
bodily  eyes  he  had  seen  Christ ;  but  by  harsh  disci- 
pline of  chains,  and  fasting  from  flesh  and  wine,  his 
swollen  fanaticism  was  reduced,  and  he  was  cured. 

Gerson  declares  that  it  was  impossible  to  say  what 
deception  had  grown  out  of  this  prevalent  curiosity 
to  know  future  and  hidden  things,  or  see  and  per- 
form miracles.     It  had  turned  many  away  from  the 


Cu.Y.]  gerson's  views.  153 

true  religion.  Superstition  had  spread  abroad  in 
Christendom,  like  the  demand  for  signs  and  wonders 
of  old  in  Judfea,  till  men  put  more  faith  in  the  un- 
canonized,  and  in  writings  that  were  not  even  au- 
thentic, than  they  did  in  holy  men  and  in  the  gospel,* 
Few  Avere  able  to  judge  the  claims  put  forth  by 
those  whom  the  people  would  regard  as  saints.  Many 
were,  consequently,  deceived. 

Gerson's  sound  sense  placed  him  on  this  question 
by  the  side  of  Wickliffe  and  of  Clemeugis ;  more 
mild  in  tone,  he  was,  in  reality,  scarcely  less  severe 
than  they.  Clemengis  undoubtedly  would  have  said, 
if  the  question  in  its  present  shape  had  been  brought 
before  him,  that  it  might  be  worth  while  to  make 
the  council  itself  holy,  before  multiplying  saints  of  a 
character  almost  as  questionable  as  their  own.  In 
his  deference  for  general  councils  and  their  decisions, 
he  stands  on  the  same  ground  with  Huss  himself 
"It  seems  to  me,"  he  says,  "rash  to  say  that  a  gen- 
eral council  cannot  err  or  be  deceived."  In  this  case, 
however,  partly  through  Gerson's  influence,  they  took 
the  right  course.  They  declined  to  increase  the  num- 
ber of  the  saints. 

Among  matters  of  less  importance  which  now 
claimed  attention,  were  those  that  respected  the  lib- 
erty of  ecclesiastics,  the  privilege  of  prelates  of  the 
council  to  receive  the  fruit  of  their  benefices,  while 
absent  at  Constance,  and  rules  for  the  better  observ- 
ance of  the  constitutions  of  the  mendicant  orders. 
These  last  had  been  for  a  long  time  the  light  infantry 
of  the  papal  army.     They  had  gone  all  over  Chris- 

'  Ger.  Op.,  i.  41. 


154  LIFE   AISTD   TIMES    OF   JOHIST   HUSS.  [Ch.  V 

tenclom,  at  first  welcomed  for  tlieir  poverty,  their 
moral  superiority  to  the  ordinary  clergy,  and  the 
earnestness  of  their  preaching.  But  with  their  rep- 
utation they  increased  in  wealth  and  power,  till  at 
last,  in  their  corruption,  they  were  very  generally 
regarded  as  the  nuisance  of  the  church.  The  Uni- 
versity of  Paris  had  complained  of  their  rapacity, 
vice,  and  violence,  and  Gerson  was  their  bitter 
opponent.  He  had  attacked  them  in  his  writings, 
almost  with  Wickliffe's  severity.  But  they  could 
not  be  suppressed,  and  it  only  remained  for  the  coun- 
cil to  make  a  feeble  and  ineffectual  attempt  to  reform 
them. 

The  attention  of  the  council  was  moreover  directed 
to  acts  of  violence  which  had  been  committed  against 
its  members.  Europe  generally,  as  well  as  France, 
was  torn  by  feuds  and  dissensions.  The  bishops  and 
counts  were  at  continual  strife.  Bernard  Witt,  a 
Benedictine  monk,  gives  us,  in  Ms  history  of  West- 
phalia, a  picture  of  the  anarchy  which  prevailed  a 
few  years  previous,  and  whicb  even  still  defied  the 
power  of  the  emperor  to  restrain  it.  "  Here,"  lie 
says,  "  you  might  hear  the  clashing  of  battle  ;  there, 
the  shrieks  of  fugitives,  and  the  complaints  of  the 
oppressed.  Now,  dwellings  are  torn  down  or  burned ; 
and  again,  villages  ravaged,  and  the  crops  trampled 
to  the  earth.  These  things  and  others  of  a  like 
character — the  acts  of  insolent  power,  abusing  the 
defenceless — are  frequent."  ^  Nor  could  the  church, 
or  ratlier  the  papacy,  be  regarded  as  guiltless  in  the 
premises.     Many  of  these  evils  sprang  directly  from 

•  Ber.  Wit.,  p.  464. 


Cn.  Y.]  VIOLENCE    OF   THE   TIMES.  155 

the  extortion  or  the  perfidy  of  the  pontiffs.  Some- 
times rival  claimants  for  a  benefice  deluged  in  blood 
the  diocese  for  which  they  contended.  The  history 
of  the  archbishops  of  Cologne  for  successive  cen- 
turies might  furnish  a  parallel  to  the  enormities  that 
rendered  the  history  of  the  last  days  of  the  empire, 
founded  by  Constantine,  illustrious  in  crime  and  car- 
nacre.  Sometimes  dissensions  arose  between  the 
clergy  and  the  people.  This  was  the  case  at  Worms 
in  1406.^  For  three  years  the  clergy  were  expelled 
from  the  city.  Although  the  Emperor  Robert  was 
on  theii  side,  they  succeeded  at  last  only  by  force 
of  spiritual  arms,  against  which,  the  steel  of  their 
enemies  was  no  sufficient  defence.  Henry  of  Lunen- 
berg,  only  two  years  previous,  had  been  taken  cap- 
tive by  Count  Bernard,  who  released  him  on  his  oath 
to  pay  as  his  ransom  100,000  florins.  But  he  had 
only  to  go  to  Rome  to  receive  absolution  from  his 
oath  by  the  abuse  of  papal  authority. 

We  have  already  seen  the  turbulent  character  of 
the  Duke  of  Burgundy.  France  without  an  energetic 
king  was  torn  by  factions.  The  nobility  were  them- 
selves sovereign  in  their  own  territories,  and  were 
continually  at  variance.  There  was  no  common 
authority  to  command  respect.  Nor  within  the 
bounds  of  the  German  empire  was  the  state  of  things 
much  bettei-.  On  every  side  there  were  turbulence 
and  lawless  license.  Frederic,  Duke  of  Austria, 
though  reconciled  formally  with  the  emperor,  was 
still  busy  with  his  plots  and  schemes.  With  restless 
impatience  he  endured  the  restraint  of  a  forced  sub- 

1  Ber.  Wit.,  p.  484. 


156  LIFE   AND    TEVIES    OF   JOII]^-   HUSS.  [Cu.  Y. 

mission.  At  last  lie  proceeded  to  tlie  overt  act  of 
arresting  the  Bishop  of  Trent,  and  seizing  upon  the 
city  as  his  own  domain.  The  matter  was  brought 
by  complaint  before  the  council.  They  issued  their 
monitory  against  the  duke,  commanding  him  to  re- 
store, within  twenty  days,  what  he  had  taken  away, 
"with  damages  for  the  evil  done.  They  authorized 
the  bishop  to  invoke  against  him,  in  case  of  refusal, 
the  secular  arm.  The  penalty  of  disobedience  was 
most  severe.  The  council — assuming  a  right  which 
they  had  exercised  in  the  decree  concerning  the  em- 
peror's absence, — authority  over  secular  princes — 
threatened  his  disobedience  with  a  deprivation  of  all 
the  feojffs  and  privileges  which  he  held  from  the 
church  or  the  empire,  stripping  him  of  all  authority, 
power,  and  title  to  reign,  and  his  posterity  after  him 
to  the  second  generation.  The  subjects  of  Frederic 
were  to  be  released  from  their  oaths  of  allegiance. 
He,  with  his  accomplices  who  were  to  share  his  fate, 
was  to  be  summoned  before  the  council,  and  the 
ecclesiastics  who  should  favor  him,  were  to  be  ex- 
communicated. 

The  council  probably  would  have  scarcely  dared 
to  assume  such  an  attitude  toward  any  other  prince 
than  Frederic  of  Austria.  The  emperor  hated  him 
still,  notwithstanding  their  formal  reconciliation,  and 
gave-some  credit  to  the  report  of  attempts  made  by 
the  duke  to  take  his  life.  The  council  were  confi- 
dent of  being  sustained  by  Sigismund  in  their  course. 
Frederic  was  not  the  powerful  Duke  of  Burgundy — 
a  criminal  whom  they  dared  not  touch.  Despoiled  of 
a  large  part  of  his  possessions,  and  deprived  of  the 


C".  ^  •]  FREDERIC    OF   AUSTRIA.  157 

tavor  of  the  emperor,  lie  was  just  tlie  object  over 
which  they  might  safely  presume  to  domineer.  Vio- 
lent and  reckless  as  he  may  have  been,  his  conduct 
in  this  instance  demanded  more  judicial  formality, 
more  investigation  in  regard  to  its  justice  or  injustice, 
than  was  allowed  by  this  summary  sentence. 

The  facts  of  the  case  were  these.  George  of  Lich- 
tenstein  had  been  appointed  Bishop  of  Trent,  to  the 
great  dissatisfaction  of  its  inhabitants.  They  had,  as 
their  leader,  a  nobleman  by  the  name  of  Rodolph, 
who  aspired  to  occupy  the  post  of  the  unacceptable 
official.  This  could  only  be  secured  by  acts  that 
bordered  at  least  on  violence,  and  tended  to  the 
expulsion  of  the  bishop.  But  the  latter  found  a 
friend  and  ally  in  Henry  of  Rottenberg,  who  marched 
upon  Trent  with  his  army  and  took  summary  ven- 
geance upon  the  inhabitants.  He  seized  and  kept 
possession  of  the  city,  having  first  ravaged  it  with 
fire  and  sword,  and  put  Rodolph  to  death.  Frederic 
of  Austria  observed  with  anger  and  indignation  this 
harsh  and  violent  proceeding.  It  is  not  to  be  pre- 
sumed that  he  was  much  moved  by  such  a  method  of 
installing  a  bishop  in  his  diocese,  for  on  another  occa- 
sion, if  his  own  interests  had  demanded  it,  he  would 
probably  have  been  willing  to  have  adopted  it  him- 
self without  a  scruple. 

But  Trent  was  a  friendly  city  bordering  on  his 
own  domain.  Undoubtedly,  as  he  looked  around 
upon  his  lost  jewels — the  territories  that  had  been 
taken  from  him  for  his  adherence  to  John  XXIII. — 
he  felt  an  anxious  desire  for  their  recovery.  But 
whatever    motives    may   have   influenced   him,   he 


158  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOIIJS^    HUSS.  [Cii.  V, 

marclied  to  Trent,  drove  out  the  obnoxious  bishop, 
and  took  the  citizens  under  his  protection.  All  this 
seems  to  have  taken  place  after  the  emperor  had  set 
out  for  Spain.  In  the  twentieth  session  of  the  coun- 
cil, (Nov.  6,)  the  decree  against  the  duke,  already 
referred  to,  was  read.  His  advocate,  John  Eling, 
protested  against  the  decree  as  a  nullity.  For  months 
after  this,  the  matter  made  little  if  any  progress. 
Frederic  appeared  at  Constance.^  But  he  found  little 
hope  of  justice  in  the  action  of  the  council.  He 
seized  the  occasion  that  offered,  to  escape  secretly 
from  the  city  back  to  his  own  dominions,  which  had 
been  plundered  in  his  absence.  He  left  behind  him 
a  public  placard,  in  which  he  complained  of  the  in- 
justice of  the  council,  "  who,"  he  said,  "  had  shut  the 
mouth  of  his  advocate."  This  was  the  thirtieth  of 
March,  1416,  after  the  matter  had  been  depending 
for  more  than  six  mouths.  The  council,  however, 
were  indignant,  not  only  at  Frederic's  escape,  but  at 
his  placard,  which  they  considered  libellous.  They 
wrote  to  the  emperor  against  him,  and  found  Sigis- 
mund  only  too  ready  to  put  the  turbulent  duke  un- 
der the  ban  of  the  empire.  Frederic,  moreover, 
found  a  dangerous  rival  in  his  brother  Ernest,  who 
liad  in  his  absence  seized  upon  large  portions  of  his 
estates.  Yet  notwithstanding  all  the  influences  and 
terrors  that  were  arrayed  against  him,  the  duke 
maintained  his  ground.  He  defied  alike  the  emperor 
and  tlin  council.  He  still  kept  the  Bishop  of  Trent 
in  durance,  and  deprived  of  his  diocese.     The  effort 

'  Some   difficulties    appear  in  the     to  liave  taken  place  before  Frederic's 
fitatement  of  the  matter,  only  to  be     first  arrest. 
met  by  supposing  the  assault  on  Trent 


Ch.  v.]  slow  progress  of  reform.  159 

to  induce  his  subjects  to  renounce  his  allegiance  was 
but  partially  successful,  and  the  threatening  decree  of 
the  council  fell  at  his  feet  as  a  mere  hrutum  ftilmen. 

The  duke  was,  however,  in  the  course  he  pursued, 
but  a  fair  specimen  of  the  petty  princes  and  nobles 
of  Europe.  To  restrain  their  violence,  the  council 
revived  the  memorable  Carolina  Constitution  by 
Charles  IV.,  on  the  subject  of  the  liberty  of  ecclesi- 
astics. It  affixed  the  severest  penalties  to  the  crime 
of  trespassing  on  the  rights,  person,  or  privileges  of 
the  clergy.  They  who  transgressed  it  were  to  be 
accounted  infiimous,  deprived  of  their  honors,  and  no 
more  to  be  admitted  to  the  privileges  or  councils  of 
their  order.  All  this  was  aggravated  by  the  tei-rors 
of  the  imperial  ban,  and  the  canonical  as  well  as  di- 
vine judgments  which  were  denounced  upon  the  of- 
fender. Undoubtedly  severe  restraints  and  penalties 
were  necessary  to  repress  the  prevalent  violence  ;  but 
when  the  clergy  and  prelates  were  often  the  chief 
offenders,  their  immunity  only  the  more  provoked 
indignant  reprisals.  The  justice  of  the  council  should 
have  tausrht  them  not  to  launch  the  terrors  of  the 
Caroline  Constitution  and  their  own  anathema,  till 
their  project  of  reform  had  become  so  fiir  effectual 
that  the  clergy  could  be  regarded  as  deserving  of  such 
protection. 

The  work  of  reform,  however,  made  but  slow 
progress.  At  a  congregation  held  on  the  nineteenth 
of  December,  John  Nason,  president  at  that  time  of 
the  German  nation  in  the  council,  gave  utterance  to 
his  complaints  on  this  subject.     "  The  council,"  said 

Yan  der  Ilardt,  iv.  623. 


160  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHjST   HUSS.  [Ch.  V. 

he,  "has  been  assemhled  for  three  principal  objects, 
— to  put  an  end  to  the  schism,  to  condemn  heresies, 
and  to  reform  the  church  in  its  head  and  members. 
John  Huss  has  been  ah-eady  most  justly  condemned, 
and  John  XXIII.  has  been  deposed.  But  those  same 
crimes  are  still  every  day  committed  which  were 
the  ground  of  his  deposition,  and  especially  the  crime 
of  simony.  The  German  nation  has  hitherto  re- 
doubled its  urgency  for  the  condemnation  of  this  and 
every  other  abuse,  as  well  as  for  the  exemplary  pun- 
ishment of  those  that  are  guilty.  But,  to  the  shame 
of  the  council,  the  most  criminal  indulgence  and  dis- 
simulation have  been  practised." 

After  this  complaint  and  protestation,  he  besought 
the  members  to  proceed  without  delay  in  the  matter. 
Nor  did  he  fail  to  call  attention  to  a  subject  in  which 
his  own  personal  feelings  were  enlisted — the  case  of 
Jerome.  He  seemed  dissatisfied  with  what  had 
already  been  done,  and  put  no  faith  in  the  recanta- 
tion which  Jerome  had  made.-^  In  this  respect  he 
was  probably  a  fair  representative  of  the  feeling  of 
the  German  nation.  They  were  earnestly  bent  upon 
a  reform  of  the  church.  They  had  complained  re- 
peatedly of  the  abuses  which  they  wished  to  have 
corrected.  In  the  discussion  of  the  papal  claim  of 
annates  they  had  been  especially  interested,  but 
their  defeat  in  regard  to  these  matters  was  only  a 
premonition  of  what  they  were  still  to  expect.  In 
regard  to  Jerome,  their  complaint  was  more  success- 
ful. If  there  were  those  in  the  council  who  preferred 
to  save  him,  and  avoid  again  provoking  the  Bohe- 

*  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  566. 


Cii  v.]  LETTER    FROM    BOHEMIA.  IGl 

mians,  many  of  them  were  still  more  cautious  of  of- 
feudincr  the  German  nation.  It  was  less  hazardous 
to  give  up  an  unfriended  and  powerless  individual, 
whose  cause,  without  a  Duke  of  Burgundy  or  a  Teu- 
tonic order  to  represent  it,  might  be  trampled  upon, 
perhaps  with  impunity. 

And  yet  they  might  well  have  hesitated,  on  mere 
principles  of  worldly  prudence,  to  deal  harshly  with 
Jerome ;  for  this  same  day  another  letter  from  Bohe- 
mia was  laid  before  them.^  The  bearer  of  it  was  a 
friend  of  Jerome,  and  yet  he  boldly  ventured  to  pre- 
sent it  to  the  council,  although  its  contents  could  not 
but  have  been  exceedingly  offensive.  It  bore  the  seals 
of  four  hundred  and  fifty-two  persons  of  the  Bohe- 
mian nation.  Some  of  these  were  barons  and  nobles, 
and  most  of  them  persons  of  distinction.  The  lan- 
guage was  plain,  direct,  and  earnest.  They  blamed 
the  council  for  the  condemnation  and  punishment  of 
Huss.  They  declared  Huss  to  have  been  a  holy  and 
just  man,  whose  equal  for  integrity  and  sanctity 
could  not  be  found.  The  council  had  sinned  and 
wrought  evil  in  what  they  had  done,  and  on  this  ac- 
count the  Bohemians  declare  that  they  will  neither 
adhere  to  it,  nor  yield  it  obedience.  This  was  indeed 
a  bold  step  to  take,  but  the  council  had  provoked  it. 
The  popular  feeling  in  Bohemia  resented  the  injustice 
offered  to  their  countryman,  and  it  was  felt  that  it  would 
be  treason  to  his  memory,  to  honor  his  murderers.^ 

'  The  principal  lettera  from  Bohe-  barons.     The  third  is  from  Bohemia 
mia  and  Moravia,  addressed  to  the  and  Moravia.     The  fifth  is  from  fifty- 
council  in  a  tone  of  bold  remonstrance,  four  Moravian  nobles, 
are  to  be  found  in  Mon.  Hus.  58-63.  '  Von  der  Hardt,  ii.  425. 
The  first  two  are  from  the  Bohemian 

VOL.  11.  1 1 


162  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Ch.  V. 

The  state  of  feeling  in  Bohemia  Is  still  more  clearly 
seen  in  another  letter  which  at  about  the  same  time 
must  have  been  laid  before  the  council.  The  barons 
and  magnates  of  the  kingdom  met  to  reply  to  the 
letter  which  the  council  had  written  them,  informing 
them  of  the  execution  of  Huss,  and  vindicating  their 
own  proceedings.  The  letter  had  been  despatched 
to  Bohemia  by  the  hands  of  the  Bishop  of  Leito- 
mischel.  He  was  charged,  moreover,  with  the  task 
of  endeavoring  to  extirpate  the  heresy  of  Huss  from 
the  kinsfdom.  But  he  found  that  the  work  exceeded 
his  powers.  Although  noble  by  birth  and  rank,  and 
a  man  of  great  ability  and  iron  will,  rank,  ability, 
eloquence,  and  energy  were  of  no  avail.  He  found 
few  disposed  even  to  listen  to  him.  On  all  sides  he 
was  met  with  coldness  or  hostility.  Scarcely  did  he 
dare  to  show  himself  in  public.  He  professed  fear 
of  person  as  well  as  of  property.  Certainly  his  pres- 
ence, as  a  member  of  the  council,  and  charged  to  ex- 
tirpate the  heresy  of  Huss,  was  peculiarly  obnoxious 
to  the  nation  at  large. 

The  first  meeting  of  the  magnates  to  reply  to  the 
letter  of  which  he  was  the  bearer,  was  held  at  Stern- 
berg. A  second  meeting  was  held  at  Prague  on  the 
second  of  September,  when  the  assembly  united  in  a 
detailed  statement  of  their  grievances  and  complaints. 
Their  letter  was  addressed  "To  the  most  reverend, 
the  fathers,  lords,  lord  cardinals,  patriarchs,  primates, 
archbishops,  bishops,  ambassadors,  doctors  and  mas- 
ters, and  the  whole  council  of  Constance,"  and  was 
signed  by  nearly  sixty  of  the  Bohemian  and  Moravi- 
an magnates,  embracing  the  most  important  officers 


^"•^•J  VINDICATION   OF   HUSS. 


1G3 


and  nobility  of  tlie  land.^     "  Inasmuch,"  say  they, 
"as  each  one,  by  natural  and  divine  law,  is  com- 
manded to  do  to  others  as  lie  would  have  them  do  to 
himself,  and  is  forbidden  to  do  to  another  what  he 
would  not  have   done  to  himself,  according  to  the 
words  of  our  Saviour,   'All  things    whatsoever  ye 
would  that  men  should  do  unto  you,  do  ye  even  so 
to  them,  for  this  is  the  law  and  the  prophets,'— yea,  he 
who  was  a  chosen  vessel,  cries  out,  'Love  is  the  ful- 
filling of  the  law,  and  the  whole  law  is  fulfilled  in 
one  word.  Thou  shall  love  thy  neighbor  as  thyself;' 
we,  therefore,  walking  as  near  as  we   may  to  the 
aforesaid  divine  rule   and  direction,  as   God  is  our 
witness,  express  our  affection  as  neighbors  to  him 
who  was  our  dearest  neighbor,  the  reverend  master, 
John  Huss,  of  blessed  memory,  bachelor  of  sacred 
theology,  and  preacher  of  the  gospel,  whom  lately 
you— we  know  not  by  what  spirit  led— have  con- 
demned,— neither  confessing  his  crime,  nor  lawfully 
convicted,  as  was  becoming,  and  no  manifest  errors 
or  heresies  being  brought  against  him,  but  at  the 
accusation,  instigation,  and  information,  unfair,  folse, 
and  urgent,  of  those  who  were  his  capital  em3mies 
and  traitors,  as  well  as  those  of  our  kingdom  and  of 
the  march  of  Moravia,— as  an  obstinate  heretic,  and 
have  put  him,  thus  condemned,  to  a  cruel  and  most 
shameful  death,  to  the  perpetual  infamy  and  disgrace 
of  our  most  Christian  kingdom  of  Bohemia,  and  the 
most  renowned  march  of  Moravia,  as  well  as  of  us  all. 
As  we  before  transmitted  in  writing  to  Constance, 
to  the  most  serene  prince  and  lord,  Sigismund,  king 

*  Mod.  Hus.,  i.  78. 


1G4  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cu.  V. 

of  the  Romans  and  of  Hungary,  lieir  of  our  king  and 
master,  which  writing  was  read  and  published  in 
your  congregations,  and — which  we  would  be  glad 
to  disbelieve — thrown,  to  our  contempt  and  dis- 
honor, to  the  flames :  so  also  now  we  have  thought 
that  our  letters  patent,  by  these  presents,  should  be 
addressed  to  you  in  behalf  of  the  said  Master  John 
Huss ;  publicly,  by  heart  and  mouth,  professing  and 
protesting  that  Master  John  Huss  was  certainly  a 
man  excellent,  just,  and  Catholic,  for  many  years 
spoken  of  as  praiseworthy,  in  life,  conduct,  and  reputa- 
tion, in  our  kingdom.  The  gospel  law,  and  the  books 
of  the  prophets,  both  of  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ments, according  to  the  exposition  of  the  holy  doctors, 
and  those  approved  by  the  church,  did  he  teach  and 
preach  in  a  Catholic  mannei*  to  us  and  our  subjects ; 
and  many  of  the  same  things  has  he  left  to  us  in 
writing,  uniformly  detesting  all  errors  and  heresies, 
and  faithfully  admonishing  all  believers  of  Christ  to 
detest  the  same ;  exhorting  to  peace  and  charity,  as 
far  as  possible  by  words,  writings,  and  woi'ks,  so 
that  we  never  heard,  or  could  learn  by  diligent 
inquiry,  that  the  aforesaid  Master  John  Huss  taught 
any  heresy  or  error  in  his  sermons,  or  preached  or 
asserted  the  same ;  neither  in  any  way,  by  word  or 
deed,  did  he  scandalize  us  or  our  sulgects ;  but  ever 
in-Christ,  living  in  piety  and  gentleness,  did  he  ex- 
hort all  to  keep  the  gospel  law,  and  the  institutions 
of  the  holy  fathers,  for  the  edification  of  holy  mother 
church,  and  the  salvation  of  our  neighbors ;  and  this 
he  did  in  word  and  deed  with  the  utmost  diligence. 
Yet  all  these  premised — perpetrated  to  our  confusion 


Cii.  \.]  COlilPLAIXT    OF   THE    BOHEMIANS.  165 

and  that  of  our  kinixdom  of  Moravia — did  not  suffice 
for  you ;  but  that  honorable  master,  Jerome  of 
Prague,  a  man  indisputably  a  flowing  fountain  of 
eloquence,  master  of  the  seven  liberal  arts,  as  well  as 
an  illustrious  philosopher,  him,  not  seen,  heard,  con- 
fessed, or  convicted,  but  at  the  malicious  information 
of  those  that  w^ere  traitors  to  him  and  us,  you  have 
mercilessly  arrested  and  thrown  in  prison,  and  per- 
haps even  now  you  have  put  him,  as  you  did  Master 
John  Huss,  to  a  most  cruel  death. 

"  Besides,  it  has  come,  we  regret  to  say,  to  our  hear- 
ing, and  from  your  letters  we  plainly  gather,  that 
certain  slanderers,  odious  to  God  and  men,  and  ene- 
mies and  traitors  of  our  kingdom  and  Moravia,  before 
you  and  the  council,  have  calumniated  us  most  gravely 
and  basely,  asserting,  though  falsely  and  treacher- 
ously, that  in  the  aforesaid  regions  diverse  errors 
have  sprung  up,  grievously  and  extensively  affecting 
our  hearts,  and  the  hearts  of  many  faithful  inhab- 
itants, so  that  unless  the  rule  of  correction  is  soon 
applied,  the  aforesaid  regions,  with  their  Christian 
believers,  will  be  sul)jected  to  in-e vocable  loss  and 
ruin  of  souls.  Such  atrocious  and  prejudicial  wrongs 
as  these,  which,  notwithstanding  our  many  demerits 
bring  them  upon  us  and  our  kingdom,  etc.,  are  yet 
falsely  and  lyingly  imputed, — how  can  we  endure 
them  ?  Since,  by  the  grace  of  God,  while  almost  all 
other  kingdoms  of  the  w^orld  are  often  vacillating, 
cherishing  schism  and  antipopes,  our  most  Christian 
realm  of  Bohemia,  and  the  most  reputable  mai-ch  of 
Moravia,  have,  from  the  very  time  when  they  re- 
ceived the  Catholic  faith  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 


166  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  V. 

adhered  most  firmly  and  unceasingly,  without  rebuke, 
to  the  holy  Roman  church.  At  what  exceeding 
charge  and  effort,  and  with  how  sacred  regard  and 
reverence,  holy  mother  church  and  her  pastors  have 
been  regarded  by  the  princes  and  their  followers,  is 
manifest,  beyond  dispute,  to  the  whole  world.  And 
you  yourselves,  if  you  are  willing  to  confess  the  truth, 
can  testify  to  all  these  things.  But  in  order  that, 
according  to  the  apostolic  doctrine,  we  may  provide 
that  which  is  good,  not  only  in  the  sight  of  God,  but 
of  men  :  and  lest,  throus^h  a  neo^lis^ence  of  the  most 
untarnished  reputation  of  the  aforesaid  kingdom,  etc., 
we  be  found  guilty  of  cruelty,  toward  those  who  are 
our  neighbors  ;  therefore,  having  in  Christ  Jesus  our 
Lord  a  firm  hope,  a  sincere  conscience  and  purpose, 
and  a  sure  orthodox  faith,  we,  by  the  tenor  of  these 
presents,  to  you  and  to  all  the  faithful  in  Christ, 
make  known,  and  maintain,  professing  it  publicly 
with  heart  and  mouth,  that  whatsoever  man,  of  what- 
ever state,  eminence,  dignity,  condition,  grade,  or 
religion  he  be,  shall  say  or  assert,  that  in  the  afore- 
said king:dom  of  Bohemia,  etc.,  errors  and  heresies 
have  sprung  up,  and  infected  us  and  other  Christian 
subjects  of  the  aforesaid  realm,  every  and  each  such 
individual,  the  person  only  of  our  most  serene  prince, 
our  Lord  Sigismund,  king  of  the  Romans  and  of 
Hungary  excepted,  whom  we  believe  and  hope  to 
be  guiltless  in  the  premises, — each  such  individual 
directly  lies  in  his  teeth,  as  a  most  wicked  wretch  and 
traitor  toward  the  aforesaid  kingdoms,  and  is  our 
most  perfidious,  and  our  only  most  injurious  heretic, 
the  child  of  all  malice  and  iniquity,  as  well  as  of  the 


Cii.  v.]  TONE    OF   THE   LETTER.  107 

devil,  who  is  a  liar,  and  tlie  father  of  the  same. 
Nevertheless,  leaving  these  aforesaid  wrongs  to  the 
Lord  and  his  vengeance,  which  will  abundantly  mete 
retribution  to  the  proud,  we  shall  prosecute  them 
further  before  the  apostle  to  be  elected,  whom  God 
will  place  as  only  and  unquestioned  pastor  of  his 
holy  church  ;  to  whom,  God  willing,  we,  as  faithful 
children,  in  all  things  lawful  and  honest,  and  conso- 
nant to  reason  and  the  divine  law,  exhibitinir  due 
reverence  and  obedience,  shall  seek  and  demand  in 
regard  to  each  and  all  the  matters  aforesaid,  accord- 
ing to  the  law  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  the 
institutions  of  the  holy  fathers,  that  fitting  remedy 
be  devised  for  the  satisfaction  of  us  and  the  aforesaid 
kingdom,  etc.  These  things  aforesaid  notAvithstand- 
ing,  we  will  defend  and  protect  the  law  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  and  his  devoted,  humble,  and  constant 
preachers,  even  to  the  shedding  of  blood,  all  fear, 
and  human  statutes  enacted  to  the  contrary,  being 
cast  beneath  our  feet. — Given  at  Prague,  Sept.  2, 
A.  D.  1415,  in  full  council  of  magnates,  barons,  lords, 
and  nobles  of  the  realm  of  Bohemia  and  the  march 
of  Moravia,  with  the  aflSx  of  our  seals."  *^^" 

The  council  could  not  mistake  the  tone  of  this 
letter.  It  was  bold,  manly,  and  even  defiant.  It 
breathed  a  deep  and  indignant  sense  of  wrong.  It 
expressed  the  only  too  unanimous  convictions  of  the 
nation.  The  violation  of  the  imperial  safe-conduct 
was  an  act,  the  infjimy  and  outrage  of  which  were 
palpable  to  the  most  rude  and  unlettered.  The  com- 
mon people  and  barons  alike  were  already  arraign- 

'  Mod.  Hu3.,  i.  78,  79. 


168  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  V. 

ing  and  condemning  it  in  no  measured  terms.  And 
now  the  letter  of  the  Bohemians,  with  the  report  of 
what  was  taking  place  at  Prague,  forced  the  council 
so  far  to  pay  homage  to  the  sentiments  of  public 
morality  as  to  make  at  least  an  attempt  to  vindicate 
the  breach  of  public  faith  with  which  they  them- 
selves and  the  emperor  stood  charged.  The  council 
first  discusses  the  validity  of  safe-conducts,  given  to 
heretics  by  secular  princes.-^  "The  joresent  synod 
declares  that  every  safe-conduct  granted  by  the  em- 
peror, by  the  kings  and  other  secular  princes,  to 
heretics,  or  persons  accused  of  heresy  in  the  hope  of 
bringing  them  back  from  their  errors,  must  in  no 
way  serve  to  the  prejudice  of  the  Catholic  faith  or 
ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  nor  prevent  these  persons 
from  being  examined,  judged,  and  punished  according 
as  justice  shall  require,  in  case  these  heretics  shall  re- 
fuse to  revoke  their  errors ;  and  this  to  be,  although 
they  shall  have  come  to  the  place  of  judgment  merely 
and  only  on  the  faith  of  the  safe-conduct.  And  he 
who  shall  have  promised  them  safety  shall  not  in 
this  case  be  under  obligation  to  keep  his  promise,  by 
whatever  pledge  he  may  be  engaged,  since  he  has 
done  all  that  depended  on  him."  This  general  prin- 
ciple, that  faith  is  not  to  be  kept  with  heretics,  and 
which  outraged  the  public  sentiment  even  of  that 
age,  finds  its  specific  application  in  the  case  which  it 
was  designed  to  cover — that  of  Huss.  The  decree 
stands  recorded  on  the  same  page  with  the  letter  of 
the  Bohemians,  and  was  evidently  intended  to  meet 
objections   from    that    source.^      "The    most    holy 

'  L'Enfant,  385.  »  Vim  der  Ilardt,  iv.  521-522. 


Ch.  v.]  ON   FAITH    WITH   HERETICS.  1G9 

council,  etc.  Inasmuch  as  some  persons,  ill-disposed 
or  ill-informed,  or  perhaps  assuming  to  be  wiser  than 
they  should  be,  slander  not  only  his  royal  majesty, 
but  even  the  sacred  council,  as  is  reported,  by  their 
cursed  tongues,  in  public  and  in  private,  saying  or  sug- 
gesting that  the  safe-conduct  given  by  our  most  in- 
vincible prince  and  Lord  Sigismund,  king  of  the 
Romans  and  of  Hungary,  to  the  late  John  Huss, 
heresiarch  of  damnable  memory,  was  unduly  violated 
against  justice  and  honor,  while  nevertheless  the 
said  John  Huss,  perversely  assaulting  the  orthodox 
faith,  has  forfeited  all  safe-conduct  and  privilege,  so 
that  no  faith  or  promise  is,  by  natural,  divine,  or  hu- 
man law,  to  be  kept  with  him,  to  the  prejudice  of  the 
Catholic  ftiith ;  therefore  this  said  holy  council  de- 
clares, b}^  the  tenor  of  these  presents,  that  the  said 
most  invincible  prince,  in  respect  to  the  late  John 
Huss  aforesaid,  had  done,  according  to  the  obligations 
of  justice,  what  was  permitted,  and  what  became  his 
royal  majesty,  commanding  and  requiring  all  and 
each  of  the  faithful  of  Christ,  of  whatsoever  dignity, 
grade,  eminence,  condition,  state,  or  sex  they  may 
be,  that  none  shall  hereafter  detract  from,  or  speak 
against,  the  holy  council,  or  his  royal  majesty,  in  re- 
gard to  what  was  done  in  the  case  of  the  late  John 
Huss  aforesaid.  And  he  who  shall  violate  this  com- 
mand, is  to  be  punished  as  a  favoi-er  of  heretical 
pravity,  and  guilty,  beyond  pardon,  of  the  crime 
LcBSCB  Majestatis^  ^ 

It  was  indeed  fitting,  that  deeds  which  would  not 
bear  the  light,  should  be   cloaked  with  apologies. 

*  Mansi 


170  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cn.  V. 

Few  criminals  like  to  have  their  conduct  canvassed, 
unless  they  furnish  the  commentary  by  the  light  of 
which  it  is  to  he  judged.  The  council  at  least  found 
that  their  policy  did  not  bear  discussion  well,  and 
therefore  employed  all  their  art  and  skill  to  draw 
up  a  plausible  defence.  But  their  apology  was  only 
an  endorsement  of  their  ci"irae.  No  slander  of  their 
enemies  could  be  so  damaging  as  their  li1;)el  upon 
themselves,  when,  to  excuse  the  infamy  of  a  single 
act,  they  adopted  tke  broad  principle  that  faith  was 
not  to  be  kept  with  heretics.  And  yet  this  was  the 
only  resource  left  them.  It  was  the  only  semblance 
of  a  moral  rule  which  could  be  invented,  on  which 
to  base  and  defend  their  extraordinary  course.  But 
the  Bohemians  were  not  duped  by  its  sophistr}^  It 
required  some  deeper  casuistry  to  satisfy  them,  or 
suppi'ess  their  instincts  and  convictions  of  what  was 
right  and  just.  They  never  forgot  the  outrage  on 
public  faith  of  which  their  enemies  had  been  guilty. 
And  yet  up  to  this  point  they  had  no  intention  of 
breaking  with  the  Komish  church.  With  their  let- 
ter to  the  council,  they  sent  deputies  who  were  to 
speak  publicly  in  defence  of  their  course.  Anxious 
for  the  spread  and  success  of  the  gospel  as  they  had 
heard  it  from  the  lips  of  Huss,  they  resolved  that 
all  the  churches  throughout  the  kingdom  should  be 
provided  with  faithful  pastors,  who  should  preacb 
the  word  of  God  without  molestation  ;  that  if  a  priest 
was  accused  of  any  error,  he  should  be  cited  before 
his  bishop,  in  order,  if  he  should  be  convinced  of 
having  taught  any  doctrine  contrary  to  the  word  of 
God,  that  he  might  be  punished  and  expelled ;  that 


Cii.  Y.]  RESPECT  FOR  SCRIPTURE  AUTHORITY.  17 1 

if  a  bishop  should  chance  to  condemn  and  punish 
secretly,  of  his  own  individual  impulse  and  through 
hati-ed  of  the  gospel,  any  priest  not  convicted  of  error, 
no  such  bishop  should  be  any  more  allowed  to  cite  a 
priest  before  him,  but  the  matter  should  be  referred 
to  the  judgment  of  the  university,  to  be  examined 
according  to  holy  scripture  ;  that  priests  of  their 
dependence  should  be  required  to  allow  the  excom- 
munications of  their  bishops,  and  obey  them  when 
they  were  legitimate,  but,  on  the  contrary,  resist  them 
when  they  were  unjust  or  precipitate,  and  launched 
through  hatred  of  the  word  of  God,  or  any  other 
cause  which  could  not  be  lawfully  known.  And  they 
declare  that  they  are  fully  purposed  to  obey  from 
the  heart  the  lawful  citations  and  excommunications 
of  their  bishops.  The  assembly  then  expresses  its  ear- 
nest prayer  that  it  will  please  God  speedily  to  bestow 
upon  the  chui-ch  a  good  pope,  in  order  that  they 
may  bring  before  him  their  lawful  complaints  ;  and 
they  declare  that  they  will  obey  him  in  all  which  he 
shall  command  conformable  to  the  word  of  God.* 

Notliing  more  strikingly  manifests  the  influence  of 
the  doctrines  of  Huss,  or  their  prevalence  through- 
out Bohemia,  than  the  respect  which  is  here,  and 
throughout  all  their  proceedings,  testified  by  the  as- 
sembly for  the  authority  of  the  scriptures.  They 
did  not  as  yet  perceive  the  f:\tal  inconsistency  be- 
tween the  claims  of  the  council  or  the  church,  and 
the  position  which  they  had  themselves  assumed. 
They  were  simple  enough  to  believe  that  if  they 
were  faithful  to  the  spirit  and  precepts  of  the  gospel, 

'  Mod.  Hus.  i  11,  Is. 


172  LIFE    A.ND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Ch.  V. 

they  were  faithful  subjects  of  the  Romish  church. 
The  council,  however,  was  more  fully  aware  of  the 
bearing  and  tendency  of  the  principles  avowed  by 
the  Bohemians.  They  saw  that  if  scripture  was  al- 
lowed to  be  the  test  of  truth  and  doctrine,  the  coun- 
cil itself  was  but  of  secondary  authority.  Its  claims 
were  invalid.  Its  sentence  was  of  but  small  account. 
^Nor  were  they  stupid  enough  to  disregard  the  signifi- 
cance of  the  popular  commotion  at  Prague.  There 
was  no  one  there  on  whose  fidelity  they  could  rely. 
The  archbishop  himself  was  powerless,  and  it  is  pos- 
sible that  he  already  leaned  to  the  doctrines  of  Jaco- 
bel,  which  he  subsequently  embraced.^^^  The  king  was 
unreliable  and  ineflficient  at  the  best,  while  all  the 
fragments  of  manliness  left  in  him  were  but  so  much 
tinder  for  kindling  his  resentment  against  the  coun- 
cil. 

Among  the  nobles  of  his  court,  moreover,  the  one 
who  had  perhaps  the  strongest  influence  over  him 
was  John  de  Trocznow,  his  chamberlain.  This  was 
the  man  who  afterward  became  so  famous  under  the 
name  Ziska,  or  one-eyed,  for  the  bold  hero  had  lost 
an  eye  in  battle.  Ziska  proved  to  be  one  of  the 
greatest  and  most  successful  generals  of  his  age.  He 
was  born  of  a  poor  but  noble  family  in  the  village 
whose  name  he  bore.  The  memory  of  a  sister,  so  it 
is  narrated,  who  had  been  seduced  and  violated  by 
an  ecclesiastic,  had  kindled  and  fed  bis  resentment 
against  the  whole  monkish  and  priestly  order.^  The 
treatment  of  IIuss  and  Jerome  had  reawakened  all 
his  past  indignation,  and   excited  within   him   the 

*  L'Enfant,  331. 


Ch.v.]  zisca's  purpose.  173 

deep  but  temporarily  smothered  purpose  to  avenge 
the  outrage.  He  brooded  gloomily  over  the  national 
insult.  His  features  bore  the  marks  of  his  abstrac- 
tion,— engrossed  in  the  one  thought  of  avenging  the 
wrong  which  he,  as  an  individual,  suffered  in  common 
with  the  nation.  The  king  observed  him,  on  one  oc- 
casion, walking  in  the  court  of  the  royal  palace,  lost 
in  revery.  He  called  him,  and  asked  what  was  the 
matter  that  occupied  his  thoughts  so  intensely. 
"  The  grievous  affront,"  said  he,  "  which  the  punish- 
ment of  John  Huss  has  offered  to  the  Bohemian 
nation."  "  Neither  you  nor  I,"  said  Wenzel,  "  are  in 
circumstances  to  avenge  this  affront ;  but  if  you  can 
devise  the  means  to  do  it,  take  courage,  and  avenge 
your  compatriots."  These  words  confirmed  Ziska  in 
his  bold  purpose."^  He  at  once  began  to  devise 
measures  to  execute  it.  The  permission  of  the  king, 
who  was  but  a  cipher,  gave  him  yet  an  immense  ad- 
vantage, by  the  mere  authority  it  conferred.  It  re- 
lieved him  from  all  apprehension,  for  the  present  at 
least,  of  any  obstruction  to  his  designs  from  the  fickle 
and  dissolute  monarch.  The  magnates  and  nobles  of 
the  land  would  now  venture  to  speak  out,  in  the  fear- 
less tone  they  had  used  in  their  letter  to  the  council. 
The  doctors  at  Constance  could  judge  by  that  tone, 
of  the  strength  and  unanimity  of  the  national  feel- 

» L'Enfant,  331. 


CHAPTER    VI. 

NEW  CHARGES  AGAINST  JEROME.     CONFERENCE  WITH  BENE- 
DICT.     VINCENT  FERRARA. 

More  Lenient  Feeling  Toward  Jerome.  —  Nason's  Taunt.  —  Resignation  of  the 
Commission  in  Jerome's  Case.  —  A  New  One  Appointed.  —  Gerson  on  the 
Method  of  Dealing  With  Heretics.  —  New  Charges  Against  Jerome. — Re- 
port FROM  the  Conference  with  Benedict.  —  His  Terms.  —  The  Emperor's 
DiSGDST.  —  Spanish  Propositions.  —  Cheering  Intelligence. — Defection  of 
Vincent  Ferrara  from  Benedict. — His  Wonderful  Career  as  a  Preacher 
—  His.  Gifts,  Eloquence,  and  Virtues.  —  The  Emperor  at  Paris.  —  He  En- 
deavors TO  Secure  a  Peace  Between  France  and  England.  —  Petit's  Case 
IN  the  Council.  —  Sermon  of  Theodoric  op  Munster.  —  Invective  Against  the 
Clergy. 

Dec.  19,  1415  — Feb.  16,  1416. 

In  the  council  there  were  those  who  were  decid- 
edly in  favor  of  treating  Jerome  with  leniency. 
They  doubtless,  and  wisely,  imagined  that  it  was  the 
most  prudent  course  to  be  satisfied  with  his  retrac- 
tion. More  would  thus  be  gained  for  the  authority 
of  the  council  than  by  sending  him  to  the  flames. 
There  might,  moreover,  be  danger  in  offering  a  new 
provocation  to  the  Bohemians.  But  the  enemies  of 
Jerome  were  bent  on  burning  him.  They  professed 
to  have  no  faith  in  the  retraction  he  had  offered,  and 
probably  they  were  sincere.  They  knew  that  he  had 
been  "  convinced  against  his  will,"  if  convinced  at  all, 
and  they  did  not  intend  that  he  should  thus  escape. 
They  therefore  busied  themselves  in  raking  together 

(174) 


Cii.  VI.]  NASOn's   TAUNT.  175 

new  accusations.  Causis  and  Paletz  clLstinguisbed 
themselves  by  their  zeal  in  the  matter.  They  urged 
his  enemies  at  Prague  to  draw  up  new  accusations.* 
Charges  that  before  had  not  been  thought  of,  were 
now  devised.  His  enemies  insisted  that  he  should 
be  called  to  undergo  a  new  trial.  His  judges,  the 
cardinals  of  Cambray,  Ursinis,  Aquilea,  and  Floi-ence, 
opposed  the  application.  They  represented — with 
pi-udence,  if  not  some  lingering  of  conscientious 
feeling — that  such  a  course  would  be  unjust,  and  that 
Jerome,  having  shown  obedience  to  the  council,  must 
be  set  at  liberty. 

But  this  show  of  clemency  only  irritated  the  ene- 
mies of  Jerome.  Nason,  the  president  of  the  German 
nation,  whom  we  have  seen  urging  the  condemnation 
of  the  prisoner,  is  said  to  have  replied  to  these  rep- 
resentations with  much  asperity.*^  "  We  are  much 
surprised,  most  reverend  fathers,"  said  he,  "  that  you 
are  willing  to  intercede  for  this  wicked  heretic,  who 
has  done  us  so  much  mischief  in  Bohemia,  and  who 
might  yet  do  you  the  same.  I  am  quite  apprehen- 
sive that  you  have  received  presents  from  these  here- 
tics, or  from  the  king  of  Bohemia."^  Such  language 
was  extremely  irritating.  The  cardinals  regarded  it 
as  an  insult.  Unwilling  to  be  driven  by  such  invid- 
ious accusations  or  suspicions  to  further  process 
against  Jerome,  they  chose  to  throw  up  their  office, 
and  ask  as  a  commission  to  be  discharged.  Their 
request  was  granted.  The  enemies  of  Jerome  tri- 
umplied  in  securing  the  appointment  of  a  new 
commission.     At  the  head  of  it  stood  the  Patriarch 

'  L'Enfant,  340.  '  lb.,  341.  »  Mon.  Hus.,  ii.  352. 


176  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cii.  VI. 

of  Constantinople,  who  bad  shown  the  spirit  of  an 
unrelenting  persecutor,  in  urging  forward  the  sen- 
tence and  execution  of   Huss.     Gerson,  moreover, 
joined   the   assailants  of  Jerome.     On  the  twenty- 
ninth  of  October  he  had  produced  a  treatise  on  the 
subject  "  Of  Recanting  and  Protesting  in  Matters  of 
Faith."  ^     Jerome's  name  is  not  mentioned  in  it,  but 
it  is  evident  that  it  was  aimed  at  him.     Its  whole 
scope  is  to  show,  that  though  a  man  may  recant,  he 
may  do  it  in  such  a  way,  or  it  may  be  accompanied 
with  such  evidences,  as  to  leave  him  still  under  sus- 
picion of  heresy.     Gerson  thus  volunteered  to  become 
the  casuist  of  the  enemies  of  Jerome.     He  maintains 
that  there  are  men  with  whom  is^norance  is  crime; 
and  among  these  he  classes  those  whom  he  describes 
in  drawing  the  picture  of  Jerome  himself — men  pos- 
sessed of  natural  vivacity  of  mind,  a  shrewd  judg- 
ment, the  faculty  of  discernment,  remarkable  learn- 
ing, extensive  acquaintance  with  scripture,  or  with 
canon    and    civil   law.      Moreover,   the   question   is 
asked.  May  not  a  man  sin  against  his  conscience  by 
recanting?     "The  answer,"  says  Gerson,  "is  plain. 
He  must  lay  aside  his  conscience  in  the  case  supposed, 
of  his  obstinacy."     The  treatise  of  Gerson  is  a  fine 
piece  of  casuistry.     He  evidently  disliked  boldly  to 
arraign  the  case  of  Jerome ;  but  he  weaves  his  web 
skilfully  around  it,  and  overlays  it  with  suspicions. 
The  tendency  of  his  argument  would  be  to  encourage 
Jerome's   assailants.      Gerson's   dislike  of  the   man 
seems  to  have  been  even  greater  than  that  which  he 
felt  toward  Huss.     Undoubtedly  he  was  conscien- 

*  Von  der  Hardt,  iii.  40. 


Cn.  VI.]  NEW    CHARGES    AGAINST   JEROME.  177 

tious  ill  considering  liim  a  dangerous  heretic.  He 
was,  perhaps,  the  only  man  in  Europe  who  could 
fairly  be  considered  Gerson's  rival  in  those  very  arts 
in  which  he  excelled.  As  a  disputant,  he  would  have 
hesitated  on  no  occasion  to  challenge  the  great  chan- 
cellor himself.  The  two  men  were,  moreover,  opposed 
in  their  philosophical  views,  and  Jerome  had  shown 
himself  an  able  champion  of  the  Realists.  Could 
Gerson's  mind  have  been  warped  by  these  consider- 
ations? It  is  more  than  possible.  The  fervency  of 
his  feehngs  sometimes  blinded  his  judgment.  The 
noble  bearing  and  matchless  eloquence  of  Jerome 
won  him  friends  in  the  council,  but  Gerson  was  not 
among  them.  The  generosity  of  his  heart  was  seared 
by  prejudice,  and  in  cherishing  that  prejudice  he 
thought  to  do  God  service.  But  the  most  diligent 
efforts  were  made,  by  persons  even  less  disinterestecl 
than  Gerson,  for  Jerome's  condemnation.  Intelli- 
gence of  his  retraction  had  reached  Prague,  and  his 
enemies  there  became  apprehensive  lest,  after  all,  he- 
might  escape.  The  monks  especially,  who  had  been^ 
stung  by  his  insults  and  contempt,  were  resolved  to- 
spare  no  effort  to  secure  the  doom  of  their  destined 
victim.*  New  charges  were  drawn  up  against  him 
and  forwarded  to  the  council,  where  the  sincerity  of 
his  abjuratiim  was  already  strongly  suspected.  The 
bearers  of  the  new  list  of  accusations  wei'e  Carmelite 
friars  from  Prague.  They  demanded  that  Jerome 
should  again  be  put  upon  his  trial,  and  required  to- 
answer  to  the  charges  which  they  should  present.^' 
In  spite  of  the  protest  of  Jerome  against  this  new 

'  Mod.  Hus.,  ii.  351,  852.  '  L'Enfant,  340,  380. 

VOL.  II.  12 


178  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Ch.  YL 

injustice,  and  the  objections  of  the  commission  who 
had  hitherto  conducted  his  case,  the  monks,  aided  by 
Paletz  and  Causis,  and  especially  by  Gerson,  finally 
succeeded  in  carrying  their  point.  In  this  they  were 
materially  aided  by  the  sympathies  of  the  new  com- 
mission, composed  of  members  more  of  their  own 
stamp. 

On  the  twenty-ninth  of  January,  1416,  the  am- 
bassadors who  had  accompanied  the  emperor  to 
Spain,  returned  to  make  their  report  to  the  council.* 
The  king  of  Aragon  had  died ;  but  Ferdinand,  his 
successor,  had  manifested  a  disposition  to  comply 
with  the  views  and  sustain  the  policy  of  the  emperor. 
He  resolved  to  withdraw  obedience  from  Benedict, 
unless  he  would  abdicate  the  pontificate.  But  the 
old  man  was  not  to  be  moved  by  any  such  terrors. 
He  still  refused  to  recede  from  his  terms.^  He  de- 
manded the  rejection  of  the  council  of  Pisa,  the  dis- 
solution of  that  of  Constance,  the  convocation  of 
another  near  his  own  obedience,  his  own  confirmation 
as  pope,  and  provision  for  his  honorable  mainte- 
nance on  his  resigning  his  dignity.  He  maintained, 
throughout  all  the  conferences,  that  he  was  the  true 
pope,  and  that  though  this  might  I'easonably 
have  been  doubted  before,  it  could  be  doubted  no 
longer,  since  one  of  his  rivals  had  resigned,  and  the 
■other^had  been  deposed.  He  maintained  that  it  was 
■not  he  who  was  guilty  of  keeping  up  the  schism,  but 
the  council  of  Constance,  since,  in  order  to  end  it,  it 
•was  only  necessary  to  recognize  his  claims ;  that  to 
proceed  to  a  new  electic^n  would  be  only  to  renew 

'  Von  der  Tlanlt,  iv.  5S3  '  De  Vrie,  apud.     Von  der  Hardt.  L  203,  204. 


Cii. '. '.]  INFLEXIBILITY    OF   BENEDICT.  1Y9 

111?  seliism,  since  there  would  then  be  two  popes  ;  that 
Ik*  wms  resolved  to  maintain  his  right  to  his  last 
breath,  because  he  could  not  in  conscience  abandon 
the  vessel  which  God  had  committed  to  his  care  ;  that 
as  his  age  increased,  he  was  the  more  bound  to  dis- 
charge his  duty,  and  resist  with  all  his  might  the 
storm  raised  against  him ;  moreover,  if  for  peace' 
sake  another  pope  was  needed,  he  alone  could  be 
elected,  for  he  was  the  only  one  of  the  cardinals  that 
had  been  promoted  to  that  office  before  the  schism 
by  Gregory  XL,  and  that  consequently  lie,  as  the 
only  one  whose  promotion  was  indisputable,  was 
eligible  to  the  office,  even  on  the  principles  of  his 
enemies  themselves.  It  is  said  that  for  seven  long 
hours  the  old  man  continued  his  harangue,  without 
showing  any  fatigue  either  in  his  countenance  or  the 
tones  of  his  voice,  although  he  had  almost  reached 
his  threescore  years  and  ten.^ 

The  emperor  saw  that  any  attempt  to  conquer  the 
resolution  of  Benedict  was  vain,  while  his  conditions 
were  utterly  inadmissible.  His  show  of  compliance 
had  been  but  part  of  the  game  which  he  was  re- 
solved to  play  out,  and  thus  amuse  the  world  with 
hopes  never  to  be  realized.  The  emperor,  with  the 
ambassadors  of  the  council,  withdrew  in  disofust. 
He  was  about  to  return  to  Germany.  But  the  king 
of  Aragon,  with  the  ambassadors  of  Castile,  Navarre, 
and  Scotland,  as  well  as  othei-s  of  Benedict's  obe- 
dience, who  had  now  come  to  a  better  knowledge  of 
his  character,  sent  to  the  emperor  at  Narbonne,  beg- 
ging him  not  to  hasten  his  departure.     They  assured 

'  L'Enfant,  866. 


ISO  LIFE   A:XD    TLMES    of   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  ^1. 

L'mi  tliiit  Benedict  should  yet  cede,  or  be  abandoned 
by  liis  wbole  obedience. 

Negotiations  were  consequently  resumed.  The 
ambassadors  of  the  emperor  returned  to  Perpignan. 
The  kings  and  princes  exerted  themselves  to  the 
utmost  to  overcome  the  old  man's  obstinacy.  They 
were  met  at  every  point,  however,  by  the  artifice  and 
subtlety  of  Benedict.  All  their  persuasions  and 
arguments  were  lost  upon  him.  Their  threat  of  with- 
drawing their  obedience  produced  no  effect.  At  last 
matters  reached  such  a  crisis  of  exasperation  and  ex- 
citement, that  there  was  dang  er  of  violence.  Bene- 
dict seized  his  moment,  and  withdrew  secretly  from 
the  city.  He  did  this,  says  Niera,  in  concert  with 
Ferdinand,  with  whom  he  had  a  secret  understanding. 
This,  however,  was  but  a  public  rumor.  Benedict 
withdrew  to  Callioure  on  the  sea  coast.  But  even  here 
he  was  followed  by  deputies,  who  urged  him  to  cede 
and  acknowledge  the  council  of  Constance,  which  he 
might  do  by  sending  his  attorneys  to  Perpignan,  or 
by  coming  there  in  person.  In  case  of  his  refusal, 
he  was  to  be  threatened  with  harsher  measures.  But 
even  here,  Benedict,  who  saw  himself  virtually  a 
prisoner — for  the  deputies  had  taken  pains  to  seize 
his  galleys  and  prevent  his  escape — replied  haughtily 
that  he  should  still  abide  by  the  declarations  which 
heiad  made  at  Perpignan,  whence  he  had  withdrawn 
only  that  he  was  restricted  of  his  liberty,  and  tliat  he 
should  not  give  any  more  explicit  answer  till  he  had 
reached  the  place  for  which  he  had  set  out.  Even 
this  was  not  enough  to  show  his  defiant  spirit.  He 
ridiculed  the  pretended  care  of  Ferdinand  for  the 


^"-  ^^■'\  FLIGHT   TO    PENISCOLA.  181 

Catholic  clmrcl).  That  was  his  own  business,  he 
said,  as  legitimate  pontiff.  He  moreover  hurled  his 
fulminations  against  all,— cardinals,  patriarchs,  arch- 
bishops, bishops,  kings,  and  emperors, — threatening 
them  with  the  spiritual  and  temporal  power,  if  they 
dared  on  this  point  to  usurp  any  of  his  rights.  Bene- 
dict's cardinals  also  were  summoned  to  Perpio-nan, 
At  fii-st  they  replied  in  the  spirit  of  their  master. 
On  the  second  summons — with  the  exception  of  the 
cardinals  connected  with  his  own  family — they  all 
forsook  him  for  the  conference  at  Perpignan. 

Benedict's   affairs  were  in  a  desperate  condition. 
But  the  heroic  old  man  did  not  despond.     A  tame 
submission  he  despised.     He  found  means  to  escape 
from  Callioure,  and  fled  to  Peniscola,  some  two  hun- 
dred miles  from  his  enemies,  upon  the  sea-coast.   The 
place  was  a  strong  one,  and  it  was  said  to  have  be- 
longed to  the  house  of  Luna.*     Here  Benedict  could 
at  least  more  safely  defy  his  enemies.     But  they  fol- 
lowed  him  even  to   Peniscola.     A  third   and    last 
deputation  was  sent  him,  requiring  him  to  cede.    But 
like  those  that  preceded  it,  it  proved  futile.     Bene- 
dict replied,*  that  he  could  not  recognize  the  council 
of  Constance,  inasmuch  as  it  was  held  in  a  city  subject 
to  the  emperor,  who  managed  everything  there  just 
as  he  chose,  as  was  exemplified  in  the  case  of  John 
XXHL,  whose  safe-conduct  had  been  violated.     He 
maintained  that  the  emperor  persisted  in  continuiu'"*" 
the  council  in  that  city,  only  in  order  to  elect  a  pope 
devoted  to  his  own  interests,  that  he  might  do  as  he 
pleased  in  Italy,  and  seize  upon  the  possessions  of 

»  L'Enfant,  356.  »  Von  der  Hardt,  iL  515. 


182  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Ch.  Vi. 

the  church.  He  declared,  moreover,  that  he  could 
not  accept  a  council  composed  of  the  cardinals  of 
John  XXIII.  and  Gregory  XIL,  because  this  would 
be  joining  schismatics  to  his  own  Catholic  subjects; 
and  beside  all,  he  did  not  deem  that  the  place  where 
the  council  was  to  be  held  should  be  left  to  the  op- 
tion of  the  emperor ;  that  for  these  reasons  he  could 
not  cede  the  pontificate  without  sinning  against  God 
and  scandalizing  the  church,  at  least  since  his  enemies 
were  unwilling  to  accept  the  conditions  on  which  he 
offered  to  cede.  He  added,  also,  that  it  did  not  be- 
long to  the  council  to  choose  a  pope,  but  to  the  col- 
lege of  cardinals ;  that  his  reasons  for  withdrawal 
were  not  false,  as  had  been  pretended,  and  that  the 
attempts  that  were  made  upon  him  every  day  were 
his  sufficient  justification.  Moreover,  he  protested 
against  all  that  should  be  done  in  regard  to  himself, 
on  the  ground  of  his  being  schismatic,  as  null  and  void. 
As  to  the  reports  that  were  circulated,  that  the  king 
of  Aragon  was  on  the  point  of  withdrawing  from 
his  obedience,  and  engaging  others  to  unite  them- 
selves with  him  in  aiding  the  emperor  and  council  in 
proceeding  against  him,  and  deposing  him  from  the 
pontificate,  he  besought  them  by  tlie  bowels  of  di- 
vine mercy  not  to  afford  occasion  for  such  a  scandal, 
which,  so  far  from  putting  an  end  to  the  schism, 
would  only  cherish  and  extend  it.  He  represented 
that  the  king  of  Aragon,  especially,  could  not  listen 
to  such  counsels  without  rebellion  against  himself, 
since  of  him  he  held  his  states,  was  his  feudatory, 
and  had  given  him  the  oath  of  fidelity.  He  added, 
that  even  though  these  protestations  should  not  reach 


Ca.  VI.]  DISGUST  OF   BENEDICT'S   ADHERENTS.  183 

the  ears  of  those  for  whom  they  were  intended,  he 
should  not  fail  to  proceed  against  them  in  all  i-equi- 
site  ways,  as  he  was  authorized  and  even  Lound  by 
the  interests  of  the  church  to  do ;  and  be  referi-ed 
them,  for  a  commentary  upon  his  words,  to  one  of  his 
Lulls,  given  at  Marseilles  in  1407.  Yet,  to  show  that 
he  had  ever  at  heart  the  union  of  the  church,  he  de- 
clared that  with  this  object  he  had  already  convoked  a 
council  foi"  the  month  of  February  next  ensuing,  and  he 
urgently  besought  the  kingof  Aragon  not  to  employ 
menace,  as  he  was  said  to  have  done,  to  prevent  the 
prelates  from  assembling.  He  said,  finall}',  that  hav- 
ing learned  that  his  enemies  had  published  that  he 
had  advanced  in  his  discourses  or  writings  proposi- 
tions contrary  to  the  Catholic  faith,  he  declared  that 
if  such  were  the  case — thousjh  he  did  not  believe  it 
— he  disavowed  them,  as  having  been  always  inviola- 
bly attached  to  the  faith  of  the  church,  to  whose 
judgment  he  referred  himself  for  all  that  might  be 
alleged  against  him. 

Such  obstinacy  on  the  part  of  Benedict  disgusted 
many  of  those  who,  up  to  this  time,  had  still  adhered 
to  him,  and  they  now  determined  to  withdi-aw  from 
him  their  obedience.  By  them  propositions  were 
sent  to  ISTarbonne,  to  the  emperor  and  his  council.* 
These  were,  in  substance :  1.  That  the  three  obedi- 
ences assemble  and  compose  a  council  without  the 
permission  of  Benedict,  and  without  being  under 
the  necessity  of  making  any  further  requisition  of 
him.  2.  That  they  proceed  against  the  said  Bene- 
dict, and  do  all  that  they  shall  judge  to  be  fitting 

•  L'Eiifant,  359. 


184  LIFE   AND   TLMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cn.  VL 

for  the  union  of  the  church.  3.  That  whatever 
process  or  anathema  be  designed  against  Benedict, 
it  shall  be  sustained  by  all,  or  a  greater  part  of,  those 
who  in  the  council  were  of  the  obedience  of  Bene- 
dict. 

Upon  this  ensued  a  war  of  protests  and  manifes- 
toes. The  Archbishop  of  Tours  took  up  the  defence 
of  the  emperor  and  the  council,  in  a  document  ad- 
dressed to  the  Catholic  church.  He  gave  a  brief 
history  of  the  schism,  the  means  employed  to  put 
an  end  to  it,  and  the  obstacles  thrown  in  the  way  by 
the  obstinacy  and  inconsistencies  of  Benedict.  The 
archbishop  closed  by  exhorting  all  Christendom  to 
regard  him  as  a  common  enemy.  The  ambassadors 
of  the  princes  now  entered  into  consultation  with  the 
emperor,  and,  in  view  of  the  obstinacy  of  Benedict, 
agreed,  on  the  thirteenth  of  December,  1415,  to 
twelve  articles  known  as  "The  Capitulation  of  Nar- 
bonne."  ^  These  articles  were  skilfully  framed.  They 
allowed  the  council  of  Constance  to  be  called  merely 
an  assembly,  and  not  a  council,  until  those  of  the 
obedience  of  Benedict  were  united  with  it.  Both 
parties  were  to  write  letters  of  summons  to  form  a 
council  at  Constance,  while  those  already  there  were 
to  speak  of  themselves  as  "  the  cardinals,  patriarchs, 
archbish(ips,  bishops,  etc.,  assembled  at  Constance." 
In  general  nothing  was  to  be  done  or  allowed  to 
the  prejudice  of  those  who  had  hitherto  been  of  the 
obedience  of  Benedict.  The  proceedings  of  the 
council  of  Pisa  were  to  be  regarded  as  null,  since  in 
case  of  tlieir  validity  the  Spaniards  would  be  con- 

•  Von  der  Hardt,  ii.,  642. 


Cn  VI.]  PUBLIC   THANKSGIVING.  185 

victed  of  having  obeyed  a  deposed  pope.  All  the 
decrees  of  Gregory  against  the  obedience  of  Bene 
diet  were  to  be  quashed.  The  cardinals  of  Benedict 
were  to  be  received  ad  eundem  in  the  council.  The 
members  of  his  court  were  to  be  provided  for. 
Those  who  had  hitherto  adhered  to  him  should  see 
to  it,  that  in  case  of  his  death  no  successor  was 
elected  in  his  place.  Safe-conducts  were  to  be  pro- 
cured by  the  emperor  for  Benedict  or  his  officials,  if 
the}''  wished  to  attend  the  council  to  prosecute  the 
business  of  his  cession. 

With  these  articles,  the  archbishop  presented  to 
the  council  two  other  documents.  One  of  these  Avas 
an  edict  of  the  king  or  Aragon,  by  which  he  re- 
nounced the  obedience  of  Benedict,  and  enjoined  his 
subjects  to  follow  his  example.  The  other  was  a 
letter,  stating  that  the  kings  of  Castile  and  Navarre, 
with  the  counts  De  Foix  and  Armagnac,  had  resolved 
to  pursue  the  same  course.  The  result  was  hailed 
with  the  greatest  joy.  Public  thanksgivings  were 
ordered  for  the  favorable  issue  of  the  negotiations, 
so  soon  as  they  were  known  at  the  council.  They 
were  published  by  the  sound  of  trumpet  through 
the  whole  city  of  Constance.  A  public  procession 
was  announced,  which  took  place  the  next  day 
(January  30,  1416)  with  imposing  pomp. 

One  of  the  greatest  blows  to  the  cause  of  Ben(^ 
diet  was  the  defection  of  Vincent  of  Ferrara,  by 
univei-sal  consent  the  most  eloquent  preacher  of  his 
age.  He  belonged  to  the  Dominican  order,  and  was 
at  this  time  its  most  distinguished  ornament.  He 
had  been  Benedict's   confessor,  and  master  of  the 


186  LIFE   AND    TUSIES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  VJ 

sacred  palace.  He  was  born  at  Valencia,  A.  D.  1350, 
and  early  distinguished  himself  foi-  his  extraordinary 
attainments.  His  days  and  ni^s^hts  were  devoted  with 
tireless  assiduity  to  study.  He  read  and  re-read  the 
fathers ;  but  the  Bible  was  his  fiivorite  book.  In 
this  we  recognize  the  fountain  from  which  he  im- 
bibed that  zealous,  humble,  and  devoted  spirit,  which 
he  manifested  in  the  midst  of  all  the  corruptions  of 
his  age.  His  eloquence  and  sanctity  soon  won  for 
him  the  title  of  the  Apostle  of  the  West.^  His  labors 
were  wonderful.  He  travelled  over  Europe,  master- 
ing the  language  of  each  people,  and  addressing 
them  with  unwonted  earnestness  in  their  own  ver- 
nacular. The  discernment  of  Benedict  led  him  to 
attach  to  himself  and  his  court  the  most  able  and 
talented  men.  He  induced  Clemengis  to  become  his 
secretary,  and  Vincent  his  confessor.  One  was  the 
most  eloquent  writer  and  the  other  the  most  eloquent 
preacher  of  the  age.  Both  long  cherished  an  affec- 
tionate regard  for  Benedict,  even  after  the  vices  of 
his  court  had  driven  them  from  Avignon  for  purer 
air.  In  fact,  the  most  valuable  testimony  to  the 
merit  of  Benedict  is  found  in  the  continued  adher- 
ence of  two  such  men, — both  able,  both  incorrupti- 
ble, both  indignant  protestants  against  the  corrup- 
tion of  the  chui'ch,  and  diligent  students  of  the 
Sacred  Scriptures.  To  Vincent,  the  common  people 
ascribed  the  power  of  working  miracles — a  claim  in 

'  A  quite  full  account  of  the  life,  and  "  Historic  dea  Hommes  Illustres 

labors,  and  charaotor  of  Vincent  Fer-  d  I'Ordre  de  St.  Dominic,  torn.  iv.  Pa- 

rara  is  to  be  found  in  an  article  of  the  ris,  1746.     With  tlie  fervor  of  a  Bax- 

"  Pres.  Quarterly  Review,"  for  July,  ter,  Vincent  combined  tlie  missionary 

1860.   The  materials  for  it  were  drawn  zeal  and  activity  of  a  Whitefield, 
mainly  from  the  Letters  of  Clemengis, 


Cii.  VI.]  ELOQUENCE    OF    VIXCEXT    FERP.ARA.  187 

his  behalf  wliicli  in  tlicm  was  natural,  in  view  of  his 
ainazing  gifts,  his  wondrous  eloquence,  and  the  mul- 
tiplied conversions  of  whicli  he  was  the  instrument, — 
but  a  claim  which  we  have  no  evidence  that  he  sanc- 
tioned himself. 

The  stories  of  his  ability  and  success  as  a  preacher 
bolder  indeed  on  the  miraculous,  but  are  well  at- 
tested. He  was  the  itinerant  apostle  of  Western 
EurojK\  Wherever  he  went  his  fame  preceded  him, 
and  thi-oiiging  thousands  hung  entranced  upon  his 
lips.  "Men  of  every  grade,  order,  and  dignity,"  says 
Clemengis,  "  welcomed  him  as  if  he  had  been  an 
angel  of  God."  His  knowledge  of  scripture,  his 
lucid  exposition  and  apposite  adaptation  of  it,  ex- 
cited the  admiration  of  this  learned  ex-rector  of  the 
University  of  Paris.  The  word  of  God,  fi"om  his 
mouth,  had  such  a  burning,  blazing  power,  that  the 
coldest  and  most  frozen  hearts  were  melted  into 
penitence.^  The  most  obdurate  were  forced  to  cry 
out  in  the  groans  and  anguish  of  conviction.  His 
delivery,  his  gesture,  the  whole  expression  of  his 
person,  contributed  to  the  effect.  Sometimes  he  per- 
sonated others,  and  made  his  sermons  assume  the  foi-m 
of  dialogue.  The  farmer  quitted  his  harvest  field, 
the  artisan  forsook  his  workshop,  to  catch  a  sight  or 
to  hear  the  voice  of  the  wonderful  man.  Nor  did 
he  speak  only  in  the  cities  or  villages.  No  church 
could  have  held  the  crowds  that  flocked  to  hear 
him.  He  took  his  stand  in  the  broad  plain,  where 
thousands  might  be  gathered  to  listen  to  his  voice. 
They  came  from  leagues  around,  and  many  of  them 

*  Clemengis  Lit,  p.  316. 


188  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOIIIS^   HUSS.  [Cn.  VI. 

came  not  in  vain.  They  saw  and  heard,  only  to  be 
convicted,  converted,  and  reformed.  They  found  in 
Vincent  a  John  in  the  wilderness,  a  man  severely 
simple  and  abstemious,  whose  life  corresponded  with 
his  words,  and  who  practised  what  he  preached. 
"He  did  not  belong,"  says  Clemengis,  "to  the  Phari- 
see class,  who  occupy  Moses'  seat,  who  say  and  do 
not."  The  gifts  that  were  offered  him  he  refused. 
True  to  his  vow  of  poverty,  his  fare  was  simple  and 
his  raiment  plain.  He  would  not  own  a  change  of 
raiment,  and  only  accepted  the  offer  of  a  new  gar- 
ment when  the  old  was  worn  out.  Thus  he  went 
from  province  to  province,  and  from  kingdom  to 
kingdom,  leaving  behind  him  in  the  results  of  his 
labor,  and  the  reform  effected,  the  seals  of  his  min- 
istry. One  of  the  noblest  testimonies  to  his  true 
worth  and  integrity  is  the  fact,  that  all  the  public 
applause  that  trumpeted  his  name  over  Europe  left 
him  still  the  same  humble,  devoted,  incorruptible 
witness  to  the  truth  that  he  was  when  he  first 
tremblingly  ventured,  at  repeated  solicitations,  to 
ascend  the  pulpit.  His  ability  and  integrity  are  at- 
tested by  the  fact  of  his  appointment  as  an  arbitrator 
in  various  matters,  but  especially  in  one  that  con- 
cerned the  inheritance  of  the  Castilian  crown.^ 

The  defection  of  such  a  man  from  the  cause  of 
Benedict  gave  it  a  mortal  blow  in  the  popular  es- 
teem. The  last  evasions  of  the  obstinate  old  man 
had  satisfied  him  that  he  was  fully  determined  to 
persist  to  the  last  in  his  schism,  and  Vincent  was  no 
longer  his  dupe.   He  did  all  in  his  power  to  persuade 

'  Godeau,  xxxvl  318. 


Cn.  VI.]  VINCENT   OPPOSES   BENEDICT.  189 

Benedict  to  yield,  but  tlie  eloquence  that  had  swayed 
nations  was  powerless  to  change  the  purpose  of  his 
former  master.  From  a  devoted  adherent,  Vincent 
became  a  zealous  opponent.  It  was  he  who  preached 
on  the  occasion  of  the  publication  of  the  edict  for 
withdrawing  obedience,  which  he  himself  read  from 
the  pulpit. 

Vincent's  course  seems  to  have  been  conscientious 
throughout.  In  no  instance  do  we  discover  him  in- 
fluenced by  motives  of  selfish  interest  or  personal 
advantage.  His  renunciation  of  the  pope  bears, 
therefore,  those  marks  of  sincere  conviction  which 
entitle  it  to  our  respect.  We  find  the  efibrt  after- 
ward made  by  Gerson  to  induce  Vincent  to  come  to 
Constance.^  Undoubtedly  he  would  have  found  in 
him  a  congenial  spirit  and  a  well-wisher,  if  not  a  co- 
laborer  in  his  projects  of  reform.  But  there  is  rea- 
son to  believe  that  Vincent  felt  that  Constance  was 
no  place  for  him,  and  that  his  powers  would  be  wasted 
upon  an  assembly  of  whose  real  character  he  must 
by  this  time  have  been  fully  aware.  Like  Clemen- 
gis,  he  chose  to  keep  space  enough  between  him- 
self and  the  council.  Was  he  suspicious  lest  they 
should  be  inclined  to  question  his  orthodoxy?  They 
might  have  done  so  with  almost  as  much  reason 
as  |in  the  case  of  Huss.  His  sympathy  with  the 
Flagellants  at  least  might  have  raised  suspicion  of 
heresy. 

The  Bohemian  reformer  and  the  apostle  of  the 
west  were  brothers  in  spirit,  and  we  can  scarce  doubt 
that  had  they  truly  known  each  other,  they  would 

•  L'Enfant,  487. 


190  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHIS-   HUSS.  [Ch.  VI. 

have  bid  and  received  a  mutual  good-speed  in  their 
noble  work. 

Tbe  emperor  bad  accomplished  all  that  was  possi- 
ble for  him  in  Spain.  The  other  princes,  beside  the 
king  of  Aragon,  had  given  hopes  of  joining  with  him 
in  renouncing  Benedict's  allegiance.  But  there  was 
opposition  in  their  states,  and  some  wavered.  The 
emjieror  directed  his  course  to  Paris.  Tbe  great 
battle  of  Agincourt  had  been  fought,  but  a  few  weeks 
previous,  (Oct.  25,  1415,)  and  English  valor  had 
won  the  day.  It  was  a  terrible  blow  to  France. 
The  right  hand  of  her  power  was  cut  off;  her 
army  and  a  large  number  of  her  nobles  and  knights 
were  slain,  or  taken  captive.  The  emperor  sought 
to  restore  peace  to  the  warring  nations.  The  com- 
mon foe  of  Christendom  was  thundering  at  the  gates 
of  the  empire,  and  the  story  of  Turkish  invasion  and 
cruelty  was  ever  ringing  in  Sigismund's  ear.  He 
wished  to  unite  the  nations  in  a  crusading  warfare 
against  the  infidel.  By  his  mediation  he  succeeded 
in  procuring  between  England  and  France  a  truce 
of  ten  years. 

But  already  the  blow  struck  at  Agincourt  was 
producing  its  effect.  The  humiliation  of  the  weak 
king  of  France  was  relatively  the  exaltation  of  the 
powerful  Duke  of  Burgundy.  Henry  V.  of  England 
had  only  fought  the  duke's  battles.  The  fruits  of 
victory  did  not  cross  the  English  channel.  The 
most  obvious  result  was  that  the  murderer  of  the 
Duke  of  Orleans  was  delivered  from  all  danger  on 
the  side  of  France.  It  was  all  in  vain  that  at  this 
moment  the  French  king  wrote  to  the  council  to 


Cn.  YI.]  THE   COUNCIL    EVADES    A    DECISIOISr.  191 

urge  the  condemnation  of  Petit's  propositions.^  It 
was  in  vain  that  the  university  reiterated  its  coni- 
plaints.®  It  was  in  vain  that  the  emperor  himself 
wrote  once  and  again  expressing  his  indignant  ab- 
horrence of  principles  that  exposed  his  own  life  to 
the  stroke  of  the  assassin.'  The  advocates  of  the 
Dnke  of  Burgundy  became  more  bold  and  earnest 
in  their  opposition.  A  majority  of  more  than  two- 
thirds  of  the  eighty-four  doctors,  who  were  directed 
to  give  in  their  written  opinions  on  the  subject,  were 
against  Gerson  and  France.*  These  last  appealed  to 
the  council  in  full  session.  The  discussions  were 
violent  and  protracted.  The  difficulties  in  the  way 
of  proceeding  were  continually  aggravated.  Day 
after  day  the  nations  assembled  to  discuss  the  sub- 
ject, but  no  advance  was  made.  Nothing  could  be 
concluded.  The  council  declared  expressly  that  no 
condemnation  of  the  propositions  should  prejudice 
the  person  or  honor  of  individuals. 

The  intelligence  of  the  articles  of  "  The  Capitu- 
lation of  Narbonne,"  meanwhile,  (Feb.  4,  1416,) 
reached  Constance.  The  council  assembled  to  hear 
them  read,  and  to  swear  to  their  solemn  observance. 
They  did  this,  not  as  a  council,  but  as  an  assembly 
of  cardinals,  bishops,  etc.  Instead  of  the  Cardinal 
de  Viviers,  the  president  of  the  council,  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Tours  was  the  moderator  of  the  assembly. 
Sixteen  cardinals,  more  than  fifty  bishops,  more  than 
twenty  abbots,  and  more  than  one  hundred  ambas- 
sadors and  deputies  took  oath  to  observe  the  articles 
of  "the   capitulation."     Some,   however,   protested 

'  L'Enfant,  312.        »  lb.,  368.        '  lb.,  354.        «  lb.,  373. 


192  LIFE   AND   TIDIES   OF   JOHN   HUBS.  [Cu.  VL 

against  portions  of  them,  or  against  their  being  un- 
derstood in  a  sense  j)rejudicial  to  what  they  claimed 
as  their  ris^ht.^ 

It  was  while  these  matters  and  those  of  John 
Petit  were  occupying  the  public  attention  of  the 
council,  that  Theodoric  of  Munster  (Feb.  16,  1416) 
preached  a  sermon,  in  part  with  reference  to  Bene- 
dict XIIL,  but  mainly  bearing  upon  the  vices  of  the 
clergy  and  the  abuses  of  the  church.^  It  serves 
to  show  the  feelings  and  opinions  of  at  least  a  re- 
spectable minority  of  the  council,  and  how  strongly 
some  of  them  must  have  sympathized  in  a  portion  of 
the  views  of  the  man  whom  they  had  sent  to  the 
stake.  He  took  for  his  text  the  words,  "  Go  ye  also 
into  my  vineyard,"  and  improved  the  occasion,  natu- 
rally, to  condemn  the  indolence  of  the  ecclesiastics, 
and  the  abuses  and  disorders  in  which  it  resulted. 
By  the  vineyard  he  understands,  first,  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures, which  the  bishops  and  priests  are  to  cultivate 
by  study ;  and,  in  the  second  place,  the  church,  which 
is  confided  to  their  care.  The  negligence,  idleness, 
and  vicious  life  of  the  clergy  are  severely  rebuked, 
and  their  conduct  in  leaving  their  flocks  to  indulge 
in  luxury  is  sharply  arraigned.  "Yet,"  says  the 
preacher,  "it  would  be  something  tolerable  if,  in 
their  dislike  to  labor  in  the  vineyard,  they  would  at 
leas^  serve  as  scarecrows,  to  drive  away  the  birds ; 
but  since  they  merely  spread  around  them  the  stench 
of  their  vices,  they  can  only  be  regarded  as  carrion, 
to  attract  ravenous  beasts  to  trample  and  ravage  the 
vineyard  of  the  Lord.     Such  prelates  deserve  to  be 

*  L'Enfant,  365         '  lb.,  8T0 


Cii.  VI.]  ^   SCATHING    SEEJION.  103 

deposed,  not  only  as  useless  servants,  but  as  nuisan- 
ces that  make  others  breathe  their  pestilent  corrup- 

*^^^ It  is  a  great  error  to  believe,  as  some  do, 

that  a  pope  should  be  deposed  only  for  heresy,  if  by 
this  we  are  not  to  understand  sins  public,  scandalous, 
and  maintained  with  shamelessness  and  obstinacy." 
In  these  words  he  refers  to  the  grounds  on  which 
Benedict  might  be  proceeded  against.    He  then  goes 
on  to  condemn  other  faults  of  the  ecclesiastics :  their 
neglecting  the  study  of  Holy  Scripture,  to   apply 
themselves  to  canon  law  and  the  decretals,  for  pur- 
poses of  gain.     Not  that  he  would  have  the  latter 
absolutely  neglected ;  but  the  principal  study  of  pre- 
lates and  pastors  should  be  the  word  of  God,  in 
order  to  preach,  inasmuch  as  this  is  the  original  au- 
thority by  which  all  positive  law— which,  moreover, 
is  necessarily  faulty  and  subject  to  change— must  be 
tried.     Enforcing  his  position  by  examples,  he  re- 
marks, in  language  little  respectful  to  the  papacy, 
"That  the  convocation  of  the  council  and  the  deposi- 
tion of  one  of  the  rival  pontiffs  would  have  been  im- 
possible, if  it  had  been  required  to  follow  the  new 
canon  law  which  gives  to  the  popes  alone  the  right 
of  assembling   councils,  and  which  lays  down  the 
principle  that  the  pope  cannot  be  judged  except  for 
heresy  alone."     Again  the  preacher  remarks,  "  ISlow 
we  see  positive  laws,— that  is,  the  canon  law,  the 

decretals,  and  constitutions  of  the  popes, exalted 

above  the  law  of  God  and  the  commandments  of 
Jesus  Christ.  This  is  the  case  even  in  this  council 
where  the  prelates  fear  more  to  disregard  the  authoi-- 
ity  of  the  Clementines,  than  that  of  the  decalor^ue. 
VOL.  n.  23 


194:  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  VI. 

They  take  more  pains  to  see  that  court  rules  are  ob- 
served, than  to  prevent  propositions  being  advanced 
opposed  to  faith  and  to  gospel  morals." 

Such  language  was  bold  enough,  and  could  scarce- 
ly have  been  acceptable  to  the  majority  of  the  coun- 
cil. But  many  of  its  positions  had  fully  been  illus- 
trated in  the  proceedings  that  had  taken  place, 
especially  in  the  case  of  Huss.  The  speaker's  refer- 
ence to  the  scriptures  as  above  all  the  authority  of 
what  he  called  positive  law,  fully  coincided  with 
the  position  taken  by  Huss  upon  his  trial.  It  seems 
difficult  to  explain  how  such  language  could  have 
been  used, — so  much  in  the  spirit  of  invective  em- 
ployed by  the  Bohemians,  and  so  fully  justifying 
what  the  council  had  branded  as  heres}^  But  it  is 
evident  that  there  were  those  at  the  council — and  if 
united,  forming  a  powerful  minority — who  were  yet 
anxious  and  earnest  on  the  subject  of  reform.  It 
was  impossible  to  silence  them  altogether,  and  it 
might  have  been  a  politic  measure  to  allow  them  the 
satisfaction  of  having  their  views  expressed.  The 
statements  which  they  presented*  were,  moreover,  so 
indisputably  true,  that  the  only  answer  they  could 
receive  was  a  silent  acquiescence. 


CHAPTER    VII. 

JEROME    BEFORE    THE   COUNCIL. 

Citation  OP  the  Bohemians.  —  The  Decree. — Disposition  op  the  Council  To- 
ward Jerome.  —  His  Condition  and  State  op  Mind  in  Prison. — Refuses  to 
Recognize  His  New  Judges.  —  The  List  of  Charges  Against  Him.  —  His  Re- 
plies. —  On  Wickliffe.  —  On  Contumacv.  —  Various  Charges.  —  Philosoph- 
ical Subtleties.  —  Transubstantiation.  —  Songs  Written  and  Sung.  —  All 
Mat  Preach.  —  Cnjust  Excommunication  Invalid.  —  Indulgences. —Treat- 
ment OF  Them  that  Sold  Them.  —  Papal  Bulls.  —  Pictures  of  the  Saints.  — 
Relics. — Martyrs  of  Prague.  —  Favor  to  the  Greek  Church.  —  Jerome's 
Recantation  Hypocritical.  —  His  Letter  to  Vienna.  — Dishonest  Purpose  in 
Coming  to  Constance.  —  Will  Not  Acknowledge  His  Errors. — Refuses  to 
Fast. — Demand  that  He  Should  Answer  on  Oath.  —  Extended  Period  of 
Jerome's  Life  Covered  bt  the  Charges. — Jerome's  Replies.  —  Admissions, 
Explanations,  and  Denials.  —  Jerome  Allowed  a  General  Defence.  —  His 
Views  and  Feelings.  —  His  Speech.  —  Refers  to  Ancient  Martyrs. — Uni- 
versity of  Prague.  —  Eulogy  op  Huss.  —  His  Course.  —  Jerome's  Visit  to 
Constance.  —  His  Treatment. — His  Recantation  Disavowed.  —  His  Views  op 
Wickliffe.  —  His  Substantial  Orthodoxy.  —  His  Fate  Sealed  by  His  Ap- 
proval OF  Huss.  —  Heroism  of  Jerome.  —  Poggio  Bracciolini.  —  His  Letter  in 
Praise  of  Jerome. — Able  Defence  of  the  Latter. — His  Manly  Bearing. — 
His  Retorts.  —  Wonderful  Powers.  —  His  Memorable  Eloquence. 

Feb.  16,  1416  — May  26,  1416. 

The  condition  of  things  in  Bohemia  had  now  be- 
come such  as  to  excite  the  well-founded  alarm  of  the 
council.  Their  proceedings  were  boldly  arraigned, 
and  their  authority  contemned.  The  Bishop  of  Lei- 
tomischel,  bearing  their  commission,  found  himself 
unable  to  execute  it.  His  person,  and  even  his  life, 
were  considered  as  endangered  in  the  attempt.     The 

(195) 


196  .     LIFE   AND   TDIES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cii.  YII. 

whole  nation  was  in  a  ferment.  At  length,  on  the 
twentieth  of  February,  1416,  the  matter  was  brought 
before  the  council.  It  was  decreed  that  the  follow- 
ers of  Huss,  in  Bohemia  and  Moravia,  should  be 
cited  to  appear  and  answer  such  accusations  as  had 
been,  or  should  be,  brought  against  them. 

The  main  ground  of  citation  was  the  charge  against 
the  council,  implied  in  the  statement  that  Huss  "  had 
been  unjustly  executed,  and  in  violation  of  all  truth ; " 
in  the  assertion  that  "  he  was  a  good  and  holy  man, 
of  excellent  and  innocent  life  and  pure  in  faith ; "  and 
in  ascribing  his  execution  to  "  the  envy  of  a  luxuri- 
ous and  wanton  clergy."  The  citation  therefore  ex- 
tended to  all  those  who  had  signed  or  affixed  their 
seals  to  the  letters  addressed  to  the  council.  It 
comprehended  the  ablest  and  most  learned  men 
of  Bohemia,  as  well  as  officers  of  the  royal 
court.^ 

"  We  are  confident  that  all  Christendom  is  fully 
aware,  as  well  by  previous  councils  as  by  the  present 
one,  that  Satan  has,  in  these  last  times  especially, 
excited  heretics  or  ministers  of  d;imnation  against 
the  whole  ecclesiastical  edifice ;  that  these  attempts 
have  been  to  overthrow  the  Catholic  faith,  and  the 
laws  and  usages  given  by  the  holy  fathers,  and  till 
the  present  time  inviolably  observed  by  Catholics ; 
and  among  these  men  are  John  Wickliflfe  and  John 
Huss7heresiarchs,  as  plainly  appears  from  their  works 
and  writings.  These  persons  unwarrantedly  assume 
to  be  doctors,  and  wishing  to  pass  among  the  people 
for  new  law-givers  and  rabbis,  have  plunged  into  ex- 

•  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  610, 


Ch.  VII.]  CITATION    OF   THE   BOHEMIANS.  197 

travagaut  and  damnable  errors,  in  contempt  of  the 
holy  doctrine  and  the  traditions  of  the  fathers,  in 
such  sort  that  the  greater  part  of  them  are  sectaries 
of  Satan,  who,  wishing  to  rise  above  all  that  is  wor- 
shipped in  heaven,  have  been  plunged  to  the  bottom 
of  hell,  and  cease  not  to  draw  men  after  them  into 
the  pit  of  their  damnation.  These  men,  wishing  to 
raise  themselves  and  their  traditions  above  the  hie- 
rarchy of  the  church  militant,  have  associated  many 
with  them,  even  of  the  priestly  order,  who,  after  the 
manner  of  Theudas  the  Galilean,  boasting  to  be  new 
law-givers,  have  seduced  multitudes.  And  what  is 
more  surprising  is,  that  the  number  of  the  followei*3 
of  these  heresiarchs  goes  on  increasing  continually,  as 
we  know,  alas !  too  well,  by  the  report  of  many,  and 
by  public  rumor,  especially  in  Bohemia  and  Moravia. 
There  are  among  them  even  persons  of  rank,  who 
are  leagued  together  to  maintain  John  Huss  and  his 
errors,  and  who,  adding  sin  to  sin,  nor  content  with 
their  malicious  speeches  and  feigned  devotion,  write 
out  slanderous  documents,  confirmed  by  their  seals, 
in  which  they  undertake  the  defence  and  eulogy  of 
John  Huss,  though  he  has  been  burned  by  the  just 
judgment  of  God  and  by  our  holy  sentence.  They 
venture  also  to  declare  that  they  are  resolved  to 
defend,  even  to  the  shedding  of  blood,  these  execra- 
ble heresies,  and  to  maintain  those  who  favor  them. 
And,  as  if  to  make  themselves  a  spectacle  to  the 
world  by  this  monstrous  error,  they  have  been  bold 
enouGfh  to  write  us  letters  full  of  their  venom  and 
poisoned  lies.  Touched,  therefore,  as  a  tender  mother 
by  the  ruin  of  so  many  unfortunate  ones,  whose  eyes 


198  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HDSS.  [Cn.  VII. 

have  been  fascinated  by  the  devil,  we  have  spared  no 
pains  to  recover  them  from  this  diabolical  obstinacy, 
and  heal  them  of  their  frenzy,  by  writing  to  instruct 
them,  sending  them  legates,  and  pi'actising  in  regard 
to  them  a  simulation,  flattery,  and  patience  that  has, 
perhaps,  been  pushed  too  tar.  But,  alas !  all  these 
remedies  have  only  serv^ed  to  their  injury.  They 
refuse  all  obedience,  they  will  not  listen  to  the  salu- 
tary instructions  of  the  church,  and  instead  of  profit- 
ing by  the  counsels  of  peace  and  truth  that  have 
been  given  them,  they  rise  up  against  the  orthodox 
church,  and  strengthen  themselves  in  iniquity.  For 
these  reasons  we  have  resolved,  by  the  aid  of  the 
Ti'iuity,  to  oppose  strenuously  this  damnable  doc- 
trine, and  to  proceed  against  these  sectaries  and  fol- 
lowers of  John  Huss,  through  fear  of  incurring  the 
indignation  of  the  Most  High  by  dissembling  in 
regard  to  such  great  evils,  after  the  example  of  the 
chief  priest  Eli,  who,  though  in  other  respects  a 
good  man,  drew  down  upon  himself  the  divine  ven- 
geance for  not  having  corrected  the  sins  of  his  chil- 
dren, and  sadly  perished  along  with  them.  There- 
fore it  is,  that,  wishing  to  proceed  against  them 
according  to  the  royal  way^  after  summary  informa- 
tion ;  and  having  learned,  on  the  testimony  of  people 
worthy  of  faith,  that  Czenko  de  Wesele,  alias  War- 
temberg,  suj^reme  burgrave  of  Prague,  Lasckow  de 
Crauvartz,  captain  of  the  marquisate,  and  others 
who  signed  the  letter  of  which  we  have  spoken,  are 
publicly  charged  and  suspected  in  regard  to  the 
faith  ;  and  inasmuch  as  they  may  not  safely  be  sought 
at  their  own  dwellings,  we  cite  them  peremptorily, 


Cn.  vri.]  Jerome's  remorse.  190 

T)y  the  present  edict,  winch  shall  be  publicly  affixed 
to  the  doors  of  all  the  churches  of  Constance."  ^ 

Leaving  this  citation  to  find  its  way  to  Bohemia, 
let  us  retui-n  once  more  to  the  affairs  of  Jerome  of 
Prague.     More  than  six  months  had  passed   away 
since  his  recantation,  and  nearly  a  year  since  his  first 
arrest.     The  first  term  of  his  imprisonment  had  been 
one   of  severe   hardship.     His  treatment  afterward 
was  more  mild.     There  were  those  in  the  council 
who  were  ready  to  set  him  free,  or  at  least  unwill- 
ing to  subject  him  to  a  new  trial.     But  over  these, 
the  more  moderate  portion,  embracing  nearly  if  not 
quite  all  those  who  had  served  on  the  commission  in 
bis  case,  the  opposing  party  prevailed.     His  enemies, 
led  or  spurred  on  by  personal  hostility,  welcomed  the 
announcement  that  new  charges  were  to  be  presented 
against  him.     Many  of  them,  from  the  first,  had  been 
suspicious  of  his  sincerity  in  recanting.     Doubtless 
the  conduct  of  Jerome  must  Lave  tended  to  confirm 
those  suspicions.     His  Avas  not  a  nature  adroitly  to 
play  tlie  hypocrite.     It  was  too  frank,  too  impulsive, 
too  sensitive  to  self-disgrace,  not  sometimes  to  revolt 
at  the  thought  of  his  belying  his  own  convictions. 
During  the  last  six  months  of  his  prison  probation, 
he  had  time  to  reflect.     Memory  could  not  but  be 
busy.     Conscience  must  have  sometimes  reasserted 
her  sway ;  and,  from   his  own  confessions,  we  know 
that  the  prisoner  must  have  experienced  an  intense 
wretchedness  in  reflecting  upon  his  guilty  weakness. 
To  the  misery  of  a  life  prolonged  on  such  conditions, 
death  was  preferable.     Jerome  felt  this.     Remorse 

*  Von  der  Hardt  and  ManaL 


200  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cii.  VII. 

for  the  past  was  restoring  him  to  himself,  and  when 
the  hour  of  trial  came  again,  iis  it  now  did,  he  was 
ready  to  meet  it. 

On  the  twenty-seventh  day  of  April,  (1416,)  the 
council  met,  and  the  principal  business  before  them 
was  the  case  of  Jerome.  The  processes  for  his  trial 
had  been  issued  more  than  two  months  previous^ 
(Feb.  24).  The  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  and 
Nicholas  Dinckelspuel,  a  theological  doctor  from 
Vienna,  were  directed,  as  a  commission,  to  receive 
and  examine  testimony  that  should  be  adduced 
against  him.  These  men  visited  Jerome,  submitted 
to  him  the  charges  made,  both  the  old  and  the  new, 
and  heard  his  answers.  Their  report  was  drawn  up, 
and  was  now  made  to  the  council.  It  was  read  by 
John  de  Rocha,  a  theological  doctor,  a  former  friend 
and  present  defender  of  Petit,  and  in  that  matter  one 
of  Gerson's  antagonists.^  An  old  author  of  the  "  Life 
of  Jerome"  says,  that  he  was  reluctant  to  recognize 
this  new  commission  that  had  been  appointed  for  his 
second  trial.^  He  certainly  had  the  right  to  protest 
against  its  appointment  over  a  previous  commission, 
which  had  discharged  its  duty  under  the  eyes  and 
with  the  approval  of  the  council.  He  refused  at 
first  to  recognize  the  new  commission,  or  reply  to 
their  questions.  He  demanded,  as  his  right,  a  public 
audience.^  Probably  upon  the  assurance  of  this,  he 
finally  consented  to  defend  himself  in  piison  from 
the  charges  now  presented. 

The  first  head  of  accusation  turned  upon  the  con- 

*  Von  der  Ilardt,  iv,  60Y.  *  Mon.  Hus.,  ii.  352. 

•  L'Enfant,  380.  «  L'Enfant,  380-383. 


Ch.  VII.]  JEROME    AND   WICKLIFFE.  201 

nection  of  Jerome  with  Wickliffe.^  The  answers  of 
the  former  to  the  several  points,  as  they  were  read, 
were  also  given.  They  were  brief  and  direct.  He 
admitted  that  lie  had  read  the  works  of  Wickliffe ; 
that  he  was  aware  of  their  having  been  condemned ; 
but  to  the  charge  of  having  taught  the  errors  and 
heresies  contained  in  his  books,  he  replied, — "  For 
myself,  this  much  I  have  to  say  in  answer,  that  it  is 
false  that  I  taught  errors  and  heresies  out  of  his 
books.  But  this  I  confess,  that  when  I  was  a  youth, 
ardent  in  the  cause  of  learning,  I  came  to  England, 
and  hearing  of  the  reputation  of  Wickliffe,  that  he 
was  a  shrewd  and  talented  man,  I  transcribed,  as  I 
could  obtain  copies,  his  Dialogue  and  Trialogue,  and 
carried  them  with  me  over  to  Prague." 

The  articles  charged  went  over  the  most  promi- 
nent acts  of  Jerome's  life,  bringing  up  as  far  as  possi- 
ble every  instance  in  which  he  had  shown  a  leaning 
toward,  or  a  disposition  to  defend,  the  views  of  Wick- 
liffe. They  maintained  that  he  had  been  banished 
from  Bohemia  for  his  violation  of  the  edict  in  regard 
to  Wickliffe's  books.  He  replied  that  he. had  not 
been  banished,  but  that  when,  through  the  letters 
of  the  Archbishop  of  Prague,  containing  false  state- 
ments, the  king  had  been  induced  to  deliver  him  up 
to  the  archbishop,  he  had  by  the  latter  been  gently 
dealt  with  for  some  time,  till  the  king  sent  one  of 
his  barons,  and  ordered  him  to  be  released.  Jerome 
was  charged,  at  the  discussion  in  regard  to  Wickliffe 
carried  on  in  the  university,  with  having  main- 
tained that  Wickliffe  was  a  Catholic,  and  that  what 

•  Mon.  Hus.,  il  352. 


202  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF    .TOIIJT   HUSS.  [Cii.  VII. 

was  contained  in  liis  books  was  most  true.  "I  an- 
swer," said  Jerome,  "  that  I  said  that  John  Wick- 
liflfe  had  composed  and  written  many  good  things  in 
his  books,  but  I  did  not  say  that  all  things  contained 
in  the  said  books  were  and  are  most  true ;  for  I  had 
not  seen  them  all.  But  this  I  do  say,  what  good 
things  Wickliffe  wrote,  let  them  be  to  his  credit  and 
not  mine ;  and  what  lie  wrote  ill,  let  him  be  blamed 
for,  and  not  me." 

He  was  then  charged  with  having  gone  to  Vienna, 
and  there,  on  being  arrested  on  the  suspicion  of 
heresy,  having  taken  an  oath  to  abide  his  trial  and 
submit  to  his  sentence,  but  instead  of  doing  this  had 
fled  away  by  stealth.  "I  was  violently  arrested," 
replied  Jerome  ;  "  but  nothing  was  done  judicially  in 
regard  to  me,  for  I  was  of  another  diocese,  and  they 
had  no  jurisdiction;  neither  did  I  escape  by  stealth 
or  through  contumacy,  but  I  did  not  choose  to  wait 
for  their  violent  measures,  as  I  was  not  obliged  or 
bound  to  do." 

Keminded  that  on  the  term  for  his  appearance  to 
be  tried,  having  expired,  he  had  incurred  by  their 
sentence  presumptive  guilt  of  heresy,  he  answered, 
that  after  his  departure  they  could  have  written  in 
regard  to  him  according  to  their  caprice.  The  said 
processes,  they  continued,  were  published  at  Vienna, 
Cracow,  Prague,  and  other  places.  "  I  am  aware 
that  they  were  published  at  Prague,"  said  Jerome ; 
"  whether  they  were  elsewhere  or  not,  I  do  not 
know."  He  was  then  charged  with  contemning  the 
keys  of  the  church,  in  disregarding  his  sentence  of 
excommunication  for  five  years  or  more.    He  denied 


xM.  VII.l  CHARGES    A.GAIJN&T    JEROME.  203 

that  lie  had  contemned  the  authority  of  the  church, 
adding  that  if  he  had  ever  been  excommunicated,  he 
had  sought  absolution.  The  Archbishop  of  Prague 
had  prosecuted  against  him  the  process  of  Vienna, 
but  without  summoning  him  before  him.  As  to  his 
being  incorrigible,  he  denied  it.  If  he  had  been  ex- 
communicated, he  even  to  this  day  was  not  aware  of 
it;  but  whether  lawfully  excommunicate  or  not,  he 
does  not  treat  it  with  contempt,  but  asks  to  be  ab- 
solved. Jerome  was  next  accused  of  having  slandered 
the  pope,  prelates,  and  lords ;  of  having  published 
these  slanders  abroad ;  of  having,  in  the  Bethlehem 
chapel  while  Huss  was  speaking,  thrust  his  head  out 
of  the  window  and  slandered  the  Archbishop  Sbynco 
before  the  people ;  of  having  violently  thrown  the 
sacred  relics,  kept  by  a  friar  in  the  Carmelite  monas- 
tery, to  the  ground;  of  having  assailed  the  monas- 
tery with  an  armed  crowd,  and  borne  off  a  preacher 
who  was  speaking  against  Wickliffe,  and  kept  him 
in  durance  for  several  days.  Some  of  these  charges 
Jerome  denied.  Other  he  explained.  As  to  the 
last,  he  said,  "  I  confess  that  in  the  case  referred  to, 
when  I  entered  the  monastery  I  found  the  monks 
contending  with  two  citizens,  Avhose  servant  they  had 
thrown  into  prison.  And  when  I  spoke  with  them 
in  a  peaceable  way,  many  of  them,  armed  with  swords, 
made  a  rush  upon  me.  And  although  I  liad  no 
means  of  defence  at  hand,  I  forcibly  seized  a  sword 
from  a  certain  layman  who  stood  by,  and  protected 
myself  as  well  as  I  was  able.  I  then  gave  up  two 
of  the  monks  for  trial,  but  one  I  kept  with  myself." 
Other  charges  were  added,  some  of  them  trivial, 


204  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHiST   HUSS.  [Ch.  YIL 

and  many  of  tliem  referring  to  facta  evidently  dis- 
torted to  bis  prejudice.  He  was  then  accused  of 
being  a  chief  adherent  of  John  Huss,  approving  of 
him,  in  his  doctrine  and  in  his  heresies,  justifying  him, 
and  seeking  out  defenders  for  him  from  Bohemia 
and  Moravia.  To  this  he  replied,  that  he  loved  John 
Huss  as  a  good  man,  and  one  who  had  diligently  per- 
formed his  duties,  not  drawn  off  by  unchastity,  and 
of  whom  he  had  heard  nothing  heretical.  Many 
things,  moreover,  had  been  imputed  to  him,  for  which 
he  deserved  no  blame.  As  to  his  having  been  cited 
to  the  court  of  Home  to  abjure  the  heresy  of  adher- 
ing to  Huss,  Jerome  denies  that  any  citation  had 
reached  him.  As  to  his  having  excited  seditions  at 
Prague  by  appearing  in  the  streets  at  different  times 
with  one  and  sometimes  two  hundred  armed  men  in 
company,  he  denied  it,  except  as  he  had  joined,  with 
a  smaller  number,  the  royal  escort.  Other  articles 
of  accusation  betrayed  their  origin  in  feelings  of  per- 
sonal spite  or  malice.  He  was  charged,  moreover, 
with  having  maintained,  at  different  places,  especially 
at  Paris,  Cologne,  and  Heidelberg,  certain  proposi- 
tions, more  of  a  philosophical  than  theological  nature. 
Among  them  were  the  following  : — "  In  God,  or  the 
divine  Essence,  there  is  not  only  a  trinity  of  person, 
but  a  quaternity  and  quinternity  of  things  {rerum)^ 
such  that  each  of  these  is  not  another  and  yet  each 
is  God :  in  created  things  there  may  be  a  trinity  in 
a  single  essence,  as  memory,  understanding,  will,  in 
the  essence  of  the  human  soul :  the  soul  of  man  is  a 
perfect  image  of  the  trinity,  with  the  single  excep- 
tion that  it  is  created,  and  has  but  a  finite  perfection : 


Cu.  VII.]  NEW    ACCUSATIONS.  205 

the  memoiy,  tlie  intelligence,  or  will  of  an  anp^el  is 
his  essence,  and  yet  not  a  person :  God  the  Father 
could  not  beget  the  Son  by  the  absolute  power  of 
deity :  all  things  to  come  will  take  place  by  a  con- 
ditionated  necessity:  the  substance  of  the  Thread  is 
not,  by  virtue  of  consecration,  changed  into  the  body 
of  Christ:  John  Wickliffe  was  not  a  heretic,  but  a 
holy  man :  God  cannot  annihilate  any  thing."  These 
propositions  Jerome  was  charged  with  having  main- 
tained. Even  as  they  stand,  they  fall  far  slioi't  of 
that  speculative  wantonness  of  disputation  which 
only  a  few  years  before  had  prevailed  at  the  Univer- 
sity of  Paris.  Jerome's  reply  to  them  was,  that  these 
propositions,  understood  in  the  proper  sense,  were 
true,  though  they  were  not  presented  in  his  style,  yet, 
in  regard  to  some  of  them,  what  sounded  as  his  lan- 
guage had  been  employed  in  order  to  express  them. 
^  These  charges  and  their  answers  having  been  read, 
the  council,  by  the  instigation  of  his  enemies,  and  at 
the  demand  of  its  prosecuting  officer,  determined 
that  more  should  be  added  to  the  already  extended 
catalogue.  After  some  other  business  had  been  trans- 
acted, these  also  were  read.  They  were  much  more 
extended  than  the  first,  and  in  fact  substantially  re- 
peated them,  though  in  a  more  ample  manner,  with 
many  additions.  They  go  back  in  their  specifications 
so  as  to  cover  a  space  of  more  than  twelve  years. 
The  mere  recital  of  them,  aggravated  as  they  were 
by  the  ingenious  malice  that  drew  them  up,  Avas  well 
calculated  to  prejudice  the  cause  of  the  prisoner  in 
the  minds  of  his  judges.     Yet  they  are  valuable — 

*  Van  der  Ilardt,  iv.  646, 


206  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.  [Ch.  VII. 

even  from  the  hostile  source  from  whlcli  we  derive 
them — as  giving  something  of  a  picture,  however 
distorted,  of  Jerome's  life.***' 

The  first  and  main  point  charged  in  the  new  indict- 
ment, was  the  dissemination  and  defence  of  Wick- 
liffe's  doctrines.  It  stated  the  methods  which  Jerome 
had  employed  for  this  purpose :  copying  WickliftVs 
books ;  recommending  them  to  others ;  circulating 
them  as  he  had  opportunity,  at  Prague  and  else- 
where, declaring  that  those  students  who  had  not 
read  them  had  but  attained  the  mere  bark  of  learn- 
ing instead  of  discovering  its  roots ;  persuading  them 
to  reject  their  ordinary  and  approved  text-books,  to 
peruse  those  of  Wickliffe  ;  defending  the  reputation 
of  the  man,  and  showing  himself  so  zealous  a  favorer 
and  champion  of  him  and  his  errors,  that  many  per- 
sons, of  both  sexes,  formerly  Catholics,  had  been 
drawn  away  from  the  faith,  and  fallen  into  heretical 
pravity,  becoming  so  blind  and  obstinate  in  their 
error,  as  to  assert  that  their  ffilse  opinions  were  gos- 
pel truths,  and  to  boast  that  in  all  respects  they  fol- 
lowed the  gospel  and  the  doctrines  of  Christ.  The 
indictment  asserted,  that  after  the  various  condem- 
nations pronounced  upon  the  writings  of  Wickliffe 
at  Oxford,  Rome,  and  Prague,  Jerome,  who  could 
not  be  ignorant  of  the  facts,  had  still  persisted  in 
maintaining  Wickliffe's  opinions,  had  defended  them 
publicly,  had  disputed  and  offered  to  dispute  in  their 
favor,  and  had  dared,  in  the  lecture-room  of  Prague, 
and  in  the  Bethlehem  chapel,  to  speak  of  Wickliffe 
as  a  most  holy  man,  a  preacher  of  the  gospel,  and  a 
teacher  of  the  true  faith.     He  had,  moreover,  pro- 


Cu.  VII.]  JEKOJIE    ON    TEANSUBSTANTIATION.  207 

ceeded  to  use  violent  means  to  silence  opposition. 
Here  the  indictment  recapitulated  charges  already 
mentioned.  The  opinions  of  Wickliffe  on  the  euchar- 
ist,  indulgences,  etc.,  were  then  cited  as  endorsed  by 
Mm.  For  the  space  of  ten  years,  at  different  times, 
Jerome  had  maintained  that  in  the  sacrament  of  the 
altar  the  material  bread  remained  after  consecra- 
tion, and  that  in  this  sacrament  the  bread  is  not 
transubstantiated  into  the  body  of  Christ ;  and  this 
he  had  induced  many  to  believe,  who  still  persevere 
in  their  error.  He  had  maintained,  that  in  the  sacra- 
ment of  the  altar  Christ  is  not  truly  present,  and  the 
argument  used  was  this :  Christ  suffered  on  the  cross ; 
but  the  host  never  suffered,  nor  does  suffer ;  therefore, 
Christ  is  not  in  the  host,  in  the  sacrament  of  the  altar. 
Again :  Mice  cannot  eat  Christ ;  but  mice  can  eat  the 
consecrated  host ;  therefore,  the  host  in  the  sacrament 
of  the  altar  is  not  Christ.  Again :  The  host  in  the 
sacrament  of  the  altar  is  not  God, — for  a  priest  can- 
not consecrate  his  Creator,  that  is,  God ;  but  the 
priest  consecrates  the  host ;  therefore,  in  the  host  of 
the  altar,  the  Creator,  God,  is  not. 

Jerome  was  accused  of  maintaining,  that  no  one 
could  receive  the  heavenly  crown  who  did  not  confess 
with  heart  and  mouth  the  doctrines  of  Wickliffe  ;  of 
promising,  after  this  life,  the  triumphs  of  gloiy  to 
those  of  all  classes  who  should  defend  Wickliffe's 
doctrines,  and  impugn  the  contrary;  of  writing,  and 
procuring  to  be  written,  songs  and  doggerel  verses, 
ridiculing  the  mass,  which  were  learned  and  sung  by 
the  artisans,  who  said,  that  by  these  they  also  could 
make  the  body  of  Christ,  so  that  the  priests  were 


208  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHX    HUS3.  [Cii.  VII. 

subjected  to  seditions,  wrongs,  and  insults.  He  more- 
over took  the  language  of  scripture,  and  versified  it, 
so  that  it  might  be  sung,  as  it  was  in  the  streets, 
leaving  the  impression,  to  the  confusion  of  the  eccle- 
siastics, that  they  (the  singers)  alone,  and  not  the 
church  of  Rome  or  any  of  the  clergy,  undei'stood 
the  scriptures.  After  he  had  taught  men  these,  he 
had  said  and  preached  that  the  laity  who  had  learned 
them,  and  that  too  of  both  sexes,  that  is,  men  and 
women  of  the  Wicldiffite  sect,  and  holding  Wick- 
liffe's  doctrine  firmly  and  devotedly,  might  make  the 
body  of  Christ,  baptize,  hear  confessions,  or  bestow 
other  sacraments  of  the  church,  provided  they  use 
fit  words,  and  adapted  to  the  consecrating  or  sacra- 
mental act ;  and  that  the  sacraments  performed  by 
these  are  as  efficacious  and  valid  as  if  they  were  per- 
formed or  bestowed  by  priests,  according  to  the 
church  form.  He  had  taught,  moreover,  in  various 
parts  of  Bohemia,  but  specially  in  the  Bethlehem 
chapel,  the  heresy  held  by  John  Huss — we  may  add, 
by  Clemengis,  Gerson's  intimate  fi'iend,  also — that  the 
excommunication  of  the  pope,  or  of  any  other  bishop 
or  minister  of  the  church,  is  not  to  be  feared  or  re- 
garded, unless  it  is  evident  that  it  has  been  preceded 
by  the  divine  excommunication ;  and  he  had  taught, 
moreover,  that  the  excommunication  of  the  defend- 
ers of  Wickliffe's  doctrine  at  Prague  was  to  be  ac- 
counted null,  and  to  be  disregarded,  for  God  had 
never  bestowed  on  the  pope,  nor  any  other  servant 
of  the  church,  any  of  his  own  attributes ;  and  there- 
fore, in  sjjite  of  the  interdict,  the  priests  had  been 
compelled,  in  many  places  and  cities  of  the  diocese 


Cn.  VII.l  VIOLENCE   TO    THE    PRIESTS.  209 

of  Pracfue,  to  celebrate  and  administer  the  divine 
offices.  Jerome,  moreover,  was  accused  of  maintaining 
tliat  no  authority  for  granting  indulgences  resides  in 
the  pope  or  the  bishops,  and  that  no  faitli  is  to  be 
extended  to  letters,  apostolic  or  episcopal,  which  con- 
tain indulofences.  Such  indulsrences  were  of  no  avail. 
Those  that  preached  them  had  been  obstructed  by 
him  in  doing  it,  and  been  forced  to  desist.  The  in- 
dictment recounted  the  circumstances  of  the  violent 
opposition  with  which  he  had  met  them.  On  one 
occasion,  John  of  Altamuta,  and  Benesius  of  Opta- 
wich,  had  entered  a  manse  belonging  to  a  parish 
church  in  a  village  of  the  diocese  of  Prague,  intend- 
ing to  publish  in  the  said  church  indulgences  granted 
by  John  XXIII.  Jerome  heard  of  it,  and  gathering 
a  company  of  armed  men  around  him,  rushed  into 
the  house  in  a  state  of  excited  passion,  and  with  fury 
in  his  looks.  He  addressed  the  priests  in  harsh  and 
threatening  language.  "  Out  with  you,  you  deceiv- 
ei's,  with  your  lies  !  Your  lord  the  pope  is  a  false 
heretic  and  a  usurer.  He  has  no  authority  to  grant 
indulgences."  Jerome  then  threatened  the  priests, 
drove  them  fii-st  into  the  church  and  then  forth  from 
it,  and  followed  them  till  he  saw  them  outside  the 
walls  of  the  village.  It  was  with  difficulty,  it  waa 
said,  that  they  escaped.  The  indictment  set  forth, 
moreover,  that  Jerome  had  said  and  asserted,  in  con- 
tempt of  the  keys  and  of  the  Apostolic  See,  that  the 
papal  bulls  were  not  to  be  credited,  nor  any  faith  put 
in  them,  neither  were  the  indulgences  of  the  pope  to 
be  believed  in,  inasmuch  as  they  were  null  and  void ; 
besides,  it  was  out  of  the  pope's  power  to  give  and 

VOL.  II.  14 


210  LIFE   AXD   TIMES    OF   JOHN"   nU6S.  [Ch.  VIL 

grant  indulgences.  When  present  himself  at  the 
preaching  of  them,  he  had  hindered  it ;  when  absent, 
he  had  incited  others  to  do  it,  and  these  men  ran 
about  through  the  city  of  Prague  during  sermon- 
time,  entering  the  churches,  disturbing  those  who 
preached  indulgences,  asserting  that  they  were  the 
deceivers  and  seducers  of  those  among  the  people 
to  whom  they  asserted  that  indulgences  were  of  any 
avail.  He  had,  moreover,  taken  the  ^^apal  bulls,  the 
letters  apostolic  containing  the  indulgences,  and,  put- 
ting them  into  a  chariot  with  prostitutes,  to  whose 
breasts  he  bound  them,  had  them  drawn  through  the 
city.  As  the  chariot  moved  on,  it  was  surrounded 
with  men  crying  aloud  and  shouting,  "  These  are  the 
letters  of  a  heretic  and  a  Kussiau,  which  we  are 
taking  to  be  burned."  And  in  the  street,  near  the 
centre  of  the  city,  he  caused  these  bulls  to  be  pub- 
licly burned. 

Jerome,  moreover,  was  accused  of  having  held  and 
taught,  at  Prague  and  elsewhere,  that  any  educated 
or  intelligent  la3mian  might,  in  any  place,  in  a  church 
or  outside  of  it,  without  being  licensed  by  pope, 
bishop,  curate,  or  any  one  else,  preach  the  word  of 
God.  He  had,  moreover,  himself,  though  a  layman 
and  unshorn,  preached,  and  thus  practised  what  he 
preached,  in  different  localities  in  Bohemia,  as  well 
as  Moravia,  on  the  ground  that  tlie}^  who  are  called 
and  sent  of  God  seem  to  be  sufficiently  licensed.  He 
had,  moreover,  said,  asserted,  and  publicly  preached, 
that  pictures  of  Christ,  of  his  crucifixion,  of  the 
Virgin  and  of  canonized  saints,  are  not  to  be  painted, 
and  that  it  is  heretical  to  worship  them.     An  image 


Ch.  VIT.]  EELICS   CONTEMNED.  211 

of  the  crucifix  lie  had  insulted,  and  pelted  with  dung, 
and  procured  others  to  treat  it  in  the  same  way, 
though  many  thronged  to  it  in  devotion.  The  relics 
of  the  saints  he  had  declared  were  by  no  means  to 
be  worshipped  or  adored.  He  had  said  that  the  veil 
and  robe  of  the  Virgin,  in  the  cathedral  church  at 
Prague,  though  reverently  venerated  by  the  faithful, 
were  of  no  more  account,  and  to  be  held  in  no  greater 
reverence,  than  the  skin  of  the  ass  on  which  Christ 
rode.  Saci'ed  relics  he  had  torn  from  the  altar,  cast 
to  the  earth,  and  trampled  under  foot.  He  had 
maintained,  that  those  who  died  in  defence  of  the 
doctrine  of  Huss,  which  he  claimed  to  be  true  and 
Catholic,  were  true  and  glorious  martyrs  of  Christ. 
He  had  caused  them  to  be  borne  in  procession  to  the 
grave,  while  the  attendants  chanted,  "  These  are  they 
who  gave  up  their  bodies  to  punishment,  according 
to  the  will  of  God."  He  had  procured  mass  to  be 
said  for  them  as  martyrs,  in  the  Bethlehem  chapel, 
and  excited  the  multitude  of  that  sect  in  such  a  way 
that  for  several  davs  scores  of  them  went  aofain  and 
again  to  the  council-house  of  the  city,  saying  that 
those  who  had  been  ^jeheaded  were  true  martyrs, 
and  had  died  for  the  true  faith  of  Christ,  and  that 
they  themselves  were  ready  to  undergo  a  like  death 
for  the  same  faith. 

The  indictment  then  proceeds  to  specify  other 
articles  classed  by  themselv^es,  and  evidently  of  less 
weight  or  certainty,  a<^  that  Jei'ome  in  Kussia  had, 
on  one  occasion,  openly  forsaken  the  communion  of 
the  Latin  f)r  that  of  the  Greek  church,  publicly 
offering  insult  to  the  former;  that  he  had  attempted 


212  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOIIX    HUSS.  [Ch.  Vk 

to  seduce  the  Duke  Witbold,  brother  of  the  king  of 
Poland,  as  well  as  others,  to  imitate  his  example ; 
that  when  arraigned  for  his  conduct  before  the  Duke 
of  Wilna,  he  had  expressly  declared  that  the  afore- 
said schismatics  and  Kussiaus  were  good  Christians. 
This  he  had  done  and  repeated,  in  spite  of  the  bish- 
op's admonition  to  the  contrary.  At  Pleskov  again, 
Jerome  had  pursued  the  same  coui'se,  giving  his  pub- 
lic approval  to  the  infidelity,  schism,  and  heresy  of 
the  said  Russians. 

The  indictment  then  set  forth  that  Jerome  was 
not  to  be  believed  on  oath,  whether  now  or  in  time 
to  come  he  should  be  sworn.  His  promises  and  ab- 
jurations were  feigned,  one  way  expressed  by  his 
mouth,  but  otherwise  conceived  in  his  heart.  They 
had  been  made  through  hypocrisy,  not  with  the  pur- 
pose of  abandoning  his  errors,  but  to  afford  him  a 
chance  to  escape  and  scatter  them  abroad  anew.  A 
similar  evasive  course  Jerome  had  pursued  at  Paris, 
where  Gerson  and  others  had  endeavored  to  force 
him  to  recant,  at  Heidelberg,  at  Cracow,  and  again 
at  Vienna,  whence,  notwithstanding  his  oath  to  sub- 
mit to  trial,  he  had  secretly  fled.  It  was  stated,  that 
after  his  flight  from  the  latter  place  he  wrote  to  the 
official  of  the  church  of  Passau  the  following  let- 
ter :  "  Venerable  father,  master,  and  lord !  know  that 
I  am  now  at  Wyetow,  sound  and  well,  in  the  com- 
pany of  many  friends,  and  ready  to  serve  ever  you 
and  yours.  Hold  me  excused',  if  you  please,  from  the 
promise  extorted  from  me  in  respect  to  you,  as  you 
will  do  if  you  duly  consider  the  nature  of  it.  Not  that 
we  would  prejudice  justice,  to  which  with  due  pre- 


Cn.  YII.]  JEPvOME    CIIAEGED    WITH    PEllFIDY.  213 

caution  we  are  ever  ready  to  submit.  But  to  stand 
among  so  many  hundred  enemies,  alone,  is  what,  if 
you  love  me,  you  would  never  advise.  For  my  ene- 
mies have  ploughed  upon  my  back,  and  made  long 
the  furrows  of  their  iniquity.  But  my  soul  has 
escaped  like  a  bird  from  the  snare  of  the  fowler. 
The  net  has  been  broken,  and  we  are  at  large.  But 
I  thank  you,  and  ever  shall  thank  you.  Refer  all 
my  adversaries  with  their  witnesses  to  me  at  Prague, 
and  I  will  there  take  issue  with  them.  Or,  if  it  seem 
more  fitting  to  them,  let  us  each  plead  without  wit- 
nesses in  open  court.  But  you  must  know  that  I 
was  in  your  church  in  Laa,  and  there  visited  the 
master  of  the  school  and  the  notary  of  the  city  in 
memory  of  your  kindness,  and  if  I  am  ever  able,  I 
will  serve  you  and  yours.  Farewell.  Written  at 
Wyetow.     Yours  ever,  Jerome  of  Prague." 

The  same  perfidy  also,  it  was  said,  had  been  shown 
by  Jerome  in  his  coming  to  Constance,  ostensibly  to 
vindicate  the  purity  of  his  orthodox  faith,  yet  only 
with  the  intent  to  show  himself  ofi*,  and  procure  tes- 
timonials to  strengthen  his  sect  at  Prague,  in  the  be- 
lief that  he  had  come  off  triumphant,  and  that  the 
doctrine  of  Wickliffe  was  holy,  just,  and  Catholic, 
and  in  no  way  to  be  reprobated.  And  yet  he  had 
secretly  fled  from  Constance,  and  after  having  been 
brought  back,  and  having,  in  his  abjuration  of 
the  errors  of  Huss  and  Wickliffe,  also  promised 
that  he  would  write  to  the  king  and  the  queen  of 
Bohemia,  the  University  of  Prague,  and  others,  that 
the  condemnation  of  Wickliffe  and  Huss  with  their 
doctrines  was  canonical  and  just,  he  had  yet,  though 


21-i  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF    JOHN   HUSS.  [Cu.  YII. 

often  admonished,  refused  to  fulfil  his  promise  afore- 
said. Saying  one  thing  while  purposiug  another,  he 
had  hitherto  deferred  writing;  and  even  more  than 
this, — he  had  openly  declared  that  he  would  not 
write. 

In  the  hope,  moreover,  that  he  had  already  satisfied 
the  council,  and  had  taken  measures  to  escape  their 
hands  and  custody,  he  had  given  himself  up  to  an 
elated,  rebellious,  and  reprobate  mind,  refusing  to 
answer  under  oath  to  the  ai-ticles  charged  against 
him,  and  still  refusing,  in  violation  of  Lis  promise. 
Instead  of  showing  contrition,  lie  maintains  also  that 
he  has  evei*  been  a  good  Christian,  and  free  from  all 
stain  of  error  or  heresy.  Neither  will  he  submit  to 
be  in  any  manner  reproved.  If  this  is  attempted,  or 
he  is  charged  with  any  guilt,  he  at  once  becomes 
angry.  He  even  asserts  that  injustice  has  been  done 
him  in  the  imprisonment  in  which  he  is  now  held, 
and  demands  damages  therefor.  He  says  expressly, 
"  I  am  an  innocent  man.  Who  will  refund  me  dama- 
ges ?  "  In  his  perverse  obstinacy  he  still  continues, 
notwithstanding  all  his  feigning  in  regard  to  his  pa- 
tient endurance  of  his  imprisonment  and  his  profes- 
sions of  apparent  compunction,  always  intending  to 
defend  the  doctrine  of  Wicklifte,  as  argued  by  Huss. 
This  is  plain,  from  his  wiitten  statements,  read  in 
this  place  of  public  session,  where  he  said  expressly, 
among  other  things,  "I  call  God  to  witness,  that  I 
never  have  seen  in  his  (Huss)  conduct,  or  heard  in 
lectures  and  sermons  by  him,  any  thing  exceptional. 
Nay,  I  confess,  that  for  his  gentle  and  correct  life, 
and  the  sacred  truths  which  he   explained  to  the 


Cn.  YII.]  DEMAND    OF   THE    PKOSECUTION.  215 

people  from  tlie  word  of  God,  I  was  his  intimate 
friend — for  bis  person,  and  for  truth's  sake,  a  defender 
of  his  honor  in  whatever  phice  I  might  find  myself." 
From  this,  it  is  plain  that  he  refused  to  write  to  the 
king  and  queen  of  Bohemia  and  the  University 
of  Prague.  The  same  also  may  be  inferred  from 
many  other  things  which  evidence  his  extraordinary 
presumption,  which  was  sufficient  ground  for  his  con- 
demnation. Nor  did  the  adversaries  of  Jei-ome  for- 
get to  bring  against  him  in  the  indictment  the 
charge  brought  against  Christ  of  old,  that  he  did  not 
practice  listing.  They  represented  him  as  fond  of 
good  living,  and  more  luxurious  in  his  diet  in  j^rison 
than  when  at  large. 

They  then  ask  that,  as  Jerome  is  a  layman,  and 
has  ever  borne  himself  as  such,  wearing  a  lay  dress 
and  a  long  beard,  and  notoriously  bearing  himself  as 
a  layman  in  public  session,  he  may  be  forced,  under 
pain  of  torture,  to  answer  to  each  of  the  articles 
credit  or  no7i  credit,  to  the  end  that  he  might  no 
more,  through  hypocrisy,  contrive  to  escape  or  secure 
relaxation  from  the  severity  of  his  imprisonment,  so 
that,  like  hardened  Pharaoh,  he  might  afford  comfort 
to  his  followers  in  their  errors.  If,  however,  after 
the  matters  aforesaid  shall  have  been  credibly  proved 
against  him,  and  he  shall  persevere  in  his  contumacy, 
then,  as  an  obstinate  and  incorrigible  heretic,  let  him 
be  given  over  to  the  secular  court,  according  to  the 
rules  of  the  sacred  canons.^ 

Such  was  in  substance  the  long  and  tedious  indict- 
ment against  Jerome,  which  had  been  drawn  up  by 

'  The  document  is  given  in  full  by  Von  der  Hardt,  torn.  iv. 


216  LIFE   AND   TBIES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  VII. 

the  ingenious  and  unrelenting  malice  of  his  enemies. 
It  occupies  more  than  twenty  folio  pages  of  Van  der 
Hardt's  compilation.  The  reading  of  it  must  have 
been  enough  for  a  single  session.  It  was  in  some 
respects  most  artfully  framed.  It  went  over  a  large 
part  of  Jerome's  life, — followed  him  from  Oxford  to 
Paris,  to  Heidelberg,  to  Cracow,  to  Vienna,  to  Prague, 
and  to  Constance, — gathering  up  whatever  could  be 
found  which  could  be  so  distorted  or  misrepresented 
as  to  excite  prejudice  against  him.  Many  of  the 
charges  of  the  indictment  were  unquestionably  true. 
Others,  the  prosecution  would  not  be  held  responsi- 
ble to  prove.  Undoubtedly  they  had  been  exagger- 
ated, and  in  some  instances  must  have  been  based 
merely  on  rumor.  The  statements  in  regard  to  his 
communing  with  the  Greek  church  in  Pussia,  Jerome 
pronounced  false.  Other  charges  he  could  undoubt- 
edly have  explained,  in  a  manner  to  suffice  for  his  per- 
fect justification. 

These  charges  were  read  on  the  twenty-seventh  of 
April.  On  the  ninth  of  May  the  judges  of  the  com- 
mission made  a  report,  by  the  mouth  of  the  Patri- 
arch of  Constantinople,  their  president,  in  regard  to 
the  merits  of  the  case  and  the  forms  of  process  to  be 
adopted.  This  report  was  unanimously  concurred  in 
by  the  seven  judges  of  the  commission  who  were 
present.  As  Jerome  was  unchanged  in  his  purpose 
of  demanding  a  public  audience,  and  refused  to  an- 
swer on  oath  before  the  commission  which  had  been 
last  appointed,  a  general  congregation  was  assembled 
on  the  twenty-third  of  May,  in  order  that  he  might 
be  heard.     He  still  refused  to  answer  on  oath  in  this 


Cn.  vn.]  jerojie's  admissions.  217 

assembly,  unless  they  would  first  assure  him  full  lib- 
erty of  speech.  This  the  council  refused.  The  last 
portion  of  the  indictment,  containing  the  articles  to 
which  he  had  not  answered,  was  now  read,  and 
Jerome  replied  to  each,  briefly,  as  the  council  re- 
quired. This  part  of  the  indictment  was  drawn  up 
in  one  hundred  and  one  items^  as  the  first  part, 
already  referred  to,  was  in  forty-five.  As  each 
article  was  read,  the  number  of  the  witnesses  by 
whom  its  truth  was  attested  was  also  given.  No 
names  were  mentioned,  neither  do  we  find  the  qual- 
ity or  office  of  the  persons  recorded,  as  in  the  case  of 
the  trial  of  John  XXIII.  There  was  the  same  or 
even  greater  mockery  of  the  claims  of  justice  than 
in  the  case  of  Huss. 

To  some  of  the  articles  read  Jerome  made  no  re- 
ply. Either  he  admitted  their  truth,  or  felt  that  the 
brief  answer  which  he  would  be  allowed  to  make 
would  fail  to  set  forth  the  facts  in  their  true  light. 
As  a  general  thing,  the  articles  charging  Jerome  with 
violence  were  met  by  him  with  a  prompt  denial  of 
their  truth.*  As  to  the  matter  of  the  soncrs  which  he 
was  said  to  have  taught  and  procured  to  be  sung  at 
Prague,  in  derision  of  the  priesthood,  as  also  with  re- 
gard to  the  burning  of  the  pope's  bulls,  he  maintained 
that  these  charges  were  false.  He  admitted  that  he 
had  studied  the  writings  of  Wickliffe,  yet  not  with- 
out discriminating  the  good  from  the  evil ;  that  he 
had  eulogized  him  as  a  philosopher  and  a  learned 
man,  not  as  a  heretic ;  that  he  had  placed  his  picture 
in  his  study  just  as  he  had  the  portraits  of  other  em- 

'  L'Enfant,  390,  391. 


218  LIFE   AND    TBIES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cn.  Vll. 

inent  men,  but  had  not  placed  a  crown  upon  it  as 
was  charged.  He  cLaimed  that  he  had  not  disputed 
in  the  Bohemian  tongue  on  the  sacrament  of  the 
altar ;  but  admitted  that  he  had  spoken  of  John 
XXIII.  as  a  usurer;  that  he  had  said  that  an  unjust 
excommunication  was  of  no  validity ;  that  there 
might  be  such  a  thing  as  indulgences,  lawfully 
granted, — maintaining,  however,  that  those  which 
were  bought  and  sold  by  the  fiscal  agents  of  the 
pope  were  mere  extortion — they  were  not  indul- 
gences, but  abuses  of  them ;  that,  in  regard  to  the 
privilege  of  every  layman  to  preach  the  word  of 
God,  he  had  taken  for  his  theme,  on  one  occasion, 
the  words,  "  As  I  do,  so  do  ye  also," — and  in  this  ad- 
dress he  had  introduced  the  remark  that  laymen  and 
unordained  clergy  might  preach. 

Jerome  had  answered  to  scarcely  more  than  half  the 
articles,  when  the  time  of  the  sitting  was  consumed, 
and  the  assembly  adjourned  over  two  days,  to  the 
twenty-sixth  of  May.^  On  this  occasion,  he  was 
still  pressed  to  clear  himself  by  oath  in  regard  to 
the  articles  charged.  But  he  refused  to  do  it.  Such 
a  demand,  he  said,  seemed  to  him  to  be  strange  and 
unwarranted,  but  he  would  continue  his  answers  as 
he  had  begun.  Many  of  the  articles  first  read 
turned  upon  the  subject  of  relics,  and  the  violence 
which  he  had  shown  them.  These  he  declared  gen- 
erally to  be  either  false,  or  distortions  of  the  truth. 
On  many  points  we  have  no  record  of  his  answers. 
And  yet,  all  the  objectionable  positions  which  he 

It  is  said,  (Mon.  Hus.  ii.  352,)  that  the  council  was  unable  to  go  through 
Jerome  was  not  led  forth  to  execution  with  all  the  articles  before  the  time 
on  the  previous  day,  sinijily  because     of  closing  the  session. 


Cn.  VII.]  JEUOME    PEKMITTED   TO    SPEAK.  210 

was  said  to  have  maintained  at  diffei'ent  universities, 
were  i-ead  to  liiin.  To  many  of  tliem,  doubtless,  no 
reply  was  made ;  on  others,  his  answers,  if  we  had 
tliem,  would  in  all  pi'obability  throw  light  enougli  to 
show  that  they  had  been  misunderstood  or  misrep- 
resented by  his  enemies.  At  the  same  time  it  must 
be  observed  that  the  scholastic  arts  of  tlie  universi- 
ties claimed,  even  in  this  age,  large  liberty  of  discus- 
sion, abused,  sometimes  with  impunity,  to  the  defence 
of  monsti'ous  pi-opositions,  by  the  side  of  which  the 
most  extravagant  of  Jerome's  appear  tame  and  mod- 
erate. 

The  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  with  the  approv- 
al of  his  colleagues,  then  summed  up  the  several 
chai'ges  against  Jerome,  taking  notice  also  of  his 
replies.  He  concluded  that  a  fourfold  conviction  of 
heresy  was  proved- against  him.  But,  he  said,  that 
since  Jerome  had  repeatedly  besought  a  public  au- 
dience to  be  allowed  him,  his  request  had  been 
genei-ally  acceded  to,  so  that  he  might  now  be  heard 
in  public  audience  and  expose  whatever  vain  obloquy 
rested  upon  him.^ 

He  then  turned  to  Jerome,  and  told  him  that  if  he 
had  anything  to  say,  he  was  at  liberty  to  say  it,  since 
the  present  congregation  had  been  called  for  his  sake, 
and  no  other.  If  he  wished  to  say,  allege,  or  propose 
anything  in  defence  of  his  innocence,  he  might  do  it ; 
and,  moreover,  if  he  cliose  to  revoke  his  error,  the 
council,  proceeding  with  gentleness  and  mercy,  would 
receive  him  back  to  the  bosom  of  holy  mother 
church, — since  there  had  been  in  the  church  many 

'  Von  der  Hardt,  iv,  756. 


220  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  VIL 

heretics,  who  had  recanted  their  errors,  reformed 
their  lives,  and  received  penance  for  the  sins  which 
they  had  committed.  But  in  case  he  should  decline 
to  pursue  this  course,  the  council  would  then  be 
under  the  necessity  of  proceeding  against  him  ac- 
cording to  the  forms  of  law.* 

Jerome  was  prompt  to  improve  the  privilege  he 
had  so  long  and  so  anxiously  desired.  The  hours  of 
his  tedious  imprisonment  had  restored  him  to  him- 
self. Pale  and  worn  as  he  was,  he  arose  and  boldly 
faced  the  assembly.  All  could  see  at  a  glance  that 
he  was  master  of  himself,  and,  notwithstanding  his 
long  imprisonment  and  suffering,  of  all  his  wonder- 
ful powers.  The  memory  of  his  shameful  and  cow- 
ardly recantation  had  filled  him  with  remorse,  but  a 
remorse  that  stung  him  to  the  purpose  of  a  noble 
disavowal  of  what  he  now  accounted  his  disgrace. 
His  whole  appearance  must  have  commanded  re- 
spect. His  bearing  throughout  betrayed  neither 
timidity  nor  weakness.  In  the  portrait  of  him,  which 
has  preserved  his  features  for  us,  we  read  the  restless 
energy  and  the  daring  promptitude  of  the  man. 
Nature  had  stamped  upon  his  face  the  chivalry  of  a 
heroic  nature.  No  common  soul  spoke  out  in  those 
large  piercing  eyes,  and  that  bold  high  forehead,  and 
those  lips  that  seemed  instinct  with  the  eloquence 
they  uttered.  Men  gazed  upon  him  with  admii-ation. 
He  felt  himself  that  he  stood  before  the  world,  and 
was  resolved,  with  death  before  him,  to  bear  a  noble 
testimony  to  the  justice  of  his  cause. 

Jerome  prefaced  his  defence  with  a  prayer  that 

>  L'Enfant,  391. 


Ch.  VII.]  jekome's  defence.  221 

God  would  deign  to  aid  him,  and  inspire  him  to  speak 
only  such  words  as  should  be  fitting  and  consistent 
with  the  well-being  and  safety  of  his  soul.  lie  then 
besought  all  those  present,  that  they  would  pray  God, 
the  Blessed  Virgin,  and  the  whole  heavenly  host  in 
his  behalf,  that  they  would  so  illuminate  his  mind 
and  his  understanding  that  he  might  speak  nothing 
that  could  tend  to  the  prejudice  of  his  eternal  wel- 
fare. 

"  I  am  aware,"  said  he,  "  most  learned  men,  that 
many  excellent  men  have  suffered  things  unworthy 
of  their  virtues,  borne  down  by  false  witnesses,  con- 
demned by  unjust  judges."  He  proceeded  to  the 
statement  of  his  own  case,  in  which  he  wished  to 
show  that  his  own  innocence  had  been  subjected  to  a 
like  hardship.  "Although  certain  judges  had  been 
deputed  by  the  council,  to  whose  examination  he  had 
submitted,  and  who  had  found  in  him  nothing  on 
which  to  ground  the  charge  of  heresy,  yet  now,  at  the 
instance  of  his  jealous  enemies,  new  judges  had  been 
deputed  in  his  case — those  who  now  occupied  the 
bench — an  act  which  he  had  ever  considered  most 
abhorrent  and  repugnant  to  justice  and  his  own  rights. 
To  the  further  examination  of  these  judges  he  never 
had  submitted  himself,  nor  would  he  ever  recognize 
them  as  his  judges.  He  then  passed  in  review  many 
eminent  and  heroic  men,  who  had  been  put  to  death, 
driven  into  banishment,  or  unjustly  thrown  into 
prison.  "  If  I,  myself,"  said  Jerome,  "  should  in  like 
manner  be  condemned,  I  shall  not  be  the  fii'st,  nor  do  I 
believe  that  I  shall  be  the  last,  to  suffer.  Still  I  have 
a  firm  hope  in  God  my  maker,  that  yet,  when  this 


222  LIFE   AISTD   TIMES    OF   JOHJST   IIUSS.  [Ch.  VIL 

life  Is  past,  they  wlio  condemn  Jerome  unjustl)'',  shall 
see  him  take  precedence  of  them,  and  summon  them 
to  judgment.  And  then  shall  they  be  bound  to 
answer  to  God  and  to  him,  and  give  an  account  for 
the  injustice  with  which  he  was  treated  at  their 
hands."  He  then  spoke  of  Socrates,  unjustly  con- 
demned yet  refusing  the  opportunity  offered  for  his 
escape,  unmoved  alike  by  the  fear  of  prison  and  death, 
although  so  terrible  to  mortal  flesh.  He  then  spoke 
of  the  captivity  of  Plato,  the  banishment  of  Anax- 
agoras,  and  the  tortures  of  Zeno,  as  well  as  the  un- 
just condemnation,  the  exile  and  shameful  death  of 
many  distinguished  heathen,  referring  to  Boethius, 
Kutilius,  Virgil,  Seneca,  and  others.  He  then  passed 
in  review  eminent  men  of  the  Hebrew  nation — Moses, 
a  deliverer  and  lawgiver  of  his  people,  yet  by  them 
wTonged  and  slandered ;  Joseph,  sold  into  bondage 
through  the  envy  of  his  brethren ;  Isaiah,  Daniel, 
and  many  of  the  prophets,  reviled  as  impious  or  se- 
ditious, and  wrongfully  condemned.  He  referred  to 
Susanna,  sentenced  on  the  false  witness  of  two  priests, 
though  delivered  by  the  wisdom  of  the  prophet,  and 
to  the  fate  of  many  who,  though  most  holy  men,  had 
perished  by  unrighteous  judgment.  He  then  came 
down  to  the  New  Testament  record,  spoke  of  John 
the  Baptist — of  Christ  himself,  condemned  by  fiihe 
witnesses  and  false  judges — of  Stephen  the  proto- 
martyr,  who,  in  like  manner,  through  false  witnesses, 
was  arraigned,  imprisoned,  and  stoned.  The  apostles 
themselves  were  all  condemned  to  death,  not  as  good 
men,  but  as  seditious,  contemners  of  the  gods,  and 
doers  of  evil  deeds.     It  was  no  wonder,  therefore,  if 


Cii.  YII.]  AFFAIRS    OF   THE    UNIVERSITY.  223 

he,  by  Lis  jealous  and  lying  enemies,  should  be  con- 
demned to  the  fire.  "Yet,"  said  he,  "  it  is  an  odious 
thing  that  a  priest  should  be  condemned  by  a  priest : 
and  yet  this  has  been  done.  It  is  more  odious  to  be 
condemned  by  a  college  of  priests  :  yet  this  too  has 
taken  j^lace.  But  the  crowning  point  of  iniquity  is, 
when  this  is  done  by  a  council  of  priests :  and  yet  we 
have  seen  even  this  come  to  pass."  As  Jerome  ut- 
tered these  words  every  eye  was  fixed  upon  him. 
His  indignant  eloquence  thrilled  and  awed  the  assem- 
bly. Yet  they  did  not  venture  to  interrupt  him. 
Jerome  bearded  the  lion  in  his  den.  The  wild  beast 
quailed  before  the  steady,  searching  gaze  of  conscious 
integrity  and  power. 

After  this  eloquent  and  impressive  introduction, 
Jerome  proceeded  to  particulars.  He  said  that  no 
one  had  ever  condemned  him  but  his  former  friends, 
now  alienated  by  hostility,  and  the  Germans,  who 
had  gone  forth  from  Prague.  He  gave  a  brief  and 
concise  statement  of  the  origin  of  the  university,  its 
endowment  by  Charles  IV.,  for  the  especial  benefit 
of  the  Bohemian  people — compelled  to  go  abroad 
from  a  land  rich  in  nature's  wealth,  to  reap  in  a  for- 
eign land  the  harvests  of  learning.  In  this  university, 
the  old  jealousy  between  the  Germans  and  the 
Greeks,  who  were  represented  by  the  Bohemians, 
their  descendants,  was  revived.  "The  Germans 
formed  the  majority,  and  engrossed  to  themselves 
the  offices  of  honor  and  profit,  to  the  prejudice  of 
the  Bohemians,  who  were  stripped  of  all.  If  a  Bohe- 
mian graduate  had  not  other  resources,  he  must,  in 
order  to  live,  leave  the  university  and  go  out  into 


224  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  VII. 

the  towns  and  villages  and  support  liimself  by  teach- 
ing school.  The  whole  government  of  the  university, 
moreover,  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Germans.  They 
disposed  of  its  benefices.  They  kept  its  seal.  They 
had  charge  of  its  keys.  They  had  three  voices  out 
of  four  in  its  suffrages,  instead  of  being  counted  as  a 
single  nation.  They  could  do  as  they  pleased.  The 
Bohemians  were  of  no  account.  The  same  was  the 
case  in  the  city  government  of  Prague.  Of  the 
eighteen  members  of  the  council,  sixteen  were  Ger- 
mans and  two  Bohemians.  The  whole  kingdom  was 
governed  by  Germans,  who  held  all  the  offices.  The 
Bohemian  laity  were  of  no  account.  I  perceived 
this,  as  did  Master  John  Huss,  whom  I  always  held 
as  a  valiant,  just,  and  holy  man.  We,  therefore,  in  our 
anxiety  to  put  a  stop  to  these  things,  went  to  the 
present  king  of  Bohemia  to  explain  to  him,  in  the 
presence  of  some  of  the  nobility,  how  things  were, 
and  what  ill  effects  might  follow  to  the  destruction 
of  the  Bohemian  language." 

Jerome  then  stated  the  measures  he  had  employed 
— persuading  Huss  to  add  his  influence  with  the 
people.  At  the  mention  of  that  name,  all  the  tender 
memories  of  their  former  friendship  were  revived, 
and  Jerome  proceeded  to  speak  of  his  former  asso- 
ciate as  a  just,  holy,  upright,  devout  man,  and  one 
who  had  been  found  abiding  inflexibly  by  the  truth. 
With  such  aid  as  could  be  obtained,  through  Huss 
and  the  Bohemian  nobles,  Jerome  stated  that  he  se- 
cured a  complete  revolution  in  the  relations  of  the 
two  nations,  so  that  the  Bohemians  occupied  the 
place  previously  filled  by  the  Germans.     Such,  he 


Cii.  VII.]  Jerome's  estimate  of  iiuss.  225 

represented,  were  some  of  the  grounds  of  hostility 
thiit  had  incited  his  persecution. 

Subsequently  to  this,  Huss  had  inveighed  against 
the  clergy  and  the  ecclesiastical  orders.  He  had 
pointed  out  how  the  priests  indulged  in  pomp  and 
show  and  luxurious  living,  spending  in  feasts  and 
ostentation  the  money  which  belonged  to  the  poor. 
He  had  spoken  of  the  benefices  as  designed  by  God, 
that  the  poor  might  be  fed,  churches  built  up  and 
maintained,  and  that  they  should  not  be  j)erverted  to 
vile  and  unworthy  ends.  Upon  this — Jerome  pro- 
ceeded to  say — the  clergy  rose  up  against  Huss  and 
himself.  They  persecuted  Huss  through  envy,  and 
sent  Michael  de  Deutschbrod  (Causis),  not  a  Bohe- 
mian, but  a  German,  to  the  court  of  Rome,  to  secure 
the  citation  of  Huss  before  it. 

The  result  of  all  this  was,  that  John  Huss  was  at 
last  eycommunicated  by  the  judges  deputed  by  that 
court.  Yet  Huss  himself  appealed  from  that  excom- 
munication, and  still,  by  virtue  of  it,  he  was  forbidden 
to  preach.  Things  being  in  this  state,  Jerome  stated 
that  he  had  persuaded  Huss  that  he  ought  to  go  to 
the  council,  at  Constance,  where  he  might  fully  set 
forth  the  real  state  of  things,  vindicate  his  innocence, 
and  defend  himself  in  reference  to  the  penalties  and 
pains  unfairly  imposed. 

Jerome  then  stated  the  fficts  of  Huss'  going  to  Con- 
stance, his  imprisonment,  and  tlie  charges  of  heresy 
brought  against  him.  He  said  that  on  learning  these 
things,  he  himself  fulfilled  his  promise  made  to  Huss, 
and  followed  him  to  Constance.  Thence,  by  the 
advice  of  men  of  power  and  influence,  and  from  ap- 

VOL  II.  15 


226  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Ch.  VII, 

prehension  of  imprisonment,  he  had  fled  the  distance 
of  a  few  miles  to  a  village,  where  he  remained  for  the 
space  of  five  days,  writing  meanwhile  to  the  emperor 
that  great  injustice  was  like  to  be  done  to  Huss  since 
he  had  come  provided  with  a  safe-conduct,  and  even 
a  Jew  or  a  Saracen  ought  to  be  free  and  unmolested 
in  coming,  staying,  stating  and  pleading  his  case,  and 
in  departing,  at  his  own  pleasure,  and  according  to 
the  tenor  of  the  safe-conduct  granted  to  Huss.  Many 
similar  documents  also  he  had  sent  to  Constance, 
which  were  affixed  to  the  doors  of  the  churches  and 
to.  the  gates  of  the  dwellings  of  the  cardinals.  Re- 
ceiving no  reply  to  these,  he  had  departed  from  the 
place  where  he  had  tarried,  and  set  out  on  his  return 
toward  Bohemia.  On  his  way  he  was  arrested,  and 
sent,  by  the  council's  direction,  bound  in  chains  to 
Constance.  Here,  on  his  arrival,  he  had  been  cast 
into  prison. 

All  these  circumstances  Jerome  dwelt  upon,  and 
then  described  the  treatment  which  he  had  received 
at  the  hands  of  the  council.  He  had  been  charsred 
with  heresy.  A  commission  was  appointed  to  direct 
the  process  against  him.  He  had  been  over-per- 
suaded, by  certain  great  men,  to  refer  himself  to  the 
council,  and  submit  to  the  conditions  it  should  im- 
pose. It  was  their  hope  and  expectation  that  he 
would  be  kindly  treated.  In  these  circumstances, 
afraid  in  his  human  weakness  of  the  fire,  the  heat  of 
which  was  most  cruel,  and  death  by  which  was  most 
fearful,  he  had  yielded  to  these  persuasions,  and 
abjured,  and  had  moreover  written  his  abjuration  to 
Bohemia.     He  had  also  given  his  assent  to  the  con- 


Cn.  VII.l  VARIOUS   TOPICS.  227 

demnation  of  the  books  of  John  Huss  and  their  doc- 
trine. But  in  this,  said  he,  "  I  did  not  express  my 
true  belief."  This  much  he  confessed  he  had  done 
in  vioh\tion  of  his  conscience,  since  the  doctrine  of 
John  Huss,  like  his  life,  was  holy  and  just,  and  in 
this  conviction  he  would  abide,  and  to  it  he  would 
firmly  adhere.  And  to  confirm  this  impression,  he 
had  recalled  the  letter  written  to  Prague,  in  whicli 
he  had  recanted  the  doctrine  and  the  opinion  whicli 
he  had  of  Huss. 

He  said,  moreover,  of  the  books  of  Wickliffe  and 
of  his  doctrine,  'that  he  never  had  met  with  the 
man  whose  writings  were  so  excellent  and  profound.' 
This  opinion  he  would  adhere  to,  and  he  had  done 
wrong  in  speaking  otherwise.  For  as  to  what  he  had 
done  in  his  recantation  of  his  views  of  Huss  and  of 
his  doctrine,  he  had  not  done  it  with  the  intention 
of  desisting  from  them,  but,  through  cowardice  and 
fear,  he  bad  suffered  the  dread  of  the  fire  to  extort  it. 

But  whatever  Huss  or  Wickliffe  may  have  said 
erroneous  in  regard  to  the  sacrament  of  the  altar, 
and  against  the  doctors  of  the  church,  he  rejects, 
and,  in  this  respect,  does  not  follow  or  hold  their 
opinion.  His  own  views  are  those  held  by  Gregory, 
Ambrose,  Augustine,  Jerome,  and  others,  whose  au- 
thority is  admitted  throughout  the  church.  He  also 
declared,  that  he  considered  the  conduct  and  practice 
of  the  popes  and  cai-dinals,  their  disposal  of  bene- 
fices, their  luxurious  indulgence  and  style  of  dress, 
to  be  unwarranted,  and  indefensible  on  the  grounds 
of  truth  and  reason,  as  well  as  opposed  to  scripture 
and  the  order  of  the  church.     And  on  this  point  he 


228  LIFE   AND    TOIES    OF   JOHN   HDSS.  [Cu.  VII. 

holds  as  Wickliffe  and  Huss  hold,  and  he  believes 
that  he  is  correct  in  so  believing. 

These  scattered  fragments  of  a  sjDeech,  the  impres- 
sion of  which  must  have  been  extraordinary,  and  the 
spirit  and  ability  of  which  filled  even  his  enemies 
with  admiration,  furnish  us  with  a  mere  outline  of 
the  plan  and  course  of  Jerome's  argument.  He  seems 
to  have  caught  an  inspiration  in  those  prison  hours, 
when  the  thought  of  what  others  had  endured  before 
him  consoled  his  solitude,  that  lifted  him  as  it  were 
above  himself.  On  some  points  he  is  careful  to  state 
his  conformity  to  Catholic  formularies,  but  on  others 
he  avows  his  obnoxious  opinions  with  a  firm  and  un- 
compromising boldness.  His  doctrine  on  the  subject 
of  the  eucharist  was  not  the  one  invented,  in  the 
middle  ages,  for  Berengar  to  tilt  at,  but  the  one  held 
by  the  early  fathers.  There  was  no  real  ground  of 
proceeding,  however,  against  Jerome,  except  his  en- 
dorsement of  Huss  and  Wickliffe.  The  fact  of  his 
approval  of  these  men  he  did  not  attempt  to  conceal. 
He  frankly  avowed  it,  and,  as  an  act  of  simple  justice 
to  the  injured  men,  vindicated  their  memory.  But 
for  this  he  might  perhaps  have  yet  been  saved.  He 
had  strong  friends.  His  ability  had  found  admirers ; 
men  listened  in  astonishment  and  awe  to  his  wonder- 
ful and  impressive  speech.  But  his  enemies  were 
unrelenting,  and  his  friends  were  disappointed.  In- 
stead of  submitting  to  the  council,  he  had  impeached 
its  wisdom  in  the  sentence  of  Huss.  Instead  of  con- 
demning the  latter  as  a  heretic,  he  had  eulogized  him 
as  a  martyr.  Thus  his  fate  was  sealed.  None  could 
safely  venture  to  be  any  longer  his  apologist.     The 


Ch.  VII.]  JEROME    AN    ORATOR.  229 

council  appointed  the  following  Sabbath,  May  30th, 
as  the  time  for  pronouncing  definitive  sentence 
against  Jerome.* 

Thus  passed  from  a  transitory  present  into  the 
permanent  records  of  history,  a  scene  that  will  be 
for  ever  memorable  while  truth  is  revered,  or  the 
martyr-spirit  honored.  Jerome  was  an  orator.  Na- 
ture had  made  him  such.  All  the  various  learning 
of  the  age  had  helped  to  furnish  his  mind  and  disci- 
pline his  powers.  Gersou  was  perhaps  the  only  man 
in  Eui-ope  who  could  have  been  considered  fairly  his 
intellectual  rival.  But  he  was  more  than  an  orator 
— more  than  a  learned  man.  It  was  the  love  of 
truth  that  made  him  eloquent,  and  rt  made  him  a 
martyr  also.  His  false  recantation  had  humbled 
him,  but  only  to  restore  him  to  himself.  He  rose 
from  his  fjill  a  wiser,  a  stronger,  and  a  better  man. 
He  came  from  his  prison,  as  if  from  the  mount  of 
transfiguration.  There  he  had  held  communion  with 
the  mighty  spirits  of  the  past.  There  he  had  girded 
himself,  in  a  more  than  human  strength,  for  the  mor- 
tal conflict.  He  remembered  the  example  of  Soc- 
rates, but  he  remembered  also  the  example  of  Ste- 
phen ;  and  his  words  and  bearing  remind  us  of  both. 
Yet  the  philosopher  is  lost  in  the  Christian  martyr ; 
and  the  man  who  does  not  gaze  upon  him  with  admi- 
ration, has  lost,  if  he  ever  had,  the  power  and  sensi- 
bility to  appreciate  the  noble  and  sublime  in  human 
action. 

If  any  one  was  fitted  to  form  a  just  estimate  of  the 
man  and  the  occasion,  it  was  one  who  witnessed  it, 

« Von  der  Hardt,  756-761. 


230  LIFE    AXD    TI."\IES    OF    JOHN    IIUSS.  [Cu.  VII 

and  who  lias  left  us  tlie  I'ecord  of  tlie  impression 
whicli  it  made  upon  Lis  own  mind.  This  man  was 
Poggio  Bracciolini,  who  went  to  Constance  as  the 
secretary  of  John  XXIII.  He  was  a  scholar.  His 
taste  had  been  formed  on  classic  models.  John  of 
Ravenna  taught  him  in  the  Latin  tongue.  A  knowl- 
edge of  the  Greek  language,  as  well  as  of  its  orators, 
poets,  and  philosophers,  he  had  gained  through  the 
celebrated  Emanuel  Chrysoloras,  himself  a  native 
Greek.  Above  most  of  his  Italian  countrymen, 
Poggio  was  an  enthusiast  in  the  cause  of  classical 
learning.  To  him  we  are  indebted  for  the  discovery 
and  preservation  of  the  writings  of  Quintilian,  Lucre- 
tius, and  others.  He  travelled  over  Europe,  and  even 
extended  his  journey  to  England,  in  search  of  the  lost 
treasures.  His  merits  continued  him  in  office  as  pa- 
pal secretary  under  seven  popes.  He  was  a  close 
observer,  careful  and  severe  in  his  critical  judgment, 
and  must  be  regarded  a  witness  fi-ee  from  all  suspi- 
cion of  prejudice  in  Jerome's  favor.-' 

Yet  his  account  of  the  scene  of  Jerome's  trial  re- 
minds us  of  Burke's  eulogy  of  Sheridan's  eloquence. 
In  spite  of  every  bias  against  the  prisoner,  the  papal 
secretary  was  forced  into  an  enthusiastic  panegyric 
of  him.  Some  portions  of  his  letter  to  Leonard 
Aretin,  which  have  not  ali-eady  been  incorporated 
into-4:he  account  of  Jerome's  speech,  are  of  special 
interest.  His  descriptions  are  those  of  an  eye-wit- 
ness, and  are  truthful  and  vivid.  ^ "  After  having 
spent  some  time  at  the  baths,  I  wrote  thence  a  let- 

*  Moreri.  IMc.  Ilistor.        '  iEneas  Sylvius,  p.  '73.     Von  der  Hardt,  i.  203. 
Moil.  Has.,  ii.  358. 


Cii.  VII.]  POGGIO'S    EULOGY    OF   JEROME.  231 

ter  to  our  friend  Nicbolaus,  which  1  think  3'<)ii  must 
have  read.  A  few  days  subsequent,  and  sliortly  after 
my  return  to  Constance,  the  case  of  Jerome,  charged 
with  heresy,  was  brought  before  the  council.  I  de- 
termined to  pass  the  matter  in  review  before  you,  as 
well  for  its  own  impoi'tance,  as  especially  for  the 
eloquence  and  learning  of  the  man.  I  confess  that 
I  never  saw  one  who  approached  so  near,  in  pleading 
bis  own  cause — and  that  a  capital  one — to  the  elo- 
quence of  those  ancient  models  which  we  regard 
with  such  admiration.  It  was  wonderful  to  see  with 
what  language,  what  eloquence,  what  arguments, 
what  countenance,  what  oratory,  and  with  what  con- 
fidence he  answered  his  prosecutors,  and  summed  up 
in  his  own  defence.  It  is  sad  that  so  noble,  so  supe- 
rior an  intellect  should  have  been  led  off  to  heretical 
pursuits — if  indeed  the  reports  in  regard  to  him  are 
true.  But  it  is  no  business  of  mine  to  determine 
this,  for  I  but  acquiesce  in  the  sentence  of  those  who 
are  accounted  more  wise.  Do  not  expect  from  me  a 
documentary  history  of  the  case.  That  would  be 
.tedious,  and  would  require  the  labor  of  days.  I  will 
only  touch  on  some  of  the  more  prominent  points, 
by  which  you  may  understand  the  doctrine  of  the 
man. 

"After  having  produced  many  articles  against  him 
to  convict  him  of  heresy,  and  corroboi'ated  them 
by  witnesses,  they  allowed  him  to  answer  to  each 
point  urged  against  him.  He  was  led  into  the  midst 
of  the  assembly,  and  required  to  reply  to  eacli  charge 
by  itself.  For  a  long  time  he  refused  to  do  so,  de- 
claring that  he  would  plead  his  own  cause  before  he 


232  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cn.  VII. 

replied  to  the  malice  of  his  enemies.  After  lie  had 
spoken  and  been  heard  in  his  own  behalf,  then  he  said 
he  would  speak  to  the  accusations  and  invidious 
charges  of  his  enemies.  This  condition  the  council 
refused  to  grant.  Jerome  replied  in  an  indignant 
strain  :  '  What  injustice  !  you  have  kept  me  shut  up 
for  three  hundred  and  forty  days,  chained,  in  differ- 
ent prisons,  in  the  midst  of  filth  and  stench,  and  in 
want  of  every  thing.  You  have  given  ear  to  my 
enemies  and  slanderers,  but  will  not  listen  to  me  for 
a  single  hour.  I  do  not  wonder  that  when  your  ears 
have  been  so  long  open  to  their  persuasions,  they 
should  have  led  you  to  believe  that  I  was  a  heretic, 
an  enemy  of  the  faith,  and  a  persecutor  of  the  clergy, 
and  that  no  chance  of  defending  myself  should  be 
allowed.  You  have  by  prejudice  been  led  to  account 
me  a  criminal,  before  you  could  know  that  I  w^as  one. 
But  you  are  men — not  gods,  not  immortal,  but  mor- 
tal men.  You  may  err,  be  deceived,  be  misled.  The 
lights  of  the  world,  the  wisest  of  the  earth,  are  said 
to  be  assembled  here.  It  becomes  you  to  see  to  it 
that  nothing  be  done  rashly,  unadvisedly,  or  contrary 
to  justice.  I  am  a  man,  and  my  life  is  at  stake.  For 
myself  I  do  not  speak.  Sooner  or  later  I  must  die. 
But  it  seems  an  unworthy  thing,  that  the  wisdom  of 
so  many  men  should  proceed  against  me  in  violation 
of  equity,  a  course  not  so  injurious  for  present  results 
as  for  future  precedent.'  ^ 

"  Much  more  did  Jerome  utter  in  the  same  noble 
strain.  But  the  noise  and  murmurs  of  the  assembly 
interrupted  him  in  his  speech.     At  length  it  was 

'  Mon.  Hus.,  ii.  858. 


Cn.  YII.1  POGGIO'S   ESTIMATE    OF    JEROME.  233 

decided  that  he  should  answer  first  to  the  charges 
against  him,  when  full  liberty  of  speech,  as  he  de- 
manded, should  be  allowed.  The  articles  of  accu- 
sation were  read  to  him,  one  by  one,  with  the  testi- 
mon}'  by  which  they  were  sustained,  and  he  was  then 
asked  what  objections  he  had  to  offer  to  them.  It 
was  wonderful  with  what  ability  he  replied,  and 
what  arguments  he  urged  in  his  own  defence.  He 
adduced  nothing  that  was  not  worthy  of  a  good 
man ;  and  if  his  real  belief  was  what  he  professed, 
not  only  could  no  cause  of  death  be  found  in  him, 
but  not  even  the  lightest  ground  of  accusation.  He 
declared  that  all  that  was  urged  against  him  was 
false,  made  up  by  the  envy  of  his  enemies.  Among 
other  things,  when  the  article  was  read  charging  him 
with  being  a  slanderer  of  the  Apostolic  See,  an  op- 
ponent of  the  Eoman  pontiff,  an  enemy  of  the  car- 
dinals, a  persecutor  of  the  prelates  and  the  clergy, 
and  an  enemy  of  the  Christian  religion,  he  rose,  and 
in  tones  of  pathos,  with  lifted  hands,  exclaimed, 
'Whither  shall  I  now  turn?  Fathers,  whose  aid 
shall  I  implore  ?  Whom  shall  I  deprecate  ?  Whom 
beseech  ?  You  ?  But  these  my  persecutors  have 
alienated  your  minds  from  me,  in  declaring  that  I  am 
the  enemy  of  all  that  are  to  judge  me.  For  they 
imagined  that,  if  the  accusations  which  they  have 
framed  against  me  should  seem  light,  you  would  con- 
demn by  your  sentence  one  who  is  the  common  en- 
emy and  assailant  of  all,  as  they  have  falsely  repre- 
sented me  to  be.  So  that  if  you  give  ear  to  their 
words,  I  have  no  more  hope  of  safety  left.'^     Often 

>  Mon.  Hus.,  ii.,  359. 


234  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cii.  VII. 

his  sarcasm  was  stinging.  Often,  even  in  his  sad  and 
perilous  situation,  lie  forced  the  council  to  laughter  as 
he  exposed  the  absurdity  of  the  charges  against  him, 
or  met  them  with  ridicule  and  sarcasm. 

"  When  asked  what  he  thought  of  the  sacrament, 
he  replied,  'First,  bread  in  the  consecration,  and  after- 
ward the  true  body.'  'But,'  said  one,  'they  say  that 
you  said,  after  consecration  there  remains  bread.' 
'Yes,'  replied  he,  'at  the  baker's.'  A  Franciscan 
monk  inveighed  against  him :  '  Silence,  you  hypo- 
crite,' said  Jerome.  Another  swore  by  his  con- 
science. '  It  is  the  safest  way,'  said  Jerome,  '  to  carry 
out  your  deception.'  One  of  his  chief  opponents  he 
treated  with  derisive  contempt.  He  spoke  of  him 
never  except  as  '  dog'  and  '  ass.' "  Such  was  Jerome's 
defence  on  his  second  day  of  audience  (May  28). 
Poggio  characterizes  it  as  able  and  pathetic.  As  he 
appeared  at  the  next  audience,  (May  26,)  the  remain- 
ing accusations,  with  the  testimony,  were  read,  at 
somewhat  tedious  length.  When  the  reading  was 
ended,  Jerome  arose.  "Since,"  said  he,  "you  have 
listened  so  attentively  to  my  enemies,  it  is  befitting 
that  you  should  give  ear  to  me  with  equal  readiness." 
Many  clamored  against  it,  but  the  opportunity  at 
last  was  given  him  to  proceed.^ 

Commencing  with  prayer  to  God  for  that  spirit 
and  that  power  of  utterance  which  should  tend  to 
the  advantage  and  salvation  of  his  soul,  he  addressed 
the  council  in  the  language  which  we  have  already 
noted.^  His  exposition  of  his  own  life  and  pursuits, 
says  Poggio,  was  admirable.     It  showed  him  great 

'  Mod.  IIus.,  ii.  359.  *  Pages  221-228. 


Cu.  VIL]        JERO:^IE  ON  SPECULATIVE  DIFFERENCES.       235 

and  virtuous.  The  hearts  of  all  \vere  moved  to  pity. 
As  he  discussed  the  differences  of  men  iu  matten\ 
of  speculative  opinion,  lie  manifested  a  largeness  of 
mind  and  ap]>rehension  \vhich  was  worthy  to  be 
admiivd.  ''  Of  old,  learned  and  holy  men  iu  mattera 
of  taith  had  differed  in  opinion,  yet  not  to  the  prej 
udice  of  faith  itself,  but  to  the  discoveiy  of  truth 
Augustine  and  Jerome  disagreed,  nay  opposed  each 
other  on  some  points,  yet  neither  was  on  this  account 
suspected  of  heresy." 

Poggio  pronounces  Jerome  to  have  been  a  man  of 
most  remarkable  aljility.^  ''When  interrupted,  as 
he  often  was  in  his  speech,  by  clamors,  or  persona 
carping  at  his  language  in  a  manner  most  provoking 
he  left  not  one  of  them  unscatlied.  All  felt  liis  ven 
geance,  and  were  put  either  to  shame  or  silence.  If 
murmurs  arose,  he  paused  and  protested  against  the 
disturbance.  He  would  then  resume  his  speecL, 
again  and  again  interrupted,  yet  begging  and  be- 
seeching them  still  to  allow  him  liberty  of  speech, 
whom  they  would  never  hear  again.  All  the  confu- 
sion did  not  break  him  down.  He  retained  through- 
out his  firmness  and  self-possession.  How  wonderful 
was  his  memor}-,  that  never  failed  him,  though  for 
three  hundred  and  forty  days  thrust  in  the  dungeon 
of  a  dark  and  filthy  prison  !  Yet  of  this  grievance, 
which  he  indignantly  complained,  he  said  '  that  as  a 
brave  man  it  did  not  become  him  to  moan  about  it 
that  he  was  treated  with  such  indignity,  but  he  was 
surprised  at  the  inhumanity  which  others  had  shown 
him.     In  this  dark  prison  he  had  no  chance  to  I'ead, 

*  Maximi  ingenii  fuit,  Mod,  Hus.,  iu  359. 


236  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHK   HUSS.  [Cii.  YII. 

nor  could  he  even  see  to  do  it.'  I  say  nothing  of  his 
anxiety  of  mind  by  which  he  was  harassed  day  after 
day,  and  which  might  well  have  destroyed  his  mem- 
ory. Yet  he  adduced  in  his  favor  the  authority  of 
so  many  men  of  the  highest  wisdom  and  learning,  so 
many  doctors  of  the  church  whose  words  testified  in 
his  behalf,  that  you  could  not  have  expected  more 
if  the  whole  space  of  his  imprisonment  had  been 
devoted  in  undisturbed  leisure  to  the  studies  of  wis- 
dom. His  voice  was  sweet,  full,  sonorous,  impressive 
in  its  tones.  His  gesture  was  that  of  the  orator, 
adapted,  as  occasion  required,  either  to  express  in- 
dignation or  to  excite  pity,  which  nevertheless  he 
neither  asked  for,  nor  showed  an  anxietj?"  to  obtain. 
He  stood  before  the  assembly,  so  fearless  and  in- 
trepid, not  only  scorning  to  live,  but  welcoming 
death,  that  you  would  have  called  him  a  second 
Cato.  O  man !  worthy  art  thou  to  be  forever  re- 
membered among  men  !  I  do  not  praise  him  in  any 
respect  in  which  he  was  opposed  to  the  institutions 
of  the  church.  I  admire  his  learning,  his  extensive 
knowledge,  his  eloquence,  and  his  skill  in  argument. 
I  only  fear  that  all  nature's  gifts  have  been  bestowed 
to  work  his  ruin." 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

SENTENCE   AND   EXECUTION   OF  JEROME. 

Disposition"  of  the  Council  Toward  Jerome.  —  Efforts  to  Save  Him.  —  His 
Firmness.  —  Trying  Circumstances.  —  Twenty-First  Session  op  the  Council. 
—  Efforts  to  Induce  Jerome  to  Recant  and  Submit  to  the  Council.  —  The 
Conference.  —  Jerome's  Eloquent  Reply.  —  The  Bishop  of  Lodi's  Sermon.  — 
The  Necessity  of  Severe  Measures.  —  The  Guilt  of  Jerome  in  Uis  Presump- 
tion AjiD  Defence  of  His  Errors.  —  Charity  of  the  Council  in  the  Treatment 
OF  Jerome.  —  How  a  Heretic  Should  be  Dealt  With.  —  Six  Mischiefs  Jerome 
Had  Done  by  his  Speech.  — Jerome's  Reply  to  the  Sermon,  and  His  Own  De- 
fence. —  His  Catholicity.  —  His  Appeal.  —  The  Sentence.  —  Caspar  Schlick's 
Protest. — Jerome  Prepared  for  Execution.  —  His  Conduct  on  the  Way  to 
THE  Stake.  —  Scenes  at  the  Execution. — Jerome  Addresses  the  Crowd. — 
His  Protracted  Sufferings.  —  His  Death.  —  The  Dust  Removed.  —  The  Earth 
About  the  Stake  Carried  to  Prague. 

May  26,  1416  — May  30,  1416. 

Jero]me  was  borne  back  from  the  council  to  his 
dungeon,  there  to  await  his  final  sentence.  The 
severity  of  his  imprisonment,  which  had  been  some- 
what relaxed,  was  now  increased.  He  was  more 
strictly  fettered  than  before.  His  hands,  his  arms, 
and  his  feet  were  loaded  with  irons. 

The  members  of  the  council  were  variou.sly  dis- 
posed toward  him.  Some  were  gratified,  undoubt- 
edly, that  a  stop  was  now  to  be  put  to  his  bold  and 
agitating  career.  Others  exulted  over  him  as  a  fallen 
foe,  and  triumjihed  in  his  doom  as  the  victim  of  their 
personal  malice.     Nearly  all  despaired  of  rescuing 

(237) 


238  LIFE   AIS^D    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  YIII. 

him.  Those  who  had  listened  to  his  speech,  and 
heard  its  candid  and  manly  avowals,  said  to  each 
other,  "  He  has  pronounced  his  sentence."  Still  there 
were  many  that  could  not  thus  abandon  him.  Nu- 
merous members  of  the  council,  embracing  the  most 
learned  of  the  body,  interested  themselves  in  his  be- 
half.^ Poggio  is  said  to  have  employed  his  influence 
to  the  same  purpose.  The  Cardinal  of  Florence  con- 
versed with  him,  and  endeavored  to  dissuade  him 
from  the  resolution  he  had  adopted.  But  all  was  in 
vain.  Jerome  saw  no  honorable  way  of  escape  from 
the  fate  to  whicli  he  was  doomed  through  his  refusal 
to  abjure.  He  was  now  at  last  resolved,  living  or 
dying,  to  remain  true  to  his  convictions.  He  scorned 
any  more  to  dissemble,  as  he  had  done,  and  betrayed 
no  longer  any  sign  of  weakness  or  hesitation.  Death 
by  fire  was  not  so  terrible  as  the  disgrace  and  guilt 
of  a  feigned  recantation, — the  only  one  which  it  was 
possible  for  him  to  make. 

If,  in  the  earlier  period  of  liis  imprisonment, 
Jerome  showed  himself  tremulous  and  timid,  as  com- 
pared with  Huss,  these  closing  hours  of  his  trial  dis- 
play his  character  in  a  nobler  light.  His  prison  ex 
perience  was  aggravated  by  some  hardships  from 
which  Huss  was  spared.  The  latter  had  his  friends^ 
warm  and  true,  who  refused  to  desert  him,  and 
remained  faithful  to  the  end.  In  the  enthusiasm  of 
his  gratitude,  he  writes  of  the  generous  countenance 
and  sympathy  afforded  him  by  the  Knight  John  de 

'  Poggio  says  tliat  after  his  audi-  sum  a  sua  sententia  dimoverent,  inter 

ence,  (May  26tli,)  "  Datum  dcine  spa-  quos  Cardinalis  Florentinus  eum  adiit, 

cium  pjenitendi  Liduo.     Multi  ad  il-  ut  flecteret  ad  viam  rectam." — Mon, 

lum  accessere  viri  erudilissimi,  ut  ip-  JIus.  ii.  360. 


Cn.  YIII]  JEROME    URGED    TO   RECANT.  5 39 

Chluin,  and  speaks  of  the  consolation  and  strength 
which  were  thus  ministered  to  him  in  liis  hours  of 
weakness  and  despondency.  The  presence  and  coun- 
sel of  those  in  whom  he  could  confide  lightened  the 
load  of  his  anxiety  and  anguish.  They  stood  by  him, 
and  stood  by  him  to  the  last.  But  when  the  deed 
was  done, — when  Huss  was  executed, — Constance  was 
no  longer  the  place  for  them.  They  departed,  and 
Jerome  was  left  alone.  We  hear  no  more  of  Chlum, 
Duba,  or  Peter  the  Notary.  Jerome  was  kept  a  close 
prisoner;  and,  even  had  they  remained,  they  would, 
probably,  have  been  denied  access  to  him  in  his 
prison-cell. 

Who  can  enter  into  the  anxieties  and  agony  of  the 
prisoner,  wearing  out  his  solitary  honrs  in  a  close, 
foul,  and  gloomy  cell,  cheered  by  no  friendly  face  or 
kindly  word  ?  And  yet  how  noble,  in  such  circum- 
stances as  these,  was  the  self-recovery  of  Jerome  ! 
Uncounselled  but  by  his  conscience  and  his  God,  ho 
rose  from  his  fall,  in  the  intrepidity  and  courage  of  a 
genuine  martyr,  blotting  out,  b}^  an  honest  and  hearty 
avowal  of  his  error,  the  stain  of  what  he  thence- 
forth accounted  his  weakness  and  his  disgrace. 

The  council  met  in  its  twenty-fii'st  session  on  Sun- 
day, May  30th,  1416,  to  pronounce  sentence  upon 
the  prisoner.  There  was  no  longer  any  doubt  of  the 
result — no  chance,  so  far  as  any  change  in  him  was 
concerned,  for  averting  his  doom.  A  French  writer,^ 
quoting  from  Theobald's  history  of  the  Hussite  war, 
gives  a  detailed  account  of  the  efforts  employed  to 
induce  him  to  recant,  some    of   which   have   been 

*  BonnecQoae,  122. 


240  LIFE   A:N^D    TniES    of   JOHIT   HUSS.         [Cn.  VIII. 

already  referred  to.  "  I  will  abjure,"  replied  Jerome 
to  their  urgent  entreaties,  "  if  you  demonstrate  to  me 
from  the  Holy  Scriptures  that  my  doctrine  is  false." 
"  Can  you  be  to  such  an  extent  your  own  enemy  ? " 
inquired  the  bishops. 

•  "  What ! "  replied  he,  "  do  you  suppose  that  life  is  so 
precious  to  me,  that  I  fear  to  yield  it  for  the  truth, 
or  for  Him  who  gave  His  for  me  ?  Are  you  not  car- 
dinals ?  are  you  not  bishops  ?  and  can  you  be  igno- 
rant of  what  Christ  has  said :  '  He  that  does  not  give 
up  all  that  he  hath  for  my  sake,  is  not  worthy  of  me  ? ' 
.  .  .  Behind  me,  tempters  ! " 

The  Cardinal  of  Florence  presented  himself  He 
sent  for  Jerome,  and  said  to  him,  "Jerome,  you  are 
a  learned  man,  whom  God  has  loaded  with  the  choic- 
est of  gifts ;  do  not  employ  them  to  your  own  ruin, 
but  for  the  advantage  of  the  church.  The  council 
has  compassion  on  you,  and,  on  account  of  your  rare 
talents,  would  regret  to  behold  you  on  your  way  to 
execution.  You  may  aspire  to  high  honors,  and  be 
a  powerful  succor  to  the  church  of  Jesus  Christ,  if 
you  consent  to  be  converted,  like  St.  Peter  or  St. 
Paul.  The  church  is  not  to  such  a  point  cruel,  as  to 
refuse  a  pardon  if  you  become  worthy  of  it.  And 
I  promise  you  every  kind  of  favor,  when  it  shall  be 
found  that  neither  obstinacy  nor  falsehood  remains  in 
you.  Keflect  whilst  it  is  yet  time ;  S2:>are  your  own 
life,  and  open  your  heart  to  me." 

Jerome  replied,  "  The  only  favor  that  I  demand — 
and  which  I  have  always  demanded — is  to  be  con- 
vinced by  the  Holy  Scriptures.  This  body,  which 
has  suffered  such  frightful  torments  in  my  chains,  will 


Cn.  VIII.]  d'aILLY    and    JEROME.  241 

also  know  how  to  support  death,  by  fire,  for  Jesus 
Christ." 

"Jerome,"  asked  the  cardinal,  "do  you  suppose 
yourself  to  be  wiser  than  all  the  council  ? " 

"I  am  anxious  to  be  instructed,"  rejoined  Jerome, 
"  and  he  who  desires  to  be  instructed,  cannot  be  in- 
fatuated by  ideas  of  his  own  Avisdom." 

"  And  in  what  manner  do  you  desire  to  be  in- 
structed ? " 

"  By  the  Holy  Scriptures,  which  are  our  illumina- 
ting torch." 

"  What !  is  every  thing  to  be  judged  by  the  Holy 
Scriptures  ?  "Who  can  jDerfectly  comprehend  them  ? 
And  must  not  the  fathers  be  at  last  appealed  to,  to 
interpret  them  ? " 

"  What  do  I  hear !  "  cried  Jerome.  "  Shall  the 
word  of  God  be  declared  fallacious?  And  shall 
it  not  be  listened  to  ?  Are  the  traditions  of  men 
more  worthy  of  faith  than  the  holy  gospel  of  our 
Saviour?  Paul  did  not  exhort  the  priests  to  lis- 
ten to  old  men  and  traditions,  but  said  'the  Holy 
Scriptures  will  instruct  you.'  O  Sacred  Scriptures, 
inspired  by  the  Holy  Ghost !  already  men  esteem 
you  less  than  what  they  themselves  forge  every  day ! 
I  have  lived  long  enough.  Great  God !  receive  my 
life ;  thou  canst  restore  it  to  me." 

"  Heretic  !  "  said  the  cardinal,  regarding  him  with 
anger,  "  I  repent  having  so  long  pleaded  with  you. 
I  see  that  you  are  urged  on  by  the  devil." 

As  the  twenty-first  session  opened,  the  report  of 
Jerome's  firmness,  as  well  as  of  his  previous  bearing  in 
the  prison  conference,  which  had  been  noised  abroad, 
VOL.  n.  16 


242  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Cii.  VIII. 

drew  multitudes  together.  His  condemnation  and 
execution  made  it  to  them,  in  anticipation,  as  it  did 
to  others  afterward  in  retrospect,  a  memorable  day. 
The  emperor  was  still  absent,  but  the  Elector  Pala 
tine  occupied  his  place  as  protector  of  the  council. 
By  his  orders  the  troops  were  called  out  and  placed 
under  arms.  The  Bishop  of  Riga  then  had  Jerome 
led  into  the  cathedral,  once  more  to  be  cited  to  re- 
tract, and,  in  case  of  refusal,  to  hear  his  sentence.^ 

When  he  was  formally  called  upon  to  retract, 
according  to  some  historians,  previous  to  other  pro- 
ceedings of  the  council  in  his  case,  he  exclaimed, 
"  Almighty  God !  and  you  who  hear  me,  be  w^it- 
nesses  !  I  swear  that  I  believe  all  the  articles  of  the 
Catholic  faith,  as  the  church  believes  and  observes 
them ;  but  I  refuse  to  subscribe  to  the  condemnation 
of  those  just  and  holy  men  whom  you  have  unjustly 
condemned,  because  they  have  denounced  the  scan- 
dals of  your  life,  and  it  is  for  this  that  I  am  about 
to  perish."  ^ 

Jerome  then  repeated  aloud  the  Nicene  creed,  and 
the  confession  of  Athanasius,  and  spoke  for  a  con- 
siderable time  with  as  much  ability  as  eloquence. 
All  were  lost  in  admiration  at  his  knowledge  and  his 
admirable  language.  Several  drew  near  him,  and 
presented  him  with  a  new  form  of  retraction,  exhort- 
ing him  to  allow  himself  to  be  prevailed  upon ;  but 
he  refused  to  listen  to  any  exhortation  on  that  point. 

The  Bishop  of  Lodi  then  ascended  the  pulpit, 
and  chose  for  his  text  ^  Mark  xvi.  14.  ^'Afterward 
he  appeared  unto  the  eleven,  as  they  sat  at  meat,  and 

'  Mon.  IIus.  ii.  353.  « lb.  '  L'Enfant,  394. 


Cii.  VIII.]  THE    BISHOP   OF    LODl's   SERMON".  243 

upbraided  tbeiu  with  their  unbelief  and  hardness  of 
heart."  The  sermon  is  curious  in  many  respects.  It 
betrays  with  a  kiss — it  stabs  under  the  mask  of  char- 
ity. The  logic  of  persecution  whines  and  weeps, 
and  recounts  the  evidence  of  its  tenderness,  as  it 
strikes  the  victim.  The  introduction  of  the  discourse 
is  an  attempt  to  show,  that  where  milder  measures 
fail  more  severe  ones  must  be  applied.  "  A  hard 
knot  cannot  be  split  but  by  a  heavy  bloAv."  "  A  vir- 
ulent disease  requires  a  more  active  remedy ;  a  dan- 
gerous wound  a  more  skilfully  bound  ligament.  To 
bend  the  hard  iron  into  shape,  it  must  be  subject  to 
a  hotter  fire,  and  beat  with  a  heavier  hammer." 

He  then  applied  these  principles  to  Jerome's  case, 
and  turning  to  the  prisoner  addressed  himself  directly 
to  him :  "  I  knew  that  thou  wert  stubborn,  that  thy 
neck  was  iron,  and  thy  brow  brass.  But  be  assured 
that  a  hard  heart  shall  have  evil  at  last,  and  he  that 
loves  danger  shall  perish  in  it. 

"Consider,  also,  that  though  my  i-eproof  sounds 
harshly  to  the  outward  ear,  yet  a  charitable  delight 
in  mercy  dwells  within  it.  And,  as  by  word  and 
speech  I  ought  not  to  spare  you,  so  do  I  purpose, 
with  good  will  and  with  gentle  charity,  to  rebuke 
your  faults.  .  .  .  Wherefore,  think  not  that  I  wish 
to  add  afflictions  to  one  already  afflicted,  or  stir  up 
the  fire  to  a  new  heat  ])y  the  sword.  But  that  you 
may  assuredly  know  with  what  charity  you  are  to  be 
reproved,  with  what  love  you  are  to  be  shielded, 
with  what  long-suffering  and  considerate  kindness 
exhorted  to  relinquish  your  folly,  I  have  selected  for 
my  proposed  theme  the  words  of  the  text," 


244  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  YIII. 

The  speaker  tlien  proceeded  to  state  what  had 
been  the  guilt  of  Wickliffe  and  Huss.  Jerome  like- 
wise had  come  under  the  same  condemnation.  His 
unbelief,  which  had  led  to  heresy  and  perfidy,  was 
bad,  but  the  hardness  of  his  heart  was  worse  by  far. 
"Those  who  defend  their  error  without  stubbornness 
or  obstinacy,  and  are  still  ready  to  be  set  right,  are 
by  no  means  to  be  reckoned  heretics.  But  they  who, 
despising  the  decisions  of  the  fathers,  endeavor,  with 
all  their  might,  to  defend  their  perfidy,  are  more  fit 
to  die  than  to  be  corrected.  .  .  .  Error  and  unbelief 
are  alike  to  be  reproved,  but  stubbornness  of  heart 
is  to  be  condemned.  .  .  .  Evils  that  might  grow  with 
time  are  at  once  to  be  met.  Due  correction  should 
instruct  ignorance,  and  severe  discipline  control  obsti- 
nacy and  hardness  of  heart.  It  is  better,  says  Isidore, 
that  one  guilty  one  be  punished  for  the  good  of  many, 
than  that  many  be  endangered  by  the  impunity  of 
one.  Wherefore,  heretics  are  to  be  publicly  extir- 
pated, lest  they  ruin  others  by  their  evil  example, 
false  doctrine,  and  contagious  influence.  Unbelief, 
when  it  submits  to  correction,  merits  pardon ;  but 
stubbornness  and  obstinacy  are  only  to  be  dealt  with 
by  exterminating  them.  Let  no  one  then  be  pre- 
sumptuously stubborn  and  contumacious  in  heart ; 
let  no  one  be  confident  in  his  own  vain  fancy.  He 
is  too  hasty  who  resolves  to  enter  where  he  has  seen 
others  fall,  and  he  too  reckless  who  is  not  struck  with 
fear  when  others  perish.  When  a  fault  is  defended, 
it  is  repeated,  and  he  adds  sin  to  sin  who  shame- 
lessly and  obstinately  defends  his  evil  deeds.  Hard- 
ness of  heart  is  therefore  to  be  detested,  especially 


Cu.  VIII.]  THE    BISHOP    OF   LODl's    SERMON.  245 

tliat  w'liich  is  not  healed  by  contrition,  controlled  hy 
devotion,  or  moved  by  prayers,  whicli  does  not  yield 
to  threatenings,  and  is  confirmed  hy  blows.  Hence 
he  is  inexcusably  criminal  who  refuses  to  repent,  and 
retains  his  pride. 

"  There  are  two  things  among  human  errors  too 
hard  to  be  tolerated:  presumption  before  truth  is 
discovered,  and  a  presumptuous  defence  of  what  is 
false,  afterward.  No  presumptuous  man  will  confess 
his  fault,  because  he  does  not  believe  himself  guilty. 
If  he  sees  it,  he  will  not  suffer  himself  to  be  con- 
vinced, or  be  regarded  as  delinquent.  Most  damna- 
ble, therefore,  is  a  presumptuous  pride,  and  a  proud 
presumption,  which,  in  the  absence  of  truth,  would 
arrogate  to  itself  a  fictitious  justice,  and  ceases  not 
to  be  proud  of  its  own  knowledge."  Applying  these 
principles  in  the  case  of  Jerome,  the  bishop  expresses 
his  fear  lest  presumption  should  prove  his  ruin.  Here 
was  the  hidden  precipice ;  here,  in  this,  the  labyrinth 
of  his  errors.  "This  obstinacy  of  yours  has  pro- 
cured your  doom.  Though  you  are  a  learned  man, 
and  have  been  a  teacher,  you  have  been  deceived,  as 
I  think,  by  your  excessive  presumption.  Error  has 
led,  step  by  step,  to  further  error. 

"I  hav^e  purposed  to  smite  you,  Jerome,  upon  both 
cheeks,  though  ever  with  that  fitting  charity  which 
heals  while  it  wounds,  and  soothes  while  it  pierces. 
Wherefore,  turn  not  your  fiice  upon  me  like  a  flinty 
rock.  But  rather,  according  to  the  gospel,  when  you 
are  smitten  on  one  cheek,  turn  the  other  also.  I  will 
smite  you,  therefore,  and  would  that  I  might  heal. 
You  ought  to  be  softened  in  spirit  by  the  memory 


24G  LIFE    AND    TIME3    OF   JOHX    HUSS.         [Cii.  VIIT. 

of  the  crimes  you  have  committed,  and  in  view  of 
tlie  excessive  benignity  of  your  judges." 

Premising  tliat  be  does  not  throw  another's  filth 
in  Jerome's  face,  but  his  own,  that  he  may  see  and 
repent  his  crimes,  the  speaker  proceeds  to  set  forth 
the  mischiefs  done  in  Bohemia  by  Jerome  and  Huss. 
"  Happy  kingdom,"  he  excUiinis,  "  if  this  man  had 
not  been  born !  ....  Of  how  great  evils  was  the 
presumption  of  these  two  men  the  root !  What 
violence,  exiles,  robberies,  desolations,  have  spj'ung 
from  it ! " 

Such,  according  to  the  bishop,  was  the  blow  ou 
the  one  cheek.  The  other  is,  to  say  the  least,  hypo- 
critically odious,  though  the  tender  mercies  of  the 
Bishop  of  Lodi  were,  beyond  doubt,  conscientiously 
cruel. 

He  proceeds  to  contrast  the  way  in  which  a  heretic 
deserved  to  be  treated,  with  the  gentleness  used  in 
Jerome's  case.  "  Heretics  ought  to  be  carefully 
sought  after,  arrested,  and  committed  to  close  prison. 
Articles  of  accusation  should  be  received  against 
them,  and  in  their  case,  all  sorts  of  persons,  the  in- 
famous, usurers,  the  ribalds,  or  even  public  prosti- 
tutes, should  be  allowed  to  testify.  Heretics,  more- 
over, should  be  adjured  and  required  under  oath  to 
declare  the  truth.  On  their  refusal  to  do  tliis,  they 
are  "to  be  put  to  the  torture,  which  should  be  severe 
and  varied.  None  should  be  allowed  admittance  to 
them,  except  in  extraordinary  cases.  They  ought 
not  to  be  allowed  a  public  hearing.  If  they  re- 
nounce their  folly,  they  are  to  be  mercifully  par- 
doned ;  if  they  persist  in  it,  they  are  to  be  condemned, 


Ch.  VIII.]  ON   DEALING    WITH   HERETICS.  247 

and  given  over  to  tlie  secular  arm."  Siicli  was  the 
theory,  and  such  should  be  the  practice,  in  dealing 
with  heretics,  according  to  the  Bishop  of  Lodi ;  and 
no  voice  in  the  council  was  ever  heard  to  contradict 
or  even  question  this  public  announcement.  The 
background  of  his  picture,  thus  prepared,  was  cer- 
tainly black  enough  to  make  even  the  dark  forms  he 
was  to  place  upon  it,  seem  light  in  comparison. 

Addressing  Jerome,  he  said,  "  You  certainly  have 
not  been  treated  with  such  rigor  as  this,  although  in 
the  worst  repute  for  your  heresies.  In  this  respect 
you  surpass  Arius,  Sabellius,  Faustus,  Nestorius,  and 
all  others,  at  least  during  their  lifetime.  The  story 
of  your  heresy  has  spread  through  England,  Bohe- 
mia, France,  Hungary,  Poland,  Lithuania,  Russia, 
Italy,  and  all  Germany.  You  were  arrested,  as  all 
like  you  should  be,  and  brought  to  the  council,  and, 
through  urgent  necessity  alone,  shut  up  in  prison. 
And  in  regard  to  this  imprisonment,  the  most  rev- 
erend my  lord  cardinals,  De  Ursinis,  Aquileia,  Cam- 
bray,  and  Florence,  personally  interested  themselves 
to  see  if  you  could  not  be  removed  to  some  more 
commodious  place.  And  if  they  had  not  been  ap- 
prehensive of  your  flight — a  thing  you  had  often 
practised — each  of  them  would  have  been  willing-  to 
receive  you  kindly  to  his  house,  and  even  to  his 
table  and  his  chamber. 

"  Against  you  none  but  respectable  witnesses  were 
admitted  to  testify — such  as  masters  of  theology, 
doctors,  bachelors,  curates,  and  other  venerable  men, 
in  whom  you  could  find  no  fault.  The  articles  ad- 
duced against  you  w^ere  mostly  proved  to  be  true. 


248  LIFE   AND    TEVIES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  VIII. 

"You  were  not  subjected  to  torture.  Would  that 
you  had  been !  In  this  case,  you  might  have  been 
humbled  and  led  to  give  up  your  errors.  Pain 
would  have  opened  your  eyes,  which  your  guilt  had 
closed.  Those,  moreover,  who  chose  to  visit  you, 
were  allowed.  Remember  how  kindly,  how  gently 
the  most  reverend  lord  cardinals,  as  well  as  many 
others,  exhorted  you,  while  they  heartily  pitied  you 
also.  A  public  audience  has  several  times  been 
granted  to  you,  as  you  wished.  Would  that  you 
had  not  been  allowed  it !  I  fear  lest  it  have  increased 
your  daring  presumption." 

The  bishop  then  enumerated  six  evils  or  mischiefs 
that  had  befallen,  through  the  public  audience  al- 
lowed. "In  the  first  place,  you  put  it  out  of  the 
power  of  those  who  kindly  wished  to  apologize  for 
you,  to  do  so.  It  was  their  affection  for  you  that 
made  them  sjDcak  of  you  as  delirious,  demented, 
foolish,  or  insane.  Who,  I  ask,  would  say  you  were 
mad  and  delirious,  unless  he  were  delirious  himself! 
What !  of  a  man  who  could  speak  with  such  elegance, 
and  plead  with  such  precision  !  Those  that  excused 
you  must  now  be  silent.  They  can  say  no  more. 
Your  speech  has  closed  their  lips." 

The  bishop  enumerated  other  things  of  an  unfor- 
tunate nature,  to  be  attributed  to  the  same  cause. 
In  his-  speech  Jerome  had  overlooked  some  of  the 
numerous  charges,  directing  his  attention  mainly  to 
those  which  designated  the  real  offences.  His  silence 
in  regard  to  others  was  interpreted  as  a  confession 
of  guilt.  His  attempt,  moreover,  to  show  that  the 
witnesses  against  him  had  testified  falsely,  was  inter- 


Ch.  VIII.]       EVILS  OF  JEEOMe's  PUBLIC  AUDIENCE.  249 

preted  to  liis  prejudice.  Again,  lie  had  insisted  that 
the  testimony  against  him  was  not  necessarily  conclu- 
sive, and  had  employed  the  word  demonstrative. 
The  bishop  reproves  him  for  imagining  that  the 
rules  of  mathematics  could  apply  to  evidence,  or 
that  there  was  no  distinction  between  logic  and 
rhetoric.  "  Who,"  asked  the  bishop,  "  could  demon- 
strate more  against  you  than  you  have  yourself  de- 
monstrated f  You  alone  are  your  own  enemy.  You 
alone  are  your  own  adversary.  You  alone  are  most 
inconsistent  with,  and  opposed  to  yourself.  All  of 
us  sym[)athize  with  you  ;  you  alone  deal  cruelly  with 
yourself  All  these  regard  you  with  kindly  feeling, 
but  you  alone  cherish  malice  against  yourself." 

A  fifth  evil  of  Jerome's  public  audience  was  the 
praise  of  Huss,  whom  he  had  previously  anathema- 
tized on  oath.  The  bishop  did  not  pretend  to  deny 
the  virtuous  life  of  Huss,  but  he  made  his  heresy  an 
offset  for  the  lack  of  other  sins.  Thouf^'h  chaste  in 
life,  his  heresy  was  fornication.  Though  never  in- 
toxicated with  wine,  yet  he  was  intoxicated  with 
pride  and  contention. 

But  the  crowning  mischief  of  all  to  Jerome  was, 
that  in  his  public  audience  he  had  condemned  him- 
self by  his  own  testimony.  "  Would  that  you  had 
been  silent!  What  could  have  been  so  forcibly 
urged  against  you,  as  your  own  confession  that  you 
had  spoken  falsely,  perjured  yourself,  and  in  your 
perjury  relapsed  into  heresy  ?  you  recalled  what  you 
had  solemnly  sworn,  and  fell  back  in  an  error  worse 
than  the  first.  Wherefore,  this  sacred  council,  upon 
which  all  authority  upon  earth  has  been  conferred, 


250  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.         [Ch.  VIII. 

will  judge  you  according  to  your  ways  ....  In  judg- 
ment or  rebuke,  the  law  has  three  objects  which  the 
judge  should  regard:  the  reformation  of  the  one 
punished  ;  the  effect  of  the  punishment  on  others ; 
and  their  security  from  the  evil  removed.  Having 
regai-d  to  these,  this  holy  council  purposes  to  proceed 
to  give  judgment.  And  would  that  you  would  re- 
nounce your  folly,  and  break  down  the  stubbornness 
of  your  heart !  But  you  will  be  judged  according  to 
the  rules  of  equity,  and  the  sanctions  of  the  sacred 
canons.  And  although  you  will  not  be  converted, 
yet  the  council  must  judge  in  such  a  way  as  to  con- 
vert the  unbelieving  to  wisdom, — that  is,  to  prepare, 
through  the  holy  knowledge  of  faith,  a  people  per- 
fect for  God.  Which  may  He  grant  who  is  the  just 
Judge  of  living  and  dead,  Jesus  Christ,  blessed  for- 
ever." ^ 

With  this  prayer  the  bishop  closed  his  discourse, 
and  Jerome  was  permitted  to  speak  previous  to  pass- 
ing sentence.  He  took  his  stand  in  the  midst  of  the 
assembly,  upon  a  bench,  by  which  he  was  so  elevated 
as  to  be  seen  and  heard  by  all.  Addressing  himself 
to  the  council,  and  specifying  as  he  did  so  the  seve- 
ral classes  that  composed  it,  he  preceded  the  state- 
ment of  his  case  by  a  reference  to  the  sermon  that 
had  been  so  directly  addressed  to  himself  In  what 
spirit  the  bishop  had  sermonized,  Jerome  confessed 
he  could  not  tell.  For  he  had  throughout  perverted 
all  that  could  possibly  be  perverted  into  a  wrong 
sense,  and  one  that  he  himself  had  never  intended. 
He  besought  the  council,  by  the  blood  of  Christ  by 

*  Von  der  Ilardt,  iii.  60. 


Cii.  VIIl.]  FINAL   SPEECH    OF    JEIK^ME.  251 

wliicli  nil  wvve  redeemed,  to  allow  liim  to  repel  the 
charge  iiuplled  in  the  words  of  the  sermon,  tliat  he 
scorned  and  spni-ned  the  clergy.  He  -was  confident, 
moreover,  that  in  his  discussions  in  the  schools,  and 
elsewhere,  and  in  his  various  speeches  and  disputa- 
tions, as  a  loyal  citizen  he  had  sought-  the  good  and 
prospei-ity  of  the  Bohemian  realm.  Yet  his  enemies 
had  perversely  interpreted  his  course  and  conduct. 
The  sermon  he  condemned  as  false,  and,  under  the 
eye  of  God,  a  fiction."^ 

He  then  entered  directly  upon  his  own  case.  He 
atti'iLuted  his  first  recantation  to  the  persuasions 
of  the  Cardinal  of  Florence,  by  whom  he  had  been 
induced  to  write  to  that  effect  back  to  Bohemia. 
Judges  had  been  appointed  in  his  cause,  with  whom 
he  was  satisfied ;  but  they  had  been  changed  for 
others, — after  which  he  would  no  longer  answer  under 
oath,  when  questioned  as  to  his  opinions,  although  he 
had  no  Avish  to  conceal  them.  He  said,  that  all  the 
charges  last  presented  had  not  been  read  by  the  com- 
mission deputed  for  the  purpose.  He  protested,  how- 
ever, that  he  did  not  say  this  through  any  stubborn- 
ness or  obstinacy.  He  quoted  the  example  of  Paul, 
persecuted  by  the  Jews,  and  said,  that  for  himself  it 
was  not  strange  if  he  too  must  suffer  for  Christian 
faith  and  doctrine.  He  professed  his  belief  in  One 
holy  Catholic  church.  This  he  defined  as  composed 
of  the  whole  multitude  of  those  that  should  be 
saved.  He  recognized  also  the  chui-ch  trium])hant, 
as  well  as  the  church  militant  upon  earth.  There 
was,  moreover,  the  Catholic  church — embracing  all 

*  Mon.  nu8.,  iL  353,  357.    L'Enfant,  395.    Also,  You  der  Hardt,  il  458. 


252  LIFE   AIN'D    TIIMES    OF   JOIIl^   IIUSS.         [Cn.  YIII. 

that  professed  the  Christian  faith.  He  recognized 
the  authority,  moreover,  of  prelates  and  rectors,  en- 
joining the  law  of  God  upon  men.  He  said  that  he 
held  to  the  articles  of  faith.  He  spoke  approvingly 
of  the  mass,  of  the  sacred  offices,  and  of  fasts,  when  all 
these  were  kept  free  from  the  rites  and  ceremonies 
with  which  they  were  sometimes  connected.  He 
said,  moreover,  that  the  extravagance  of  the  clergy, 
their  pomp  and  pride,  should  be  put  off.  They  were 
not  to  convert  the  patrimony  of  Christ,  which  was 
meant  for  the  poor,  into  excessive  parade,  as  houses, 
horses,  rich  garments,  or  into  means  to  feed  their 
lust. 

He  recalled  also  the  letter  which  he  had  written 
to  Prague,  containing  his  recantation  which  he  had 
made  in  public  session.  He  said  that  he  was  unwill- 
ing to  occasion  the  mischief  he  must,  by  consenting 
to  the  condemnation  of  John  Huss.  If  he  had  ever 
said  anything  wickedly,  it  was  when  he  recanted  and 
spoke  against  his  conscience.  He  had  done  it,  he 
said,  through  fear  of  the  fire  and  its  torturing  and 
cruel  heat.  This  had  induced  him  to  write  as  he  had 
done  to  Prague.  Here,  by  the  direction  of  the  coun- 
cil, Jerome's  abjuration  of  the  views  was  read,  and 
his  own  subscription  to  it  exhibited.  Jerome  con- 
fessed that  it  was  his  signature,  but  the  fear  of  the 
fire  hail  extorted  it.  He  had  acted  a  false  and  fool- 
ish part  in  writing  out  his  recantation,  and  fijr  this 
act  he  was  overwhelmed  with  bitter  grief.  Espe- 
cially did  he  condemn  himself  for  recanting  the  doc- 
trine of  Huss  and  Wickliffe,  and  consenting  to  the 
condemnation  of  the  former,  whom  he  believed  to 


Cu.  VIII.]  PROPHETIC    WORDS    OF   JEROME.  253 

Lave  been  a  just  and  holy  mau.  lu  all  tliis,  lie  Lad 
done  most  wickedly.^ 

Jerome  repeated  tLat  Le  sLould  die  a  CatLolic,  as 
Le  Lad  lived.  He  defied  tLe  council  to  cite  any 
point  of  Lis  doctrine  AvLicL  was  erroneous  or  Lereti- 
cal.  His  offence  was  Lis  fidelity  to  tLe  memory  of 
Lis  friend.  "  You  wisL  to  see  me  die,"  said  Le,  "  be- 
cause I  Lonor  upriglit  men  wLo  Lave  stigmatized  tLe 
pride  and  avarice  of  priests.  Yet  is  tLat  a  sufficient 
cause  to  warrant  my  deatL  ?  WLy !  before  you 
found  in  me  any  evil  wLatever,  you  Lad  resolved 
tLat  I  sLould  die.  Courage,  tLerefore,  and  proceed  ! 
But  believe  me,  tLat  in  dying  I  will  leave  you  a 
sting  in  your  Learts,  and  a  gnawing  worm  in  your 
consciences.  I  appeal  to  tLe  sacred  tribunal  of  Jesus 
Clirist,  and  witLin  a  Lundred  yeai-s  you  sLall  answer 
tLe  re  for  your  conduct  to  me."  ^ 

TLe  providence  of  God  turned  tLese  words  of  Je- 
rome almost  into  a  propLecy.  TLeir  remarkable  ut- 
terance is  attested  by  tLeir  stamp  upon  a  coin  of  tLe 
age.  Jerome,  Lowever,  in  all  probability.  Lad  no  idea 
at  tLe  time  of  any  reformer  tLat  was  to  succeed  Lim 
in  Lis  task.  He  merely  meant,  as  Le  Lad  said  on  a 
previous  speecL  of  Lis  trial,  tLat  Heaven's  unerring 
judgments  would  revei'se  tLe  decisions  of  tLe  coun- 
cil. Less  tLan  a  Lundred  yeai-s  would  bring  all  Lis 
accusers  and  judges  togetLer  at  tLe  bar  of  God. 

TLe  PatriarcL  of  Constantinople  now  read  Je- 
rome's sentence.^  It  began  by  making  a  strange  ap- 
plication of  tbe  words  of  CLrist  in  regard  to  the  uu- 

*  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  768.  '  Mansi  Coun.  xxvii.  784 ;  also,  Moa 

*  Mod.  Hus.,  ii.  357.  Hub.,  il  353. 


254  LIFE    AND   TBIES    OF   JOHN"   HUSS.  [Cii.  YIII. 

fruitful  l:)ranch  to  be  cast  out  and  left  to  wither.  It 
was  based  on  the  violation  of  his  abjuration  by  Je- 
rome, and  his  approval  of  Wickliffe  and  Huss.  "He 
has  turned  like  a  dog  to  his  vomit,"  said  the  sentence, 
"  and  therefore  the  sacred  council  orders  that  he  shall 
be  torn  from  the  vine  as  a  barren  and  rotten  branch." 
It  declared  him  heretical,  backsliding,  and  excom- 
municated. It  condemned  him  as  such,  and  cursed 
him.  It  finally  abandoned  him  to  the  secular  arm, 
in  order  to  receive  the  just  punishment  due  to  so 
great  a  crime ;  and,  although  this  punishment  was 
capital,  the  council  expressed  its  confident  assurance 
that  it  was  not  too  great. 

Then  it  was,  if  some  accounts  are  to  be  received, 
that  the  emperor's  chancellor,  Caspar  Schlick,  advanced 
into  the  midst  of  the  assembly,  and  protested  in  his 
master's  name  against  the  condemnation  of  Jerome, 
threatening  all  the  persons  engaged  in  it  with  the 
anger  of  Sigismund.  This  tardy  interposition  was 
not  attended  to,  and  "  the  chancellor  retired  without 
gaining  anything."  * 

Jerome  was  now  given  over  into  the  hands  of  the 
civil  magistrates.  It  was  still  an  early  hour  of  the 
morning;  and  on  this  Sabbath,  while  the  crowds 
should  have  been  gathering  to  the  churches,  the  out- 
raged victim  of  the  council's  bigotry  was  on  his  way 
to  pass  through  the  gates  of  flame,  as  he  believed, 
to  the  communion  of  the  church  triumphant  in 
heaven.  Before  he  left  the  council,  a  high  paper 
crown,  like  the  one  which  Huss  in  similar  circum- 
stances had   worn,  was  brought   in ;  ^  upon  it  were 

1  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  766.  '  Mon.  Hus.,  ii.  357. 


Ch.  yilT.]  JEROME   AT   THE   STAKE.  255 

pictures  of  demons  surrounded  by  tlie  flames.  Jerome 
saw  it,  and  throwing  down  his  own  hat  on  the  floor, 
in  the  midst  of  the  prelates,  placed  this  on  his  head 
with  his  own  hands,  repeating  the  words  which  Huss 
had  used  before  him  on  the  like  occasion, — "  Jesus 
Christ,  who  died  for  me,  a  sinner,  wore  a  crown  of 
thoi-ns.  T  will  cheerfully  wear  this  for  Him."  The 
soldiers  then  took  charge  of  him,  and  led  him  away 
to  execution. 

As  he  turned  to  leave  the  cathedral,  he  chanted 
the  creed  in  a  firm  voice,  with  eyes  uplifted  to  heaven, 
and  a  face  radiant  Avith  joy.^  On  his  way  to  the  stake 
he  chanted,  first,  the  Litany,  and  then,  as  he  passed 
outside  the  Gottlieben  gate  of  the  city,  a  hymn  in 
honor  of  the  Virgin.  The  last  commenced  with  the 
words,  "Blessed  art  thou  among  women."  As  he 
reached  the  place  of  execution — the  same  where 
Huss  had  been  burned — he  knelt  down,  with  his  fiice 
to  the  stake,  and  spent  some  time  in  prayer.  The 
executioners  raised  him  up  while  still  engaged  in  his 
devotions,  and  stripped  him  of  his  garments.  They 
then  bound  him  to  the  stake,  first  about  the  loins 
with  a  linen  bandage,  after  which  other  parts  of  the 
body  were  made  fast  with  cords  and  chains.  As 
they  piled  the  wood  around  the  stake,  mingling  bun- 
dles of  straw  to  kindle  the  conflagration,  Jerome  sang 
the  hymn,  "Hail,  Festal  Day''— ''Salve,  feste  diea^ 
He  then,  in  a  loud  voice  that  all  might  hear  him, 
chanted  the  Nicene  creed.  When  this  Avas  done,  he 
turned  and  addressed  the  crowd  in  the  German  lan- 
guage :  "  Beloved  youth,  as  I  have  now  chanted,  so, 

*  Mon.  nus.,  ii.  354-357. 


256  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  VIH. 

and  not  otherwise,  do  I  believe.  This  is  the  symbol 
of  my  fiiith.  Yet  for  this  I  die,  because  I  would  not 
assent  to  and  approve  the  decision  of  the  council, 
and  hold  and  assert  with  them  that  John  Huss  was 
holily  and  justly  condemned  by  the  council.  For  I 
knew  him  well,  and  I  knew  him  as  a  true  preacher 
of  the  gospel  of  Jesus  Christ." 

He  saw  among  his  executioners  a  poor  man,  bring- 
ing a  fagot  to  heap  upon  the  pile.  It  did  not  excite 
him  to  anger.  He  smiled  and  said,  "  O  holy  sim- 
plicity !  a  thousand  times  more  guilty  is  he  who 
abuses  thee." 

When  the  fagots  had  been  piled  to  a  level  with 
his  head,  his  garments  were  thrown  upon  them,  and 
fire  was  applied  by  a  lighted  torch.  But  the  exe- 
cutioner who  bore  the  torch  approached  from  behind, 
unwilling  to  be  seen.  "  Come  forward  boldly,"  said 
Jerome ;  "  apply  the  fire  before  my  face.  Had  I  been 
afraid,  I  should  not  have  been  here."  As  the  flames 
began  to  spread,  he  exclaimed  aloud,  "  Into  thy  hands, 
O  Lord,  I  commit  my  spirit."  When  the  fire  began 
to  penetrate  to  his  flesh,  he  prayed  again,  "  O  Lord 
God,  Almighty  Father,  have  compassion  on  me,  and 
forgive  my  sins.  Thou  knowest  that  I  have  ever  de- 
lighted in  thy  truth."  His  voice  was  now  lost,  for 
the  smoke  and  flame  had  become  suftbcatiug;  but 
though  no  words  were  heard,  all  could  see  by  the 
motion  of  the  lips  that  he  was  still  engaged  in  prayer. 
The  agony  of  his  martyrdom  was  protracted ;  it  was 
unusually  long  before  life  was  extinct.  Blisters  of 
water  of  the  size  of  an  egg  might  be  seen  over  his 
whole  body.     "  One  might  have  gone,"  says  a  spec- 


Cii.  YIIT.]  THE    CLOSING   SCENE.  257 

tator,  "  from  the  St.  Clement  Church  at  Prague  to 
the  bridge  over  the  Moldau,  before  he  ceased  to 
breathe."  ^ 

At  last,  all  that  belonged  to  him, — his  bed,  cap, 
clothing,  shoes,  and  whatever  he  had  had  with  him 
in  prison, — was  brought  and  thrown  upon  the  blazing 
pile,  to  be  consumed  with  him.  His  ashes,  like  those 
of  Huss,  were  carefully  gathered  up,  borne  away, 
and  cast  into  the  Rhine.  The  council  were  appre- 
hensive lest  some  fragment  or  relic  of  their  victim 
should  find  its  way  back  to  Prague,  and  be  cherished 
as  the  memorial  of  a  condemned  heretic.  The  least 
particle  that  could  be  associated  with  the  names  of 
either  of  the  sufferers  was  sought  out  and  carefully 
burned,  lest  it  should  become  an  object  of  veneration. 
But  all  their  precautions  were  vain.  The  soil  which 
their  dying  feet  had  pressed — in  lack  of  other  ob- 
jects— became  the  prized  memorial,  and  was  borne 
to  Prague  to  be  guarded  with  religious  care.^  But 
more  than  the  portraits  even  of  the  departed,  was 
the  imasre  of  themselves  which  these  men  had  en- 
stamped  upon  the  minds  and  hearts  of  their  country- 
men. When  the  last  surviving  member  of  the  coun- 
cil that  sentenced  them  to  execution  should  have 
been  laid  in  his  grave,  the  memory  of  these  two 
Bohemian  martyrs  would  still  bloom  fresh  and  green 
upon  their  natal  soil. 

'  Mon.  Hub.,  u.  354.  *  ^neas  Sylvius. 

VOL.  II.  17 


CHAPTEK    IX. 

INEFFICIENCY  AND  TUMULTS  OF  THE  COUNCIL.      ILL-SUCCESS 
AND  RETURN  OF  THE  EMPEROR. 

Absent  Members  of  the  Council  Summoned. — The  Citation  op  the  Bohemians 
Considered.  —  The  Knioht  De  Latzembock.  — John  Creith  of  Liege.  —  Dila- 
tory Proceedings  and  Tumults  of  the  Council.  —  The  Cardinal  of  Cambrat 
ON  Ecclesiastical  Power.  —  The  English  Nation  in  the  Council.  —  New 
Members.  —  Gerson  and  "  The  Immaculate  Conception."  —  The  Council's  Let- 

i'ER  TO   SiGISMUND   IN   ReGARD   TO  BoHEMIA.  —  ACCUSATIONS  AGAINST  WeNZEL.  — 

Sigismund's  Method  for  Quieting  Bohemia.  —  Ill-Success  of  His  Plan.  —  Ser- 
mons IN  the  Council.  —  Vices  of  the  Clergy  Classified.  —  Sigismund's  De- 
feated Projects.  —  His  Reception  and  Treatment  in  England.  —  Council's 
Proceedings  Against  Benedict.  —  Stipiltz  and  Plancha  Cite  Him.  —  Scene  op 
Their  Reception.  —  Ludicrous  Incidents.  —  Sigismund's  Return  to  Constance. 
—  His  Reception. 

May  31,  1416  — Jan.  27,  1417. 

The  execution  of  Jerome,  amid  the  clashing 
schemes  and  conflicting  interests  which  marked  the 
progress  of  the  council,  was  passed  lightly  by.  A 
gallant  ship  had  gone  down  upon  a  stormy  sea,  and 
the  wild  waves  of  passion  rolled  on  as  nladly  and 
fiercely  as  if  there  had  been  no  human  victim  of  their 
murderous  j^lay.  No  expression  of  regret  or  remorse 
bubbles  up  visibly  to  the  surface,  to  speak,  in  the 
actors,  any  bitter  memory  of  the  deed.  No  doubt  it 
was  remembered, — no  doubt,  in  later  years,  minds 
like  Gerson's  recurred  to  it  sadly, — but  the  death  of 
Jerome,  at  the  time,  produced  scai'cely  a  pause  in 
the  struggle  of  conflicting  parties  and  interests. 

(258) 


Cii.  IX.]  CITATION    OF   THE    BOHEMIANS.  259 

On  tlie  next  day  after  the  execution,  (May  31,)  a 
decree  of  the  council  was  issued,  summoning  its  ab- 
sent members  to  return,  under  penalty,  in  case  of  dis- 
obedience, of  incurring  the  indignation  of  Almighty 
God,  and  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  his  apostles.''  The 
council  felt  that  it  was  now  incuni1)ent  upon  it  to 
prosecute  with  energy  the  matter  of  the  union  of  the 
church.  Tliis  was  manifest  in  the  congregations  held 
upon  the  follc»wing  days.  In  spite  of  a  letter  of 
Sigismund,  urging  upon  tliem  the  business  of  reform, 
the  members  showed  themselves  more  inclined  to 
remove  the  difficulties  that  stood  in  th-e  way  of  the 
deposition  of  Benedict  and  the  election  of  a  new 
pope. 

The  case  of  the  Bohemians,  moreover,  called  for 
the  notice  of  the  council.  The  execution  of  Jerome 
was  not  calculated  to  soothe  the  feelings  or  repress 
the  indignation  of  his  countrymen.  Their  letter  of 
remonstrance  had  reached  the  council  at  the  close 
of  tlie  previous  year.  Their  citation  for  their  pre- 
sumption and  suspicion  of  heretical  pi-avity  in  ad- 
hering to  Huss,  had  been  demanded  by  the  prose- 
cuting officers  of  the  council,  in  its  name,  on  the 
twentieth  of  February,  1416.  This  citation  was 
issutid  on  the  fifth  of  May,  and  was  publicly  affixed 
to  the  church  doors  and  gates  of  Constance.  A  com- 
mission to  attend  to  the  process  of  trial — which  was 
to  be  summary  in  the  case  of  those  cited — was  ap- 
pointed on  the  third  of  Jane.  It  was  now,  upon  the 
non-appearance  of  the  Bohemians  summoned  to  an- 
swer before  the  council,  that  they  were  to  be  de- 

*  Von  der  Uar.Jt,  iv.  775. 


2 GO  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  IX. 

clared  guilty  of  contumacy.  The  number  of  these  is 
variously  stated  from  four  hundred  and  fifty  to  five 
hundred  and  fifty.^  They  embraced,  as  we  have 
already  seen,  some  of  the  most  powerful  and  distin- 
guished members  of  the  Bohemian  nobility.  To 
them  the  threats  of  the  council  were  a  mere  hrutum 
fulmen.  They  treated  them  with  contempt.  Secure 
in  their  distance  from  Constance  and  the  conscious- 
ness of  their  own  strength,  they  were  driven  into  a 
more  defiant  attitude  by  the  steps  taken  to  awe 
them  into  submission.  The  execution  of  Jerome, 
following  upon  that  of  Huss,  was  in  their  eyes  a  new 
outrage,  tending  to  destroy  the  last  vestige  of  respect 
which  they  could  ever  have  entertained  for  the  body 
by  whose  order  the  deed  was  done. 

A  different  course  from  theirs  was  the  one  pursued 
by  one  of  their  countrymen  at  Constance,  the  Knight 
De  Latzembock.*  He  had  gradually  risen  till  he 
stood  high  in  the  emperor's  favor.  He  it  was  who 
bore  the  news  of  the  emperor's  coronation  at  Aix  la 
Chapelle  to  Constance,  on  the  opening  of  the  council. 
Since  that  time  he  had  been  employed  in  high  po- 
sitions, and  had  had  charge  of  important  matters. 
But  still,  in  spite  of  all  this,  the  stain  of  heretical 
leprosy  clung  to  him.  It  was  not  forgotten  that  he 
was  one  of  those  whom  the  Bohemian  king  had  com- 
missioned to  escort  Huss  to  Constance.  Although 
he  had  since  had  but  little  to  do  with  him,  and 
showed  in  his  character  and  life  more  of  the  courtier 
than  the  friend,  he  yet  fell  under  suspicion.     The 

*  Probably  all  who  had  signed  the         *  L'Enfant,  406.     Von  der  Ilardt, 
letters  of  remonstrance  to  the  council,     iv.  795-6. 


Ch.  IX.]  RECANTATION    OF    LATZEMBOCK.  261 

council  felt  that  it  was  at  least  dangerous  that  such 
a  man  should  not  be  committed  with  themselves  to 
the  guilt  of  their  own  deed.  There  was  something 
ominous  in  his  silence.  It  could  not  be  tolerated. 
He  must  speak  out.  He  must  seem  at  least  to  en- 
dorse the  condemnation  of  his  countrymen,  or  he 
could  not  be  trusted  about  the  person  of  the  em- 
peror. He  was  cited — according  to  a  historian  hos- 
tile to  Huss — and  required  to  abjure  the  doctrine 
and  approve  the  condemnation  of  Huss  and  Jerome. 
With  this  requisition  he  complied.  Doubtless  his 
conscience  excused  him  for  the  crime  under  the  plea 
of  necessity ;  but  the  suspicion  of  his  sincerity  which 
was  still  entertained,  while  it  commends  his  intellect- 
ual convictions,  suggests  the  policy  and  pliability  of 
the  courtier.  To  this  man — this  new  convert — 
letters  were  given  by  the  council  to  be  carried  into 
Bohemia  and  delivered  to  his  countrymen ;  but  we 
hear  no  more  of  them,  and  it  is  doubtful  whether  he 
who  would  abjure  his  convictions  for  fear  of  the 
council,  would  be  forward  to  thrust  before  the  eyes 
of  his  own  countrymen  the  provocation  of  his  infamy 
not  unattended  by  danger. 

Never  was  the  difference  between  preaching  and 
practice  better  illustrated  than  in  the  history  and 
proceedings  of  the  council.  We  have  seen  how  loud 
had  been  the  cry  of  remonstrance  and  the  complaint 
of  corruption.  It  was  notorious  that  the  most 
simoniacal  arts  had  raised  many  of  the  prelates  of 
the  council  to  the  position  they  occupied.  The 
channels  of  promotion  were  not  through  merit,  but 
money.     Again  and  again  this  crying  infiimy  of  the 


262  LIFE   AISTD   TOIES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  IX. 

cliurcli  had  been  exposed.  Except  the  deposition 
of  John  XXIII.  no  noticeable  steps  had  been  taken 
in  the  direction  of  reform.  Two  men  had  been  pnt 
to  death,  npon  whose  characters  there  rested  not  a 
stain  of  corruption  or  impurity,  and  who  were  angels 
by  the  side  of  their  judges.  At  last  a  victim  was 
found — a  poor  insignificant  copyist — of  prelatical  and 
pontifical  simony.  A  scapegoat  was  wanted,  and 
John  Creith  of  Liege  was  the  one  selected.^  He  had 
— unfortunately  for  himself,  though  to  his  great  pe- 
cuniary advantage — been  one  of  the  minions  of  John 
XXIII.  Acting  as  his  secretary,  he  had  employed 
his  knowledge  and  skill  to  his  own  emolument,  coun- 
terfeiting, to  this  end,  apostolic  letters  and  documents. 
He  was  accused  of  having  sold  thirty  benefices,  and 
of  having  reserved  in  his  own  hands  others,  which 
were  incompatible  in  the  hands  of  one  man.  Upon 
this  victim,  punishment,  therefore,  must  alight.  He, 
at  least,  will  be  made  a  signal  example.  But  what 
is  his  sentence  ?  Suspension  from  office  !  No  won- 
der the  preacher  of  two  or  three  days  later,  (June  7,) 
should  remark — when  speaking  on  the  text,  "They 
were  filled  with  the  Holy  Ghost," — that  instead  of 
the  seven  graces  which  were  bestowed  on  the  apos- 
tles at  the  day  of  Pentecost,  he  feared  that  the  devil 
had  had  his  Pentecost  in  the  hearts  of  most  of  the 
clergy,  and  had  insj^ired  them  with  vices  directly 
contrary  to  the  graces  of  the  apostles.^ 

But  little,  however,  was  accomplished  by  the  coun- 
cil after  Jerome's  death,  for  several  months.  They 
were  reluctant  to  enter  upon  any  measures  of  reform. 

'  Niera  apud  Von  der  Hardt,  ii.  444,  457.        "  L'Enfant,  405. 


Ch  IX.]  THE  CONTROVEIisY  IN   THE  COUNCIL.  263 

The  emperor  was  absent,  and  private  interests  and 
party  purposes  acknowledged  no  supreme  authority 
to  over-awe  them.  The  council  assumed  the  charac- 
ter for  the  most  part  of  a  great  debating  club,  except 
as  party  policy  mingled  with  the  intrigues  of  the 
caucus.  The  affair  of  Petit  was  still  warmly  contro- 
verted, yet  little  if  any  progress  was  made  toward 
its  settlement.  The  Cardinal  of  Cambray  issued  his 
treatise  on  ecclesiastical  power,  some  portions  of  which 
contain  sentiments  in  advance  of  his  age,  and  strongly 
savoring  of  a  protestant  character.  Yet  this  very 
treatise  gave  rise,  by  the  doubts  which  he  threw  out 
in  its  concluding  chapter,  to  some  of  the  most  agi- 
tating and  angry  controversies.  Should  the  English, 
on  the  union  of  Spain  with  the  council,  be  recognized 
still  as  a  separate  and  independent  nation  composing 
it  ?  It  was  a  firebrand  thrown  in  among  a  mass  of 
inflammable  materials,  and  the  conflagration  at  once 
burst  forth.  The  pride  of  England,  fresh  from  the 
glorious  field  of  Agincourt,  resented  the  doubt  as  an 
insult.  Yet  the  French  could  not  look  with  compla- 
cency upon  the  exaltation  of  their  great  rivals.  The 
Spaniards,  who  had  now  arrived  with  a  view  to  join 
the  council,  found  their  place  preoccujoied  by  the 
English,  who  had  always  heretofore  been  recognized 
as  an  integral  portion  of  the  German  nation  in  the 
councils  of  the  church.  The  controversy  kindled  to 
a  flame.  Fierce  passions  were  indulged,  and  fierce 
Avords  spoken.  The  Cardinal  of  Cambray  was  uot 
allowed  to  touch  upon  the  subject,  as  he  had  pro- 
posed, in  a  public  discourse.  He  complained  of  this 
restriction  upon  his  liberty.     It  was  but  a  poor  satis- 


264  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  IX, 

faction  to  be  informed  that  lie  must  be  careful  liow 
he  appeared  in  the  streets,  for  armed  Englishmen 
sought  his  life.  More  than  once  the  matter  threat- 
ened to  proceed  to  open  violence,  but  by  the  inter- 
vention of  the  princes,  aud  a  mass  of  national  protests 
against  present  privileges  being  allowed  as  precedents, 
passion  was  cooled  and  the  danger  deferred. 

The  council  meanwhile  had  received  new  and  large 
accessions  to  its  numbers.  England  was  more  nu- 
merously represented.  Among  others  came  Robert 
Cliflbrd,  bishop  of  London,  the  two  chancellors  of 
Oxford  and  Cambridge,  and  twelve  doctors,  ostensi- 
bly to  maintain  the  rights  of  the  English  nation. 

The  kingdoms  of  Portugal,  Aragou,  Castile,  Na- 
varre, and  Scotland  sent  delegates  to  Constance,  who 
were,  most  of  them,  successively  received  with  similar 
formalities  to  those  upon  which  the  representatives 
of  Grregory  XII.  had  insisted.  Some  of  them  were 
quite  leisurely  in  making  their  appearance.  Months 
passed,  bi'inging  from  them  to  the  council  only  letters 
and  promises.  Nothing  could  be  done,  meanwhile, 
that  could  be  regarded  as  final  and  conclusive  in  re- 
gard to  Benedict  XIII.  His  trial  and  deposition,  in 
order  to  be  acknowledged  legitimate,  must  be  par- 
ticipated in  by  all  the  nations. 

It  was  during  this  period,  j^revious  to  taking  fur- 
ther and  more  decisive  measures  against  Benedict, 
that  the  council  presented  a  most  singular  scene  of 
turmoil  and  recrimination.  Questions  of  national 
precedence  and  representation — the  complaints  of 
the  cardinals  that  they  were  not  notified  previously 
of  the  subjects  of  discussion- — the  affiiir  of  John  Petit 


Cn.  iX.]  "the    niMACULATE    CONCEPTION."  265 

still  dragging  its  slow  lengtli  along — vain  and  futile 
attempts  to  draw  up  plans  on  the  subject  of  reform, 
which  the  emperor  still  urged  upon  the  attention  of 
the  council — all  conspired  to  render  that  body  the 
scene  of  angry  and  bitter  controversy.  It  was  dur- 
ing this  period,  also,  that  Gerson  signalized  himself, 
not  only  by  his  zeal  in  controverted  matters,  but  by 
peculiar  manifestations  of  what  at  the  present  day 
might  be  regarded  as  ultra  orthodoxy.  We  have 
recently  seen  the  doctrine  of  "The  immaculate  con- 
ception of  the  Virgin  Mary "  solemnly  adopted  by 
the  Roman  Catholic  church  as  one  of  the  iuteo-ral 

o 

elements  of  its  creed.  Gerson,  on  this  subject,  was 
in  advance  of  his  times.  At  Paris  he  had  manfully 
contended  in  behalf  of  the  doctrine,  and  had  classed 
its  principal  opponent  with  Huss  himself.  But  now 
his  devotion  went  still  further.^  He  urged  publicly 
upon  the  council  the  immaculate  conception  of  St. 
Joseph,  and,  opposed  as  he  was  to  the  multiplication 
of  saints'-days,  went  so  far  as  to  insist  that  to  this 
rule  of  restriction  St.  Joseph  should  be  excepted. 
But  the  council  were  not  ready  to  endorse  the  sug- 
gestion. More  than  four  hundred  years  more  were 
destined  to  pass  away,  before  the  question  in  regard 
to  the  Virgin  Mary  could  be  put  at  rest.  Another 
century  may  yet  honor  the  logical  consistency  of 
Gerson,  that  ranks  Mary  and  Joseph  together  as  to 
their  claim  on  this  jioint. 

It  vias  near  the  close  of  the  year  (1416)  that  the 
council  replied  to  a  letter  of  Sigismund,  informing 
him  of  the  state  of  affairs  at  Constance.     He  had 

*  See  his  treatise  in  his  works,  iii.  1346. 


266  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IITSS.  [Cn.  IX. 

ever  a  liori'or  for  all  that  tended  to  civil  commotion. 
His  hostility  to  the  doctrines  of  Petit  was  aggravated 
by  what  he  saw  in  the  anarchy  and  violence  of  France 
— results  as  he  regarded  them  of  his  incendiary  prin- 
ciples. His  prejudice  against  Huss  had  been  skil- 
fully aggravated  by  the  enemies  of  the  reformer, 
when  they  imputed  to  his  views  and  preaching  sim- 
ilar tendencies.  For  this  reason,  he  was  ui'gent  that  the 
council  should  prosecute  the  Bohemian  heresy  to  its 
extinction.  But  this  was  a  task  beyond  their  power. 
They  wrote  to  the  emperor  now  to  implore  his  aid.^ 

There  was  good  reason  for  doing  so.  The  council 
found  themselves  contemned  by  heretics.  Their 
threats  were  despised ;  their  authority  was  disre- 
garded ;  their  own  conduct  was  arraigned,  and  the 
Bohemian  nation  boldly  declared  its  purpose  to  per- 
sist in  the  course  upon  which  it  had  entered.  In 
these  circumstances  their  only  hope  of  help  was  in 
the  emperor.  He  must  enforce  the  authoi'ity  of  the 
council  by  his  imperial  power.  The  letter  which  the 
council  wrote  him  is  important  for  the  picture  which 
it  gives  of  the  state  of  things  in  Bohemia,  as  well  as 
on  other  accounts.  It  commences  with  a  statement  of 
the  daily  complaints  .made  to  the  council  of  evils  that 
prevailed  in  Bohemia;  the  scandalous  dangers,  and 
dangerous  scandals,  through  errors,  hei-esies,  seditions, 
■and  persecutions,  which  had  given  disturbance  to  the 
clergy,  and  which  were  spread  over  a  country  inflamed 
by  "  more  than  material  fire."  It  speaks  of  the  dis- 
ciples of  Wickliffe,  Huss,  and  Jerome  as  the  followers 
of  Belial,  and  abounding  in  impiety  and  perfidy.   The 

•  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  1079. 


Cn.  IX.]  council's    LETTER   TO    SIGISMUND.  26 Y 

two  former,  condemned  by  tlie  council,  were  repre- 
sented as  saints  in  the  churches,  Avei'e  spoken  of  as 
such  in  sermons,  were  honored  in  the  divine  offices, 
and  had  masses  celebrated  for  them  as  martyrs. 
Their  followers  sought  to  disseminate  and  perpetuate 
tlieir  errors,  drawing  off  to  themselves  all  classes  of 
persons,  learned  and  ignorant,  and  of  both  sexes. 
They  are  spoken  of  as  treating  lightly  holy  mother 
church,  and  holdina^  sentences  and  censures  in  con- 
tempt.  The  evil  was  rising  to  an  alarming  height. 
The  intelligence  of  the  council's  proceedings  had  only 
urged  them  to  new  and  more  detestable  excesses. 

The  council  then  sets  forth  in  a  more  specific  form 
the  evils  of  which  they  complain ;  members  of  the 
university,  and  other  priests  infected  by  them,  con- 
tinued to  preach  the  errors  of  Wickliffe  and  Huss, 
which  the  council  had  condemned.  They  had  been 
cherished,  defended,  and  protected  by  certain  barons 
and  nol^les  of  the  kingdom,  who,  in  letters-  to  the 
council  witli  their  seals  affixed,  had  avowed  their 
acts.  The  communion  of  the  cup  was  preached  and 
practised  in  the  cities  and  villages,  notwithstanding 
the  decision  of  the  council  upon  the  subject,  and  the 
threatened  penalty  of  eternal  damnation.  The  clergy 
were  ill  treated  and  abused,  and  even  the  Jews  en- 
joyed a  greater  liberty  than  was  allowed  to  them. 
The  interdict  was  still  continued  in  many  monasteries 
and  churches,  on  account  of  the  presence  among  them 
of  that  wretch,  John  Jessenitz,  by  which  means  many 
hundreds  of  masses  are  every  day  omitted.  The 
metropolitan  church  had  been  long  unoccupied,  l:)oth 
on  acount  of  the  interdict,  and  the   robbery  of  its 


268  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  IX. 

revenues,  out  of  which  three  hundred  ecclesiastics 
had  foi'merly  been  sustained.  The  relics  which  had 
been  deposited  there,  which  the  people  had  been  ac- 
customed to  visit  daily,  had  been  plundered  for  years. 
S(5me  of  the  barons  were  defaming  the  holy  council, 
and  preventing  the  clergy  from  complying  with  its 
commands.  Such  as  had  obeyed  had  been  plundered 
and  expelled  from  their  posts. 

The  letter  then  sets  forth  the  sad  condition  of  the 
university,  once  foremost  in  rank  among  all  of  the 
German  nation,  now  almost  a  desei'ted  habitation, 
and  driving  from  it  those  who  are  unwilling  to  be 
polluted  by  its  errors.  The  nation,  too,  once  sub- 
missive to  its  prelates,  and  religiously  faithful  to 
the  divine  worship,  and  to  all  things  required  by 
ecclesiastical  obedience,  is  now  disi^raced  throusjhout 
the  world  by  perfidy  and  error. 

Against  these  evils  the  council  declares  that  it  has 
done  what  it  could.  Convoked  to  exterminate  heresy 
and  reform  the  world,  it  has  b}^  the  grace  of  God 
proceeded  to  the  task  assigned.  One  of  the  leaders 
of  heresy  it  has  given  over  by  sentence  to  the  secu- 
lar court,  the  other  remains  in  custody,-^  wliile  pro- 
cesses have  been  fulminated  against  their  favorers 
and  adherents.  Yet,  in  the  need  of  more  ample  re- 
sources of  defence,  the  council  invokes,  and  pi-ess- 
ingly  demands,  through  its  venerable  and  eminent 
bishops,  doctors,  masters,  and  ambassadors,  the  arm 
of  his  imperial  majesty.     It  calls  upon  him  as  the 

'  This  letter,  in  my  judgment,  be-  dently  Jerome  was  still   in   custody 

longs  to  an  earlier  date  than  the  one  when  it  was  written,  thus  requiring 

which  is  here — on  the  authority  of  the  letter  to  date  some  months  pre- 

Von  der  Hardt — ascribed  to  it.   Evi-  vious.     See  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  lOVZ. 


CilIX.]        council's  letter  to  sigismund.  209 

defender  and  advocate  of  the  church,  to  destroy  the 
perfidious,  defend  the  holy  church  itself  and  its  faith- 
ful members,  no  less  than  restrain  the  enemies  of  the 
Christian  name.  It  incites  him  as^ainst  the  Bohemi- 
ans  as  errorists  and  persecutors  of  the  church  of 
God,  urging  him  to  expel  the  seditious,  and  drive 
out  intruders.  It  then  sets  forth  the  character  of 
Wenzel,  king  of  Bohemia,  in  language  which  his 
brother  Sigismund  could  appreciate.  These  excesses 
never  disturbed  him.  He  dissembles  in  every  thing. 
He  lets  every  thing  take  its  course.  The  evils  which 
he  should  resist  even  to  blood,  and  at  the  risk  of  his 
life,  he  tolerates  in  the  heart  of  his  kingdom,  or  even, 
as  was  more  lamentably  reported,  cherishes  and  sup- 
ports. "  Proceed,  therefore,"  the  council  say,  "  with 
all  dispatch ;  all  lingering  is  dangerous ;  all  delay 
does  mischief.  Act  for  the  salvation  of  all  who  are 
like  to  perish  before  the  eyes  of  the  council,  before 
your  own,  and  the  eyes  of  all  beholders.  Act  at 
once,  while  any  hope  of  safety  remains.  If  the  dis- 
ease continues,  and  the  time  to  arrest  it  is  neglected, 
there  is  fear  that  the  evil  will  become  irreparable. 
Faith  and  the  church,  spiritualities  and  temporalities, 
souls  and  bodies,  are  threatened  with  a  like  ruin. 
Act  heartily,  glorious  in  the  triumph  of  virtue,  noble 
worshipper  of  justice  and  merit,  so  as  to  reign  for  ever 
with  the  Saviour  of  the  world,  of  whom  you  are  the 
type.  Your  exalted  piety  may  aspire  to  such  merit."  * 
It  was  indeed  time  to  cull  upon  the  emperor 
for  aid.  To  calm  the  storm  it  had  raised  was 
beyond    the   power   of    the    council.      The   letters 

*  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  1077;  also,  L'Enfant,  430. 


270  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOirN   HUSS.  [Cn.  IX. 

of  the  Bohemian  nobles  already  noticed,  wei'e  not 
the  only  ones  that  reached  them  of  the  same  tenor. 
Some  less  numerously  signed,  some  written  by  indi- 
viduals, attested  the  strength  of  the  indignation  ex- 
cited by  the  provocations  which  had  been  offered. 
The  absence  of  the  emperor  in  Spain  left  them  for 
a  while  to  feel  the  bitterness  of  that  contempt  to 
which  they  were  exposed  by  their  own  deeds,  while 
unprotected  by  the  imperial  sword. 

But  the  emperor's  method  of  quieting  the  insur- 
rectionary spirit  was  by  fiir  the  wisest.  He  sought 
to  .reform  the  clergy,  and  urged  the  subject  with  re- 
peated importunity  upon  the  attention  of  the  council. 
Successive  failures  to  secure  any  advance  in  this 
direction  might  have  satisfied  him  that  moral  suasion 
is  a  poor  and  ineffectual  motive  to  arrest  a  party  like 
that  with  which  he  had  to  deal,  in  a  course  where 
their  own  interest  is  at  stake.  He  employed,  how- 
ever, one  of  his  ministers  to  draw  up  for  the  council 
a  plan  of  reform ;  but  all  the  reward  of  the  servant 
for  speaking  out  his  master's  views,  as  he  undoubt- 
edly did,  was  to  be  called  "a  Hussite  rather  than  a 
Christian."^  "There  must  first,"  said  these  gi*andees 
of  the  council — to  put  off  the  evil  day,  and  prevent 
their  own  exposure, — "There  must  first  be  a  pope  to 
authorize  the  reform."  There  were  those  who  ursred 
Sigismund  to  take  the  matter  into  his  own  hand,  to 
fix  the  yearly  salary  of  the  popes  and  bishops,  reserv- 
ing what  remained  of  the  ti'easures  of  the  church  to 
further  his  darling  project  of  a  crusade  against  the 
Turks.     But  from  such  a  step  as  this  even  the  empe- 

'  L'Enfant,  503 


Ch.  IX.]  PRIDE   AND    VICES    OF   THE    CLERGY.  271 

ror  shrunk.  It  would  be  committing  the  unpardon- 
able sin  with  wliich  Luther  stood  charged  a  century 
later,  of  "  attacking  the  monks'  bellies." 

The  well  known  views  of  the  emperor  contributed 
undoubtedly  to  secure  for  those  who  ventured  to 
express  them,  freedom  of  speech  in  the  council.  The 
sermons  preached  abounded,  as  we  have  seen,  with 
most  unpalatable  statements  of  the  corruption  of  the 
clergy.  These  public  discourses  were  the  safety- 
valve  by  which  the  pent  up  convictions  of  the  neces- 
sity of  reform  were  allowed  harmlessly  to  escape. 
Yet  sometimes  the  truth  must  have  stung  deeply. 
Just  before  the  emperor's  return,  at  the  beginning 
of  the  year  1417,  a  sermon  was  preached  before  the 
council,  which  gives  a  fearful  picture  of  the  state  of 
the  clergy.^  Their  vices  are  coolly  and  philosophi- 
cally classed.  The  first  of  these  classifications  repre- 
sents the  ostentation  and  luxury  of  the  clergy  grasp- 
ing at  the  goods  of  the  poor  and  the  revenues  of  the 
church,  for  selfish  indulgence.  "  In  our  pride,"  says 
the  preacher,  "  we  surpass  the  princes  of  the  world : 
scorning  the  example  and  command  of  Jesus  Christ, 
we  would  set  up  as  kings ;  we  march  at  the  head  of 
armies ;  we  make  ourselves  terrible  and  inaccessible, 
especially  to  the  poor."  Other  crimes  recounted 
were — the  ill-disposal  of  benefices,  by  bestowing 
them  on  the  incapable  and  vile — the  mal-adminis- 
tration  of  the  sacrament,  extended  to  the  notoriously 
impure,  unjust,  and  excommunicate — neglect  of  sci'ip- 
tural  study  and  gospel  preaching — unjust  decisions 
by  ecclesiastical  judges,  who  make  them  a  matter  of 

'  L'Eflfant,  486. 


272  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  IX. 

traffic — and  similar  charges  in  abundance.  The  pic- 
ture of  ecclesiastical  manners  or  morals  is  too  foul 
for  the  modern  page.  Yet  it  was  presented  in  all  its 
fearful  colors  in  full  council,  and  no  one  called  it  a 
slander.  Each  one  knew  only  too  well  that  it  was 
drawn  to  the  life. 

The  time  was  now  drawing  near  for  Sigismund's 
return  to  Constance,  He  had  promised  in  one  of  his 
letters  to  the  council  to  hasten  his  return,  if  in  their 
judgment  his  presence  should  be  deemed  necessary. 
But  it  was  a  year  and  a  half  that  his  absence  had 
been  protracted.  He  left  Constance  on  the  twen- 
tieth of  July,  1415,  and  entered  its  gates,  upon  his 
return,  on  the  twenty-seventh  of  January,  1417.  The 
success  of  his  mission  could  not  have  been  very  flat- 
tering to  his  imperial  pride.  Benedict  XHI.  had 
virtually  defied  him,  and  still  assumed  the  full  exer- 
cise of  papal  prerogative.  His  attempt  to  negotiate 
a  peace  between  France  and  England  would  have 
been  utterly  futile,  had  not  the  policy  of  Henry  V. 
led  him  to  adopt  the  purpose  of  leaving  France  to 
wear  out  its  strength  in  intestine  conflict.  The  Duke 
of  Bui'gundy  and  the  Constable  d'Armagnac  were 
sworn  foes.  Henry  fjxvored  the  duke,  and  even 
contracted  with  him  a  conditional  alliance,  while  in 
a  seeming  compliance  with  the  emperor's  pei^uasions 
he  entered  into  a  truce  with  France  for  the  space 
of  a  few  months. 

Yet  Sigismund  must  have  sorely  felt  that  his  in- 
fluence would  have  been  altogether  in  vain  but  for 
other  causes,  more  eflective  than  his  personal  influ- 
ence.    As  the  vessel  that  bore  him  across  the  chan- 


Cn.  IX.]  SIQISIHTTND    IN    ENGLAT^D.  273 

nel  apjiroached  the  English  coast,  several  English 
lords,  headed  by  the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  stepped  into 
the  water,  -with  their  drawn  swords  in  their  hands, 
and  stopped  the  boat.  The  emperor,  surpi'ised  at 
such  a  reception,  asked  the  reason  of  it.  The  duke 
replied,  that  if  he  came  to  challenge  any  authority 
in  England,  he  had  orders  to  forbid  his  landing ;  but 
if  he  came  only  as  a  mediator  of  peace,  he  should  be 
treated  with  all  the  respect  due  to  his  imperial  dig- 
nity.* Henry  V.  had  the  spirit  of  an  independent 
sovereign.  The  proceedings  of  the  emperor  in  France, 
in  his  assumption  of  authority,  were  not  to  be  re- 
peated on  the  shores  of  England.  Sigismund  show  d 
his  regard  for  the  spirit  of  the  English  monarch, 
when,  after  months  of  useless  negotiation  to  secure 
for  France  a  short  and  worthless  truce,  he  concluded 
himself,  like  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  an  alliance  with 
Henry  V. 

The  only  result  of  his  journey  northward  seems  to 
have  been  the  strengthening  the  hands  of  the  ally 
of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  and  increasing  the  im- 
probability that  the  doctrines  of  Petit  would  be  con- 
demned at  the  council.  A  slight  which  he  offered 
to  William  of  Bavaria,  while  in  England,  led  that 
prince  indignantly  to  withdraw  from  the  English 
coast  with  all  his  ships.  Sigismund  was  left  a  sort 
of  state  prisoner  in  London,  unable,  till  he  had  signed 
the  treaty  with  England,  to  reach  the  continent,  and 
then  only  in  English  ships.  On  one  occasion  the 
mob  rose  against  the  emperor,  and  he  was  obliged 
to  flee  for  refuge  to  Canterbury. 

Kapin,  i.  616. 
VOL.  11.  18 


274  Ln'E    XSD    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cii.  IX. 

All  this  was  humiliating  enough.  Undoubtedly 
English  manliness,  that  spurned  the  perjury  of  Sigis- 
mund  in  giving  up  Huss  to  the  flames,  had  something 
to  do  with  the  threatened  violence.  But  there  was 
still  another  dreg  in  his  bitter  cup.  To  defray"  the 
expenses  of  his  journey  he  had  sold  the  whole  of 
Brandenburg,  together  with  the  electorate,  to  Frederic 
of  Zollern  for  300,000  ducats,^  and  for  a  smaller  sum 
created  the  Truchsesses  of  Waldburg  governors  of 
Swabia.  Thus  he  had  alienated  instead  of  adding  to 
his  dominions,  and  in  some  respects  his  journey  was 
a  marked  failure.  He  had  indeed  induced  Spain  to 
withdraw  from  Benedict,  but  the  obstinate  old  pope 
was  not  to  be  cajoled  or  terrified  even  by  an  emperor. 
He  still  maintained  his  state,  and  fulminated  his  ter- 
rors in  all  the  pride  of  his  prerogative. 

It  was  now  time  for  the  council  to  try  their  hand 
at  a  task  which  the  emperor  had  left  incomplete — 
the  removal  of  Benedict  as  the  lingering  obstacle 
which  ol^structed  the  union  of  the  church.  At  the 
twenty-third  session,  Nov.  5,  1416,  a  commission  was 
appointed  to  draw  up  charges  and  hear  testimony 
against  the  "  schismatic,  heretical,  and  tyrant"  pontiff. 
This  commission  proceeded  to  business,  and  were 
ready  to  report  at  the  next  session,  (Nov.  28,)  when 
the  citation  of  Benedict  was  decreed.^  He  was 
summoned  to  appear  at  Constance  within  one  hun- 
dred days  from  the  present  session,  or  within  seventy 
days  from  the  issuing  of  the  citation.  The  citation 
was  decreed  by  edict,  through  apprehension  that  the 
criminal  could  not  be  personally  reached.     But  two 

'  Schmidt's  Gescli.  der  Deutsck,  iv.  101.         "  L'Enfant,  428. 


Ch.  IX."!  THE   MONKS    CITE   BENEDICT.  2T5 

monks  were  found  bold  enough  tobeartlie  summons 
to  Peniscola,  and  into  the  presence  of  Benedict  him- 
self. These  monks  belonged  to  the  Benedictine 
ordei,  and  their  names  were  Lambert  Stipiltz  and 
Bernard  Plaucha.^  The  recital  which  they  gave  of 
their  mission,  showed  that  the  idea  of  its  danger  was 
scarcely  exaggerated. 

As  they  drew  near  to  Peniscola,  accompanied  by 
two  nobles  and  several  notaries,  they  were  met  by  a 
doctor  despatched  by  Benedict  to  request  them  to' 
defer  their  entrance  till  the  next  day,  under  the  pre- 
text that  they  might  be  greeted  then  by  a  more  hon- 
orable reception.  With  this  request  they  refused  to 
comply.  "These  devils,"  said  they,  "imagine  they 
have  gained  everything  if  they  can  postpone  the 
union  a  single  hour."  As  they  entered  the  town,  a 
nephew  of  Benedict,  escorted  by  two  hundred  well- 
armed  soldiers,  came  to  meet  them.  Their  reception 
had  every  appearance  of  a  welcome,  the  value  of 
which,  however,  they  could  well  appreciate.  They 
amused  themselves  at  the  fright  which  the  presence 
of  two  unarmed  monks  had  created  in  Benedict. 

The  next  day  they  were  admitted  to  an  audience. 
Benedict  had  with  him  three  cardinals,  several 
bishops  and  other  ecclesiastics,  and  about  three  hun- 
dred laymen.  These  monks  then  read  the  decree  of 
citation,  which  Benedict  heard  with  extreme  impa 
tience.  When  they  came  the  passage  which  spoke 
of  him  as  schismatic  and  hei-etical,  he  could  contain 
himself  no  longer.  "  It  is  not  true,"  he  cried  out  at 
one  time  ;  and  again,  "They  slander  me."    At  length, 

'  L'Eufant,  449. 


L'76  LIFE   AND   TLMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cu.  IX, 

in  a  more  formal  reply,  he  declared  that  the  matter 
was  one  of  great  importance,  and  his  answer  should 
be  given  the  next  day,  after  deliberation  with  his 
cai'dinals.  He  improved  the  occasion,  however,  to 
go  into  a  lengthened  defence  of  his  own  course,  moi-e, 
probably,  for  the  ears  of  his  auditors,  than  the  satis- 
faction or  conviction  of  the  monks.  "  The  church," 
said  he,  "is  not  at  Constance,  but  at  Peniscola. 
Here,"  he  exclaimed,  striking  his  hand  upon  the 
chair  he  occupied, — "  Here  is  the  Noah's  ark,  the  true 
church.  These  people  of  Constance  call  me  schis- 
matic and  heretic,  because  I  will  not  put  the  church 
into  their  hands ;  a  thing  I  will  take  good  care  not 
to  do.  Already  there  would  have  been  peace  for 
six  months  but  for  them.  On  their  heads  rests  the 
guilt  of  heresy  and  schism."  The  monks  thought 
such  an  answer  enough.  They  demanded  a  copy  of 
it,  which  the  pope  was  reluctant  to  grant.  But 
leaving  behind  them  a  notary  of  the  king  to  take 
charge  of  the  document  after  it -should  be  drawn  up, 
they  withdrew  to  Tortosa. 

Serious  as  the  business  was,  it  is  connected  with 
some  amusing  incidents.  It  is  said  that  as  the  monks 
approached,  dressed  in  black,  accoi-ding  to  the  stat- 
utes of  their  order,  in  order  to  cite  Benedict,  the  lat- 
ter said  to  those  around  him,  "  Let  us  hear  the  ravens 
of  the  council."  But  monkish  repartee  was  equal  to 
pontifical  wit.  "  There  is  nothing  surprising,"  said 
one  of  the  monks  boldly,  "  that  ravens  should  come 
near  a  dead  body !"  One  historian  ludicrously  rep- 
resents the  monks  as  dressed  in  black,  the  devil's 
color,  entering  into  hell  to  cite  Beelzebub,  the  great 


Cn.  IX.]  RETURN    OF   SIGISMUND.  277 

devil,  to  come  to  jiulgment.  Undoubtedly  tlie  sin- 
cerity was  about  equal  on  both  sides.  The  monks 
themselves  considered  the  whole  affair,  notwith- 
standing their  indignation  against  Benedict,  as  a  good 
joke. 

The  letter,  in  which  they  gave  to  the  council  an 
account  of  their  expedition,  is  dated  Tortosa,  Jan.  22, 
1417.  Five  days  later,  on  the  27th  of  the  month, 
Sigismund  returned  to  Constance. 

The  announcement  of  his  approach  was  enthusias- 
tically received.*  He  was  met  several  miles  distant 
from  Constance  by  an  imposing  procession  of  princes, 
nobles,  and  ecclesiastical  dignitaries.  He  entered  the 
city  amid  the  discharge  of  cannon,  the  ringing  of 
bells,  and  applauding  shouts  of  w^elcome.  The  Eng- 
lish saw  with  exultation  that  he  proudly  wore  the 
decoration  of  the  Order  of  the  Garter,  which  he  had 
received  from  the  hands  of  Henry  V.  They  were 
themselves  treated  with  distinguished  honor.  The 
Bishop  of  Sarum  greeted  the  emperor  in  the  name 
of  the  council.  Sacred  comedies,  previously  acted 
in  the  presence  of  the  authorities  of  the  city,  were 
repeated  by  the  English  in  the  presence  of  Sigis- 
mund, and  to  his  great  delight  and  satisfaction.  A 
sermon  was  preached  before  him  in  the  highest  strain 
of  eulogy.  If  anything  could  compensate  the  em- 
peror for  the  hardships  of  his  journey,  it  was  the 
welcome  he  received,  as  well  as  the  presence  of  the 
Spanish  nation  joining  in  the  deliberations  of  the 
council. 

'  Voa  der  Hardt,  iv.  1089,  1091. 


CHAPTER    X. 

BENEDICT   DEPOSED.      PROGRESS   OF   REFORM.      MARTIN   V. 
ELECTED. 

Affairs  of  Benedict.  —  Bishop  of  Cuenza.  —  The  English  Nation.  —  Disputb 
AS  TO  THE  Precedence  of  Reform  or  the  Election  op  a  Pope.  —  Measures  or 
Reform.  —  Sermons  of  Maurice  and  Stephen  op  Prague.  —  The  Cardinals 
Aggrieved.  —  Demand  their  Passports  to  Leave.  —  Refused.  —  Divisions  in 
the  Council.  —  Prater  for  Election.  —  State  of  Bohf.mia.  —  Wenzel  a 
Cipher.  —  He  Banishes  Nicolas  de  Hussinitz.  —  Scenes  of  Anarchy  and  Vio- 
lence.— The  University  Favors  the  Communion  of  the  Cup.  —  Peter  d'Um- 
etzow. — Wenzel  Leaves  Prague.  —  Urged  to  Return.  —  Anniversary  op 
the  Death  of  Huss.  —  Sermon  on  the  Occasion.  —  Eulogy  of  Huss. — William 
of  Rosenberg  and  His  Vassals. — Violence  and  Robbery.  —  Measures  of  the 
Council.  —  Satire  on  the  Romish  Church.  —  The  Flagellants.  —  Sketch  op 
their  History  and  Doctrines.  —  Favored  by  Vincent  Ferrara.  —  Gerson's 
Views.  —  Measures  of  the  Council.  —  Benedict  XIII.  Deposed.  —  Question  op 
Reform.  —  The  Nations  Divided.  —  Sermons  on  Reform.  —  English  Nation.  — 
Document  of  THE  Cardinals.  —  Reply  of  the  Germans.  —  Irritation  of  the 
Emperor.  —  Alarm  of  the  Cardinals.  — Death  op  Robert  Hallam.  —  Bribes. 

—  The  German  Nation  Wavers.  — Conditions  for  Proceeding  to  an  Election. 

—  Scheme  of  Reform. —Electors  Appointed.  —  Otho  de  Colonna  Chosen 
Pope.  —  Coronation. — Splendor  of  the  Procession.  —  Incidents.  —  Pontif- 
ical Triumph  Over  Reform. 

Jan.  2Y,  141T— Nov.  21,  1418. 

The  presence  of  the  emperor  infused  new  life  and 
energy  into  the  proceedings  of  tlie  council.  The 
more  arduous  matters,  whic-h  in  his  absence  had 
been  deferred,  almost  of  necessity,  might  now  be 
disposed  of.  The  first  in  order  of  these,  if  nc^t  the 
most  important,  was  that  which  concerned  the  depo- 

(278) 


Cn.  X.]  THE   BISHOP    OF   CUENZA.  279 

sition  of  Benedict.  His  answer  to  the  citation  sent 
him  by  the  hands  of  the  two  monks,  was  read, 
(March  7,  I'll?,)  but  only  confirmed  the  impression 
that  he  was  obstinately  resolved  not  to  cede.  He 
had  indeed  sent  the  Bishop  of  Cuenza  to  Constance, 
ostensibly  to  make  propositions  which  should  be  a 
basis  of  negotiation,  but  only,  as  his  enemies  asserted, 
to  sow  division  in  the  council.  His  representative 
manifested  a  temper  and  spirit  worthy  of  his  master. 
An  English  ambassador  disputed  with  him  the  ques- 
tion of  precedence.  The  Bishop  of  Cuenza,  prefer- 
ring to  use  the  most  decisive  arguments,  seized  his 
adversary,  who  was  a  small  man,  about  the  body,  and 
taking  him  from  his  seat,  carried  him  out  of  the 
church,  and  threw  him  into  one  of  the  vaults,  which 
chanced  to  be  open.  Resuming  his  place,  he  quietly 
remarked  to  his  colleague,  Martin  Fernandez  of  Cor- 
dova, "  As  a  priest,  I  bury  the  English  ambassador ; 
as  a  man  of  the  sword,  and  a  cavalier  by  birth,  do 
you  perform  what  remains  to  be  done." 

But  no  arts  or  measures  that  Benedict  could  now 
take  would  enal)le  him  to  evade  the  purpose  of  the 
council.  He  had  been  repeatedly  cited,  but  did  not 
appear.  He  had  deigned  no  reply,  and  no  one  ap- 
peared for  him.  He  refused  steadftistly  and  consist- 
ently to  recognize,  in  any  manner,  the  authority  of 
the  council  as  more  than  that  of  a  mere  assembly. 
The  charges  against  him,  as  finally  drawn  up,  had 
been  read  as  early  as  November  5,  1416.  They  wei-e 
supported  by  multitudes  of  witnesses,  most  of  them 
of  hie^h  ecclesiastical  or  secular  rank.  Amonir  these 
witnesses  was  the  emperor  himself,  as  well  as  some 


280  LIFE   AKD   TniES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  X 

of  the  bishops  of  Benedict.  He  was  charged  with 
obstinate  perseverance  in  schism.  His  various  ob- 
noxious acts, — regarded  as  fatally  prejudicial  to  the 
peace  of  the  church, — were  attested,  and  he  was 
again  cited  to  answer.  This  was  the  last  citation. 
The  period  allowed  was  extended,  at  the  instance  of 
the  Spanish  nation,  and  in  order  that  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  council  might  not  be  open  to  the  charge 
of  harshness  or  precipitation.^  The  blow  was  merely 
suspended. 

MeauAvhile  the  council  itself  was  not  secure  from 
dangers  within  its  own  body.  The  incongruous  ele- 
ments of  which  it  was  composed,  and  the  incongru- 
ous interests  which  it  represented,  made  it  repeatedly 
a  scene  of  the  wildest  discord.  More  than  once  its 
warmest  friends  had  reason  to  fear  that  its  only 
achievement  would  be  to  render  itself  the  Babel  of 
Christendom.  The  English  composed  by  themselves 
an  entire  nation  in  the  council.  Other  nations  were 
jealous  of  the  influence  which  they  were  thus  ena- 
bled to  exert.  The  Spaniards,  moreover,  who  had 
only  of  late  joined  the  body,  disputed  with  them  the 
question  of  precedence.*  The  French  seemed  to 
resent  the  increasing  importance  of  a  nation  which 
had  given  them  reason  to  remember  their  own  last- 
ing disgrace,  as  well  as  inferioi'ity,  at  Agincourt. 
The  dispute  waxed  warm.  All  order  was  at  an  end. 
The  consultations  of  the  council  more  than  once  were 
characterized  by  the  violent  clamors  of  a  mob.  The 
English  indeed  carried  their  point  at  last,  conceding 
to  the  Spaniards,  on  the  question  of  precedence,  a 

•  L'Enfant,  424.     Von  dcr  Ilardt,  iv.  969.  «  L'Enfant,  424,  447. 


Ch.  X.]  SEKMON    OF   STEPHEN    OF   PRAGUE.  281 

riglit  wliicli  they  were  willing  to  surrender  only  for 
the  occasion,  and  for  the  sake  of  peace. 

But  another  matter  soon  gave  occasion  for  the 
renewal  of  similar  scenes.  The  emperor  and  the 
German  and  English  nations  were  earnest  in  favor  of 
ecclesiastical  reform.  With  them  this  was  the  fii-st 
and  most  important  measure  to  be  initiated.  Ger- 
many, especially,  complained  of  the  simony  of  the 
cleigy,  and  the  abuses  of  pontifical  and  prelatical 
prerogative.  INIaurice  of  Prague  preached  a  sermon 
at  this  period,  (May  9,  1417,)  in  which  he  exposed 
the  disorders  of  the  clergy  to  unsparing  rebuke.* 
Huss  could  not  have  exceeded  his  former  associate, 
and  one  of  his  late  judges,  in  the  freedom  of  invec- 
tive. Maurice  spoke  of  the  prevailing  opinion — 
which  he  declared,  however,  that  he  regarded  as  a 
heresy — that  Huss  had  been  put  to  death  mainly 
because  he  had  spoken  so  energetically  upon  this 
very  point.  His  friend  and  associate,  Stephen  of 
Prague,^  a  few  days  later,  did  not  hesitate  to  add  his 
testimony.  He  exposed  in  like  manner  "the  hor- 
rible simony"  of  the  clergy,  which  had  filled  the 
highest  posts  of  the  church  with  incapable  and  un- 
worthy occupants.  "  Is  it  i-ight,"  ^  he  asks,  "  that  fools 
should  rule,  and  the  wise  obey  them  ;  that  the  young 
should  give  oi-ders,  and  the  old  be  their  servitors ; 
that  the  ignorant  should  have  charge  of  what  calls 
for  the  most  discriminating  management ;  that  the 
learned  should  not  dare  to  open  their  mouths ;  and 
that  grooms  should  be  preferred  to  doctors,  and  to 

*  Von  der  Ilardt,  I  860;  iv.  128V.        '  Probably  Stephen  Paleti.        "  Voa 
der  Hardt,  i  823. 


282  LITE    AKD    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cu.  X. 

preachers  of  the  word  of  God?"  Nor  did  lie  hesi- 
tate to  declare  in  his  sermon,  in  language  indirectly 
condemnatory  of  the  council,  that  this  matter  of 
reform  was  more  essential  to  promote  the  interests 
of  the  Christian  faith,  than  the  union  of  the  different 
obediences.  The  election  of  the  pope  he  did  not  hesi- 
tate to  pronounce  a  matter  of  secondaiy  importance. 

He  could  have  said  nothing  more  seriously  in  con- 
flict with  the  cherished  pui'poses  f.nd  avowed  policy 
of  the  cardinals,  and  of  many  prelates  of  the  differ- 
ent nations.  These  contended  that  tlie  election  of  a 
pope  should  precede  all  measures  of  reform.^  Their 
plea  was,  that  in  order  to  be  \alid  these  must  have 
the  sanction  of  the  pope.  The  plea  was  specious, 
but  self-interest  was  at  the  bottom  of  it.  The  em- 
peror and  the  German  nation  were  fully  aware  that 
the  hope  of  a  reform  in  the  abuses  of  the  church  was 
only  warranted,  while  the  pontificate  was  vacant. 
Let  it  be  filled,  and  the  pride  of  prerogative  would 
deny  the  right  of  the  council  to  proceed  in  the  mat- 
ter, or  would  restrain  and  control  its  action.  The 
event  justified  this  fear.  For  a  while  the  emperor, 
with  the  English  and  German  nations,  stood  firm. 
The  others  were  irritated.  The  French  even  com- 
plained that  their  rights  of  free  deliberation  were 
encroached  upon  by  the  emperor. 

But  none  were  more  asfi^rieved  than  the  collec^e 
of  cardinals.  They  went  so  far  as  to  demand  of  the 
Elector  of  Brandenburg  safe-conducts,  that  they  might 
withdraw  from  the  council.'^  But  the  Elector  of 
Brandenburg  was  not  the  man  to  confer  such  a  favor. 

*  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  1354.  "  Von  der  Ilardt,  iv.  1416. 


Ch.  X.]        REBUFF  OF  THE  CARDINALS.         283 

lie  shared  himself  with  the  Gerniaii  nation  tliei/ 
convictions  of  tlie  jKiraniount  and  urgent  necessity 
of  reform.  His  long  experience  of  public  life  had 
made  him  fully  acquainted  with  the  disorders  of  the 
ecclesiastical  state.  "The  clergy,"  said  he,  "push 
themselves  into  secular  matters ;  they  use  their  rev- 
enues merely  for  their  own  selfish  purposes.  They 
are  ever  making  new  acquisitions,  and  already  they 
have  usurped  a  large  pai't  of  the  empire."  Such 
language  could  serve  only  as  a  still  greater  provo- 
cation to  the  cardinals.  But  their  passports  could 
not  be  had.  The  elector  not  only  refused  their  re- 
quest, but  told  them  plainly  that  the  dissolution  and 
transfer  of  the  council  belonged  not  to  them,  but  to 
the  emperor,  as  advocate  and  defender  of  the  church. 
Compelled  to  remain  at  Constance,  the  college  of 
cardinals  could  speak  of  nothing,  could  think  of 
nothing,  but  the  election  of  a  new  pope.  They  had 
frequent  consultations  by  themselves  on  the  subject. 
They  were  apprehensive  lest  the  prerogative  of  elec- 
tion should  be  wrested  from  their  hands  by  the 
authority  of  the  council.  A  contest  which  had  arisen 
between  the  Castilians  and  Aragonese  in  regard  to 
the  representation  of  the  Spanish  nation,  and  the 
union  of  the  former  to  the  council,  aided  them  in 
their  projects.  The  Cardinal  of  Cambray,  in  a  public 
discourse,  urged  that  immediate  steps  should  be  taken 
for  an  election.  lie  would  not  allow  any  measure  of 
reform  to  take  precedence  of  this.  But,  firm  as  the 
cardinals  might  be  in  their  purpose,  their  opponents 
were  not  less  decided.  The  contest  grew  more  and 
more  desperate.  Fierce  passions  were  excited.    Harsh 


284  LIFE   A:EiD    TEMES    OF   JOJI^   HUSS.  [Cn.  X. 

words  were  spoken.  At  a  congregation  lield  on  the 
IGtli  of  June,  there  seemed  no  possible  alternative 
but  the  dissolution  of  the  council.^  The  position  of 
the  Castilians  aggravated  matters.  They  were  secretly 
in  favor  of  Benedict,  or  apprehensive  at  least  of  the 
result,  if  another  pope  was  not  soon  elected.  They 
refused  to  unite  with  the  council — though  they  had 
already  been  long  at  Constance — till  some  order 
should  be  taken  on  the  subject.  It  was  not  without 
the  greatest  difficulty  that  their  resolution  was  over- 
come, and  the  storm  weathered  for  the  present. 

It  was,  however,  soon  seen  to  which  side  the  scale 
must  eventually  incline.  The  Italian,  Spanish,  and 
French  nations  sided  already  with  the  cardinals. 
The  Enoflish  and  German  nations  were  in  the  mi- 
nority,  and  only  sustained  their  position  by  the  aid 
of  the  emperor.  Against  Sigismund,  therefore,  the 
measures  of  the  cardinals,  and  three  tiations,  were 
now  directed.  "  Had  he,"  they  asked,  "  any  right  to 
mix  himself  up  in  ecclesiastical  matters  ? "  While 
he  favored  them,  the  strength  of  the  imperial  arm 
was  a  welcome  ally.  Now  that  he  opposed  their 
measures,  he  must  be  rebuked  and  kept  within  his 
own  sphere.^ 

It  was  in  these  circumstances,  and  after  vainly 
seeking  a  decree  of  the  council  prescribing  the  man- 
ner of  a  new  election,  that  the  cardinals  adopted  a 
line  of  policy  which  did  much  to  promote  their 
plans.  They  petitioned  the  emperor  to  appoint  a 
season  of  public  devotion,  to  obtain  from  Pleaven  an 
election  favorable  to  the  welfare  of  the  church.    Sigis- 

'  Von  der  Hardt,  iv,  1435.  *  L'Enfant,  Ho. 


Cu.  X.]  SIGISMUND  FOILED  IN  HIS  PURPOSE.  285 

mund  could  scarcely  refuse  the  request.  He  ordered 
their  devotions  to  be  publicly  announced  for  a  day 
of  the  following  week.  Why  did  he  not  order,  first 
of  all,  prayers  for  reform  ?  It  was  a  sad  mistake,  as 
he  found  at  last.  Popular  feeling  was  now  changing 
in  favor  of  the  cardinals.  Sigisniund  had  virtually 
signed  the  death  warrant  of  his  most  cherished  pur- 
pose. The  question  of  all  questions,  which  Germany 
demanded  should  be  met — which  she  redemanded 
in  more  imperative  tones  a  century  later,  and  before 
which  cardinals  and  prelates  turned  pale  and  trem- 
bled— was  put  by  for  the  time,  and,  to  all  practical 
purposes  so  far  as  this  council  was  concerned,  finally. 

During  all  this  time  the  case  of  the  Bohemians, 
though  overshadowed  by  matters  of  more  pressing 
importance,  had  not  been  altogether  overlooked. 
New  commissioners  to  attend  to  their  case  were  ap- 
pointed to  replace  such  as  had  not  been  able  to  serve. 
But  there  was  no  danger  of  their  being  overbur- 
dened with  business.  None  appeared  before  them 
in  answer  to  the  citation  of  the  council.  Huss  and 
Jerome  had  at  Prague  a  greater  power  than  ever. 
Living,  they  were  but  men.  The  council  had  I'ashly 
promoted  them  to  that  of  martyrs.  They  had  can- 
onized them  as  unhesitatingly  as  John  XXIII.  did 
the  Swedish  Bridget,  and,  although  against  their  in- 
tentions, far  more  effectually  in  the  esteem  of  the 
Bohemian  nation.  Bespect  for  the  memory  of  these 
martyrs,  and  indignation  at  the  injustice  that  doomed 
them  to  the  stake,  blazed  up  out  of  the  smouldering 
grief  of  their  recent  loss  into  flames  of  fierce  defiance. 

At   this  moment,  when   the   national   spirit  was 


286  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  X. 

roused  to  desperation,  when  tlie  passions  of  men 
were  in  a  ferment,  when  the  violence  of  antagonistic 
parties  and  opinions  demanded  a  sharp  eye  and  a 
strong  arm  to  control  them,  Bohemia  found  itself 
practically  without  a  ruler.  The  drunken  wretch 
who  occupied  the  throne  was  the  laughing-stock  of 
the  world,  and  a  disgrace  to  the  nation  over  whom 
he  pretended  to  reign.  None  feared  him  as  a  king. 
None  respected  him  as  a  man.  Nothing  could  show 
this  better  than  the  manner  in  Avhich  the  question 
of  deposing  him  was  discussed.  Nicholas  of  Hussi- 
nitz,  the  friend  and  patron  of  Huss,  was  the  princi- 
pal leader  of  the  Hussite  party.  By  his  position  as 
well  as  by  his  ability — for  he  was  one  of  the  most 
powerful  of  the  Bohemian  barons — he  commanded 
great  influence.  But  his  course  had  excited  the  ap- 
prehensions of  the  dissolute  monarch.  Wenzel  sus- 
pected him  of  aspiring  to  the  throne,  and  banished 
him  from  Prague.  He  withdrew  to  his  own  district, 
where  his  authority  was  great,  and  gathered  around 
him  a  powerful  army  of  near  forty  thousand  men. 
To  these,  animated  with  the  enthusiasm  of  their  new 
faith,  and  terrible  in  the  desperateness  of  their  re- 
solves to  avenge  their  wrongs,  or  at  least  to  maintain 
what  they  regarded  as  their  rights,  he  proposed  the 
election  of  a  new  king  who  should  be  of  their  own 
belief^  Whether  Nicholas  himself  aspired  to  the 
post  is  not  entirely  clear,  but  his  proposition  was 
subsequently  rejected  on  the  ground  that  they  had 
now  a  king  who  answered  their  purpose  well  enough. 
The  priest  Coranda,  who  was  a  popular  and  power- 

'  See  L'Enfant,  Guerre  des  Hussites,  i,  88. 


Cn.  X.]  VIOLENT    PROCEEDINGS.  287 

ful  speaker  among  the  Hussites,  maintained  before 
the  armed  assembly,  that  the  spectre  of  a  king  now 
occupying  the  throne — though  a  mere  mockery  of 
royalty — was  far  better  for  them  than  one  who,  in 
bearing  their  name,  would  only  produce  division  in 
the  nation,  or  excite  prejudice  against  their  cause. 
Never  would  AYenzel  be  any  thing  but  a  tool ;  and 
when  so  ready  at  hand,  why  not  use  him  ? 

Into  such  contempt  had  the  royal  authority  fiillen. 
There  was  no  government,  except  the  self-restraint 
of  infuriated  parties.  The  Hussites  were  stung  to 
vengeance  by  the  mad  and  imbecile  bigotry  of  the 
council,  who  had  given  back  wrong  and  outrage  in 
answer  to  their  demand  for  truth  and  justice.  But  if 
they  had  asked  for  an  egg  and  had  received  a  scor- 
pion, they  were  not  like  to  forget  the  gift  or  its 
sting,  any  more  than  the  giver.  The  apologists  of 
the  council  at  Prague  represented  to  them  the  coun- 
cil itself,  and  thus  volunteered  to  make  themselves 
objects  of  a  vengeance  not  always  restrained  within 
the  limits  of  the  law.  The  absence  of  a  real  execu- 
tive power  gave  the  country  over  into  the  hands  of 
the  Hussites.  Many  of  their  leaders  were  men  of 
strong  passions,  and  more  impelled  by  party  zeal  than 
the  spirit  of  him  they  reverenced  as  a  martyr.  Some 
joined  them  more  for  their  own  selfish  advancement 
than  from  notions  of  sincere  anxiety  for  the  public 
cause. 

In  these  circumstances,  scenes  of  violence  were 
almost  a  necessary  result.  Deeds  were  committed, 
which  the  great  majority  could  only  view  with  ill- 
dissembled  regret.   Some  of  the  priests,  who  adhered 


288  LIFE   AND   TlilES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cn.  X. 

to  the  council,  and  who  refused  to  regard  the  edict 
which  allowed,  or  perhaps  was  construed  to  require, 
the  administration  of  the  cup,  were  driven  from  their 
parishes.  Churches  were  pillaged.  Monasteries  were 
plundered  and  burned.  The  stern  spirit  of  John 
Knox  miixht  have  smiled  to  see  the  rookeries  torn 
down,  but  Huss  himself  could  never  have  approved 
the  violence  which  the  vengeance  of  the  council  had 
provoked.  And  yet  the  war-cry  was  in  his  name. 
Yive  WicMiffe  et  Huss  was  answered  feebly  by  the 
party  cry,  Vive  le  Pa^e. 

The  withdrawal  of  Zisca  and  Nicholas  de  Hussi- 
nitz  to  their  estates,  was  for  Wenzel  a  fatal  policy. 
Zisca  was  already  the  hero  of  many  a  hard-fought 
field.  His  name  alone  was  a  tower  of  strength. 
While  Nicholas  de  Hussinitz  was  gathering  his  thou- 
sands on  Mount  Tabor — as  a  scriptural  enthusiasm 
had  named  the  height  he  had  selected  for  his  for- 
tress^— Zisca  was  not  less  successful  in  gathering 
around  him  bold  and  daring  spirits  kindred  to  his 
own.  Resistance  was  completely  overawed.  The 
communion  under  both  kinds  became  the  common 
practice  throughout  Bohemia.  The  violent  oppo- 
sition of  the  clergy  and  the  anathemas  of  the  council 
were  laughed  to  scorn. 

The  University  of  Prague,  already  almost  to  a 
man  on  the  side  of  Huss,  could  hesitate  no  longer  in 
its  choice  of  parties.  Like  the  universities  of  Eng- 
land in  the  time  of  Cromwell,  it  allowed  itself  to  be 
swept  along  in  the  popular  current.     On  the  tonth 

'  Some  derive  the  name  from  Tha-    making  Tabor  signify  merely  an  en- 
bor  —  in   Bohemian,  a   camp  —  thus     campraent. 


Cn.X.]  DECISION   OF   THE    UNIVERSITY.  289 

of  Marcli,  (1417,)  it  issued  a  public  declaration  in 
lavor  of  the  communion  of  the  cup.^  Jolm  Cardi- 
nal, now  rector,  who  had  shown  himself  the  secret 
friend  of  IIuss  at  Constance,  was  employed  to  draw 
it  up.  The  university  fii*st  of  all  protests,  that  it 
does  not  presume  to  introduce  any  novelty  of  custom 
or  doctrine  in  opposition  to  the  Catholic,  Apostolic, 
and  Roman  church.  Its  only  aim  is  to  enlighten 
the  faithful  upon  the  subject  of  the  eucharist.  It 
then  expresses  its  greater  readiness  to  decide  in  fiivor 
of  the  communion  under  both  kinds,  as  the  council 
of  Constance  had  itself  already  declared  that  Chi-Lst 
had  so  appointed  in  his  institution  of  the  ordinance 
of  the  Holy  Supper,  and  for  many  centuries  the 
church  had  practised  its  observance. 

The  university  then  exhorts  all  the  ftiithful  to 
maintain  with  religious  fidelity  the  institution  of  our 
Saviour,  notwithstanding  opposing  customs  and  con- 
stitutions, however  venerable.  Whether  Christ  en- 
tire was  present  in  each  kind,  as  the  council  main- 
tained, the  university  does  not  decide.  This  is 
spoken  of  merely  as  a  tradition  which  may  or  may 
not  be  true.  And  yet  the  language  of  the  univer- 
eity  is  by  no  means  hai-sh  toward  its  opponents.  It 
urges  indulgence  in  behalf  of  such  as  through  past 
observances,  or  ignorance  and  simplicity,  had  never 
adopted  their  own  opinion  in  regard  to  the  cup. 

There  is  reason  to  believe  that  many  took  this  oc- 
casion to  change  their  2:)osition  on  the  great  question 
before  the  nation — some  through  policy  doulitle,ss, 
others   through   conviction.      Peter  of  Umetzow,  a 

'  Mod.  Hub.,  ii.  364, 
VOL.  II.  19 


290  LIFE   AXD    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Ch.  X 

tlieological  professor,  wlio  had  been  one  of  tlie  most 
determined  opponents  of  Huss  and  liis  doctrines,  in 
a  full  meeting  of  the  university  publicly  avowed  the 
change  that  had  taken  place  in  his  views. -^  He 
asked  pardon  of  God  and  the  king  for  having  perse- 
cuted so  holy  a  man  and  so  orthodox  a  teacher  as 
John  Huss.  He  declared  that,  rejecting  the  decision 
of  the  council  of  Constance,  he  could  hold  no  other 
view  in  regard  to  the  use  of  the  cup  than  the  one 
which  the  university  had  approved. 

"Wenzel,  at  this  period,  had  himself  withdrawn 
from  Prague.  The  absence  of  the  principal  Hussite 
nobles  did  not  reassure  him.  Either  they  might 
return,  or  others  might  visit  him  with  complaints 
that  would  sadly  disturb  his  easy  and  drunken  indo- 
lence. He  had  taken  refuo-e  in  a  fortress  called  Tos- 
senicz,  where  he  refused  to  see  any  one.  On  one 
occasion,  the  Bohemian  nobility,  in  large  numbers, 
went  to  visit  him ;  but  he  saw  them  coming,  redoub- 
led his  guards,  and  refused  them  admittance.  They 
consulted  together,  and  resolved  to  send  a  deputation 
who  might  be  more  readily  received.  Two  of  their 
number,  venerable  with  their  grey  hair  and  long 
beards,  were  sent  to  demand  audience.  Their  request 
was  granted,  but  they  were  directed  to  go  to  another 
fortress,  where  the  king  promised  to  meet  them.  He 
kept  his  word,  and  treated  them  to  a  magnificent  en- 
tertainment. After  the  repast  was  finished,  one  of 
the  nobility  addressed  th.e  king:  "Sire,"  said  he,  "the 
lords  and  all  the  nobility  of  the  Bohemian  nation 
most  humbly  ask  to  be  informed  why  you  do  not, 

'  Mon.  Hus.,  ii.  365 


Ch.  X.]         wenzel's  eeply  to  the  nobles.  291 

like  tlie  king  your '  fatlier,  of  blessed  memory,  and 
like  previous  kings  of  Bohemia,  reside  at  Prague,  the 
capital  of  your  kingdom,  to  the  welfare  and  peace 
of  your  subjects.  They  are  surprised  at  the  indiffer- 
ence shown  by  your  majesty,  while  the  kingdom  is 
exposed  to  violence  and  desolated  by  plunderers. 
They  therefore  pray  you  to  return  to  Prague,  promis- 
ing you  all  fidelity  and  affection." 

The  king,  who  knew  how  to  use  plain  language, 
and  who  had  no  pride  to  be  wounded  by  a  frank 
confession,  replied  in  this  manner :  "  My  dear  Wil- 
liam"— William  of  Rosenberg  was  the  one  who  had 
addressed  him — "you  say  that  the  grandees  of  Bo- 
hemia are  surprised,  that  instead  of  remaining  at 
Prague  I  keep  myself  here  among  these  rocks ;  but 
you  must  know  that  I  am  afraid  of  Spinca.^  You 
must  not  think  it  strange  that  I  keep  away  ft'om  you, 
when  I  could  not  be  even  safe,  either  in  the  monas- 
tery of  Konigsaal,  near  Beraun,  nor  in  the  royal 
palace.  I  find  myself  much  more  comfortably  situ- 
ated here  in  Ziebrak,  than  I  could  be  in  the  tower 
of  Vienna." " 

The  nobility  at  once  pledged  their  honor  to  Wen- 
zel  for  his  security,  if  he  would  return.  At  last  he 
yielded,  and  took  up  his  residence  once  more  in  the 
royal  palace.  But  a  few  days  after,  the  magistrates 
of  the  city,  accompanied  by  nobles  and  barons,  vis- 
ited him  with  the  request  that  certain  churches 
might  be  allowed  them  in  which  to  worship  after 
their  own  manner,  and  celebrate  the  Holy  Supper 

'  The  name  of  a  prison  for  criminals,  at  Prague,  where  he  had  been  shut 
up  for  a  year.  '  Mon.  Hus.,  ii.  359. 


292  LIFE   AND   TEMES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.  [Ch.  X 

according  to  Christ's  institution.  The  request  was 
granted,  and  from  this  time  the  memory  of  Huss 
and  Jerome  was  celebrated  at  each  anniversary  of 
the  sixth  of  July. 

We  have  some  light  on  the  progress  of  the  refor- 
mation at  Prague,  in  a  sermon  preached  in  the  Beth- 
lehem chapel  at  some  time  during  this  month,  and, 
more  than  possibly,  on  this  very  day  (July  6).^  It 
is  introduced  by  no  Ave  Maria^  as  till  then  had  been 
the  uniform  practice,  adopted  usually  even  by  Huss. 
The  preacher  invokes  only  the  aid  of  Jesus  Christ. 
Scriptural  simplicity  and  usage  were  evidently  gain- 
ing ground  in  other  things  than  the  use  of  the  cup. 
The  preacher  fitly  takes  occasion  to  speak  of  the 
"  blessedness  of  those  who  are  persecuted  for  right- 
eousness' sake."  He  dwells  upon  the  character  of 
Huss,  confidently  appealing  to  the  assembly  for  the 
truth  of  what  he  uttered.  He  sets  forth  in  lansruao^e 
of  eulogy — yet  not  extravagant — the  holiness  and 
purity  of  his  life.  "God  gave  him,"  he  adds,  "a 
tongue  discreet  to  speak,  or  to  be  silent.  Like  a 
second  Elias,  his  zeal  was  inflamed  against  Antichrist, 
and  a  simoniacal  clergy.  His  life  was  spent  in  preach- 
ing or  writing,  hearing  confessions,  converting  sinners, 
consoling  the  afflicted.  He  was  chaste,  grave,  God- 
fearing, without  avarice,  envy,  pride,  or  hypocrisy; 
listening  with  equal  readiness  to  rich  and  poor,  and 
giving  counsel  to  one  and  aid  to  the  other.  After 
enduring  protracted  persecution  in  Bohemia,  he  was 
kejDt  near  six  months  in  harsh  imprisonment  at  Con- 
stance, where  he  suffered  hunger,  thirst,  and  innu- 

»  Mon.  Hus.,  ii.  358. 


Cn.  X.]  ROSENBERG   AND    HIS   VASSALS.  203 

merable  vexations  from  Lis  enemies,  beside  all  the 
sickness  and  disease  produced  by  his  harsh  treatment. 
At  last,  regardless  of  his  replies,  he  was  condemned, 
degraded  from  the  priesthood,  given  over  to  the 
secular  arm,  on  the  testimony  of  his  enemies  and  false 
extracts  from  his  works.  As  his  life  ended  so  piously 
— while  he  besought  God  for  pardon,  and  prayed  for 
his  enemies — we  are  constrained  to  believe  that  his 
spirit,  like  that  of  Elias,  mounted  to  heaven  in  a 
chariot  of  fire,  to  be  received  into  the  company  of  the 
angels." 

The  preacher  passes  hastily  over  Jerome,  briefly 
reciting  the  main  facts  of  his  trial,  imprisonment,  and 
execution.  He  speaks,  however,  of  five  other  mar- 
tyi-s  to  the  same  cause  who  had  suffered  death. 
Three  of  these  were  those  who  had  been  decapitated 
at  Prague:  two  had  been  burned  at  Olmutz.  He 
urges  his  hearers  to  imitate  the  patience  and  un- 
worldliness  of  these  men,  and  do  it  in  hope  to  attain 
like  them  to  a  martyr's  crown. 

It  is  easy  to  see  in  what  light  the  Hussites  regarded 
their  fallen  leaders.  They  did  not  bestow  upon  them 
the  honors  that  Rome  paid  to  her  saints.  They  did 
not  pray  in  their  name.  They  cherished  (^pie  credi- 
nius)  the  fond  hope  of  their  salvation. 

We  have  seen  that  William  of  Rosenberg  was 
spokesman  for  the  Bohemian  nobility  in  addressing 
the  king  at  Ziebrak.  He,  with  all  his  vassals,  joined 
during  this  year  the  party  of  reform.  If  the  method 
of  conversion  which  he  adopted  was  not  unexcep- 
tionable, it  was  at  least  decisive.  All  the  clergy 
belonging  to  his  dependence  were  assembled  in  one 


294  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  X 

of  his  cities,  and  summoned  to  the  church.  A  dea- 
con, John  Biscupec,  (or  the  little  bishop,  as  he  was 
called,  and  whom  we  meet  again  at  the  council  of 
Basle,)  mounted  the  pulpit  from  which  it  liad  been  the 
custom  to  exhibit  the  sacred  relics,  and  addressed  the 
assembly.  "The  Lords  of  Rosenberg  will  and  ordain," 
said  he,  "that  all  pastors  in  their  jurisdiction  adopt 
the  communion  of  the  cup,  and  teach  and  practice 
all  that  John  Huss  preached  against  the  pope.  Such 
as  refuse  to  obey,  will  be  driven  from  their  churches 
after  the  space  of  six  weeks."  The  announcement 
was  listened  to  in  silence,  and  silence  was  favorably 
construed.  Invited  to  a  great  dinner,  the  priests 
were  asked  to  explain  their  views.  They  demanded 
a  month  to  deliberate.  The  result  was,  that  from 
two  priests  only  were  their  parishes  taken  and  given 
to  the  Hussites.  Undoubtedly  numerous  instances 
of  a  similar  kind  must  have  occurred,  where  the  favor- 
ite arguments  of  the  papal  party  were  retorted  upon 
themselves,  and  force  was  substituted  for  rejison. 
Such  a  result  was  almost  inevitable.  The  rights  of 
the  individual  conscience  were  too  little  understood 
even  by  the  Hussites.  But,  as  if  to  show  the  vanity 
and  fruitlessness  of  such  methods  of  convei'sion,  we 
find  the  Lord  of  Bosenbei-g  himself,  a  few  months 
later,  returning  to  the  imperio-papal  party  with  as 
little  scruple  as  he  now  abandoned  it.  Doubtless 
his  vassal  priests — with  the  exception  of  Biscupec — ■ 
proved  as  pliant  then  as  they  were  now.  Yet  the 
adherence  to  the  Hussites  at  the  present  juncture,  of 
such  a  man  as  the  Lord  of  Rosenberg,  was  significant 
of  the  strong  current  of  national  feeliug.     Each  day 


Cn.  X.]  THE    COUNCIL   IN   SELF-DEFENCE.  295 

what  the  council  accounted  heresy  was  growing 
stronger  in  Bohemia. 

Amoiio^  the  measures  which  the  council  found  it 
necessary  to  adopt,  were  some  in  its  own  defence. 
Europe,  notwithstanding  all  that  Sigismund  had 
accomplished,  was  yet  in  a  most  lamentable  condi- 
tion of  civil  anarchy.  Scenes  of  violence,  revolu- 
tion, revolt,  and  conflict  were  of  daily  occurrence. 
Cities  were  at  war  with  their  bishops  or  feudal  lords. 
Princes  seized  the  occasion  to  plunder  one  another 
of  exposed  provinces.  Armed  banditti,  sometimes 
with  strong  fortresses  as  places  of  refuge,  infested 
the  ti'avelled  routes,  and,  reckless  alike  of  law  and 
justice,  plundered  the  unarmed  and  defenceless. 
Membei*s  of  the  council,  coming  to  Constance  or 
returning  to  their  homes,  were  arrested  and  impris- 
oned till  ransom  was  exacted. 

The  emperor,  with  the  princes  and  lords  present 
at  Constance,  held  frequent  consultations  with  a  view 
to  restrain  and  correct  the  prevalent  disordei's.  Much 
was  indeed  effected  toward  restorins:  the  amicable 
relations  of  cities  and  provinces,  but  the  council 
found  itself  constrained  to  exercise  also  its  authority. 
Such  as  interfered  with  the  liberty  of  its  members, 
in  coming  or  returning,  were  threatened  with  excom- 
munication. Yet  instances  of  violent  arrest  were 
repeatedly  occuri'ing,  and  had  to  be  met  as  they 
arose. 

But  the  enemies  from  whom  the  council  had  most 
to  fear,  were  not  the  banditti,  or  the  temporal  lords. 
Its  weakness  was  in  itself — in  its  own  corruption. 
Its  own  acts  had  stripped  it  of  its  true  defence,  and 


296  LIFE   A]S^D    TlilES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  X. 

exposed  it  to  the  sliaffcs  of  opprobrium  and  ridicule. 
It  liad  made  itself  a  subject  for  satire,  and  satires 
were  not  wanting.  The  conduct  of  the  council  and 
the  condition  of  the  church  were  freely  exposed  in 
anonymous  writings  extensively  circulated,  and  which 
the  council  chose  to  regard  as  libels.  The  evident 
disinclination  of  the  majority  of  the  body  to  engage 
in  measures  of  reform,  provoked  the  indignation  of 
many,  who  found  at  last  that  they  had  built  their 
hopes  upon  the  sand.  This  indignation  found  vent 
in  writings  which  a  decree  of  the  council  stamped 
as  defamatory.  One  of  these  was  torn  up  unread, 
at  the  time  of  the  reading  of  the  decree.  We  can- 
not fully  determine  what  were  its  contents,  but  it  is 
not  improbable  that  it  was  a  paper  drawn  up  under 
the  guise  of  a  petition  addressed  to  the  emj)eror  in 
behalf  of  reform,  and  which  has  been  preserved  in 
the  pages  of  Van  der  Hardt.  Its  irony  is  keen  and 
bitter.  Its  exposure  of  the  abuses  and  corruptions  of 
the  church  is  unsparing,  yet  fully  warranted  by  the  tes- 
timony of  many,  themselves  membei's  of  the  council. 
"Most  serene  prince," — so  it  commences, —  "to 
secure  the  welfare  of  the  commonwealth,  each  faith- 
ful and  honest  man  should  put  forth  his  exertions  : 

For  I,  Henry  Move-About,  * 

Bishop  of  no  diocese, 

Vagrant  of  vagrants, 
Although  least  among  the  other  servants  of  our  congregation, 
Deputed  for  this  purpose,  legate  or  special  messenger. 
Sent  into  the  whole  world,  to  observe  all  things, 
Coming  to  visit  the  portals  of  Saints  Peter  and  Paul, 

*  Ego  enim  Hcnricus  mobilis,  The  last  line  intended  to  parody  the 

Episcopus  nullius  dioceseos,  assumed  title  of  the  pope,  servus  ser- 

Vagorum   vagus  —  vorum. 


Cn.  X.]  SATIRE  ON   STATE   OF   THE   CnURCH.  297 

saw  tliere  such  things  as  it  is  indecent  for  a  man  to 
speak,  and  specially  the  truth  of  that — Duini  caput 
aegrotat  ccetera  membra  dolent.  ^  For  I  saw  there  a 
crowd  which  no  man  could  numlDcr,  and,  among  the 
rest,  the  very  head  of  holy  mother  church,  diseased 
in  all  her  membei-s,  even  to  the  sole  of  the  foot ;  for 
the  whole  head  was  sick." 

The  writer  then  ingeniously  canies  out  this  scrip- 
tural figure  in  its  aj^plication.  Various  complicated 
diseases  had  seized  upon  the  body  and  aifected  the 
brain.  The  fever  of  schism,  the  morbid  appetite  of 
simony,  the  threatened  apoplexy  from  accumulating 
the  life-blood  of  the  church  on  an  oppressed  brain, 
the  corruption  of  the  entire  body,  represented  by 
cardinals,  patriarchs,  prelates,  etc.,  who  were  its  in- 
ternal organs,  yet  all  diseased,  are  vividly  and  forci- 
bly presented.  The  gross  corruptions  of  the  court 
of  Rome  are  portrayed  in  such  a  manner  as  still 
further  to  caiTy  out  the  figure.  The  abuses  to  be 
connected,  are  classified  by  their  reference  to  the 
diifereut  parts  of  the  body.  The  writer  gives  a 
sketch  of  what  he  observed  at  Rome — "  the  arch- 
bishoj)s  and  bishops,  disorderly  in  life,  setting  no 
good  example — promoting  the  least  worthy — mak- 
ing their  relatives  bishops — ^performing  no  spiritual 
duties  canonically  —  walking  as  proud  worldlings. 
"  O  holy  church,  how  wilt  thou  sink  away  in  decline  ! 
I  saw  princes  and  laymen  assuming  the  care  of 
souls — religions  pei^sons  deserting  their  regular  life 
— the  physicians  themselves  destroying  and  putting 
to  death — Benedictines  adhering  to  worldly  things, 

'  When  the  head  is  sick,  the  other  members  suffer. 


298  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.  [Cu.  X 

lurking  about  at  taverns,  plays,  illegal  shows,  in 
slovenly  habit  —  professors  of  canon  law  unjustly 
holding  a  plurality  of  benefices,  without  charity, 
thanksgiving,  or  devotion." 

After  an  extended  picture  of  the  prevalent  cor- 
ruption, the  writer  addresses  the  emperor.  "  Now 
then  it  belongs  to  thee  to  assemble  Hippocrates, 
Avicenna,  Galen,  and  the  doctors  of  every  healing 
art,  that  they  may  give  energy  to  the  exhausted, 
heal  the  sick,  and  prescribe  effectual  remedies.  And 
direct  them  to  make  ointments  to  cure  the  head, 
pills  that  may  serve  to  regulate  the  system,  clysters 
that  may  be  applied.  Invincible  king,  summon  with 
thy  holy  and  sacred  council  now  at  Constance,  the 
physicians  themselves  of  the  world,  but  only  the 
just  and  holy  lights  of  the  sacred  council,  fearing 
God,  and  heal  and  cause  to  be  healed  the  aforesaid 
sick  one,  not  only  through  the  whole  head,  but  in 
hands  and  feet  which  are  full  of  ulcers,  and  send  the 
dogs  to  lick  the  sores." 

"I  came  into  the  world  to  look  after  that  which 
holy  mother  church  long  had  lost ;  I  found  it  not, 
but  rather  all  kinds  of  iniquity."  He  then  exhorts 
the  emperor  to  contend  against  the  evil,  and  merit 
thereby  eternal  praise.  For  himself  the  wi-iter  ex- 
presses his  freedom  fi'om  all  apprehension  as  to  being 
questioned,  "Friend,  how  camest  thou  in  hither?" 
althoucrh  he  confesses  that  he  had  not  on  the  wed- 

o 

ding  garment. 

Each  passing  day  gave  new  force  and  appropriate- 
ness to  the  language  of  this  strange  petition.  The 
hopes  of  speedy  and  prompt  reform  were  fast  dying 


Cn.  X.]  THE    FLAGELLANTS.  299 

out.  The  emperor's  purpose,  in  spite  of  all  his  au- 
thority and  his  influence  over  the  council,  was  des- 
tined to  defeat,  while  the  latter  thereby  was  aggra- 
vating its  own  infamy.  It  was  policy  therefore  to 
shut  the  mouths  and  stop  the  pens  of  those  who  as- 
sumed to  judge  its  infallibility.  This  was  attempted  ; 
but  if  men  wrote  with  more  caution,  they  were  not 
disposed  to  think  the  leas  boldly.  The  Hussites  had 
really  allies  in  the  council  itself,  who  spoke  their 
sentiments  w4th  a  foi'ce  and  precision  which,  in 
many  respects,  could  not  have  been  exceeded  at 
Pi'ague. 

During  the  summer  of  this  year,  the  attention  of 
the  council  had  been  drawn  to  the  sect  of  the  Flaofel- 
lants,  or  Brothers  of  the  Cross.  The  French  Abb^ 
de  Boileau,^  has  attempted  to  trace  their  history. 
He  ascribes  their  origin  to  Peter  Damien,  an  Italian 
ecclesiastic  of  the  eleventh  century ;  but  it  is  easy  to 
see  that  the  germ  of  the  sect  was  planted  in  that 
principle  so  long  at  work  in  the  church  of  the  early 
centuries,  which  approved  the  self-imposed  austerities 
and  mollifications  of  the  body,  in  order  to  promote 
the  welfare  of  the  soul.  The  views  of  the  abbe  are 
altogether  too  scriptural  to  accord  fully  with  that 
monkish  superstition  in  which  the  sect  found  full 
patronage  for  many  of  its  excesses. 

It  was  not,  however,  till  about  the  year  1260,  that 
the  Flagellants  began  to  attract  much  attention. 
Italy  at  that  period  presented  a  sad  picture  of  com- 
mingled vice,  crime,  and  superstition.*^  It  was  thei-e 
that  the  sect  firet  sprang  up,  spreading  from  city  to 

'  Boileau,  Ilis.  des  Flag.  '  Justin  of  Padua,  as  quoted  by  Boileau. 


300  LIFE    AND   TIJIES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cu.  X. 

city,  and  province  to  province.  The  general  belief 
that  the  end  of  the  world  was  approaching,  excited 
and  sustained  their  enthusiasm.  The  apprehension 
of  the  approaching  advent  of  the  Saviour,  and  of  the 
final  judgment,  took  so  strong  a  hold  upon  the  minds 
of  the  community,  that  nobles  and  peasants,  the  aged 
and  young,  were  affected  by  it.  They  formed  them- 
selves into  processions,  marching  two  by  two  through 
the  streets,  exposing  their  naked  limbs  and  almost 
naked  bodies  to  the  blows  of  the  lash  which  each 
bore  with  him,  and  employed  to  lacerate  his  own 
flesh.  All  were  deeply  affected  by  the  general  con- 
viction that  their  sin  must  be  expiated  by  self-in* 
flicted  torture.  Their  appearance  was  at  once  pitia- 
ble and  affecting.  AVith  groans  and  tears  and  un- 
dissembled  grief,  they  endured  the  suffering  admin- 
istered by  their  own  hands,  till  the  blood  flowed  in 
streams  from  their  bodies. 

Yet  it  was  their  spiritual  condition,  and  not  their 
bodily  sufferings,  which  occupied  their  thoughts. 
They  cried  aloud  to  God  for  mercy,  and  prayed  for 
his  pardon  and  grace.  It  was  not  enough  that  these 
practises  were  followed  by  day.  By  night  also,  in 
the  cold  of  winter  as  well  as  in  summer's  heat,  they 
continued  their  processions.  Priests  might  often  be 
seen  at  their  head,  bearing  with  them  crosses  and 
standards.  They  went  from  village  to  village,  and  from 
church  to  church,  bowing  down  before  the  altars  in 
deep  humility.  The  excitement  became  general — al- 
most universal.  A  great  change  was  wrought  in  the 
aspect  of  society.  Instruments  of  music  and  songs 
of  gladness  were  no  more  heard.     Penitential  moans, 


Ch.  X.]       SKETCH  OF  THE  FLAGELLANTS.        301 

and  cries  of  grief  and  self-accusation,  took  their  place. 
Nor  was  the  change  merely  external.  It  affected 
the  convictions  and  conduct  of  men.  Enemies  were 
reconciled.  Usurers  and  extortioners  restored  what 
had  been  unjustly  acquired.  Criminals  confessed  their 
guilty  deeds,  and  gave  evidence  of  reform.  Pris- 
oners were  enlarged,  slaves  were  set  at  liberty,  exiles 
were  recalled.  Deeds  of  charity  and  kindness  were 
performed,  while  the  fear  of  some  near  approaching 
and  terrible  judgment  awed  all  spirits.  Men  were 
astonished  at  the  strange  phenomenon.  Philoso- 
phei-s  could  not  explain  it.  The  pope  had  not  au- 
thorized it.  It  had  not  been  excited  by  the  eloquence 
of  popular  orators.  It  had  no  acknowledged  leader. 
Shut  out  from  other  countries,  it  was  for  a  Ions:  time 
mostly  confined  to  Italy,  and  after  a  short  time  its 
fanatical  zeal  appeared  to  be  on  the  decline. 

But  the  scenes  of  the  pestilence,  about  the  middle 
of  the  fourteenth  century,  seemed  to  kindle  it  anew. 
It  crossed  the  Alps,  and  appeared  in  Germany  with 
renewed  vigor.  Two  hundred  of  the  sect  visited 
Sj^ires,  where  their  evident  devotion  secured  them  a 
welcome  entertainment.  At  Strasbourg  and  Aix  la 
Chapelle  their  appearance  is  recorded.  But,  with 
the  progress  of  things,  corruptions  had  begun  to 
spread  among  them.  They  were  joined  by  hypo- 
crites and  knaves,  who  would  cloak  their  deeds  under 
the  mantle  of  the  Flagellants.  The  most  grievous 
charges  were  made  against  them.  It  was  said  that 
they  accounted  it  no  sin  to  lie ;  that  they  indulged 
in  acts  of  grossest  vice  and  crime.  The  tide  now 
turned  against  them.     Popes  fulminated  bulls,  and 


302  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cn.  X. 

the  emperor  published  edicts  denouncing  the  sect. 
They  were  driven  out  of  Bohemia,  Bavaria,  and 
Poland,  and  the  University  of  Paris  urged,  and  not 
without  effect,  that  they  should  not  be  tolerated  in 
France.  But  in  vain  were  they  persecuted.  Their 
numbers  continued  to  increase.  The  Inquisition  was 
glutted  with  victims ;  and  in  the  very  year  when  the 
council  of  Constance  was  opened,  many  were  burnt 
at  Sangerhausen  by  the  authority  of  the  Inquisitor 
of  the  Faith. 

Undoubtedly  they  had  by  this  time  become,  many 
of  them,  confirmed  fanatics.  Their  leader,  a  Conrad 
Smith,  is  said  to  have  pretended  to  be  the  prophet 
Enoch,  and  to  have  been  authoi-ized  by  God  to  jadge 
the  world.  He  is  reported  to  have  annulled  the 
sacraments,  and  to  have  put  the  self-inflicted  flagel- 
lation of  his  followers  in  their  place.  Some  of  the 
reputed  doctrines  of  the  sect  were  far  from  compli 
mentary  to  the  church.  They  maintained  that  God 
had  deposed  the  entire  clergy,  from  pope  to  monk, 
for  their  corruption,  as  Christ  of  old  drove  the  money- 
changers from  the  temple ;  that  since  their  own  in- 
stitution, churches,  cemeteries,  and  places  and  objects 
reputed  holy,  were  such  no  longer;  the  churches 
were  but  dens  of  robbers ;  holy  water  was  poisonous 
because  mingled  with  sparks  of  hell ;  and  the  oflSces 
of  tke  priests,  ministering  death  to  themselves  and 
others,  were  no  more  sacred  than  the  howling  of 
dogs.  Baptism  of  blood  had  taken  the  place  of 
baptism  by  water ;  confirmation  was  a  cheat  and  a 
mockery ;  the  real  presence  was  a  figment ;  the  sacra- 
ment of  the  altar,  a  mummery  of  the  priests;  and 


Cu.  X.]  VINCENT  FAVORS  THE  FLAGELLANTS.  303 

confession  to  a  priest,  useless  and  vain.  They  rejected 
the  doctrine  of  indulgences,  the  worsliip  of  the 
Vii'gin  and  the  saints,  fasts,  and  purgatoiy.  Some 
of  these  docti'ines,  however,  were  replaced,  according 
to  the  charges  of  their  enemies,  with  others  more 
excessively  ftinatical  and  extravagant. 

These  charges,  liowever,  evidently  were  applicable 
to  but  a  small  portion  of  the  sect.  But  what  to  do 
with  them  was  a  question  that  puzzled  the  wisdom 
of  the  council.  Severity  had  already  been  employed. 
The  arm  of  the  Inquisition  had  grown  weary  in  its 
work.  Kings  and  popes  had  attempted  to  crush 
them,  but  it  was  all  in  vain.  The  trampled  seed 
sprang  up  under  the  feet  that  bruised  its  shell  and 
pressed  it  to  the  earth.  Gerson  was  now  for  trying 
more  lenient  measures.  He  urged  this  policy  upon 
the  council.  They  should  pity  these  poor  misguided 
men.  Would  he  have  said  this,  if  the  wliole  sect 
had  been  represented  by  its  leader,  chained  fast,  as 
Huss  had  been,  in  a  Constance  dungeon  ?  It  seems 
doubtful.  But  one  thing  may  have  turned  the  scale. 
The  celebrated  Vincent  of  Ferrara  was  reported  to 
favor  the  sect  of  the  Flagellants.  We  have  no  reason 
to  believe  that  he  ever  joined  them,  but  they  at  least 
claimed  the  sanction  of  hi^  name.  Vincent  was  a 
man  not  to  be  lightly  dealt  with.  He  wielded  a 
power  over  the  masses  at  that  day,  unrivalled  by 
any  other  man  in  Europe.  With  all  the  peculiari- 
ties of  his  order, — the  Dominican, — that  still  clung 
to  him,  he  was  the  great  popular  preacher  of  his 
age.  He  was  the  John  the  Baptist  of  the  European 
wilderness.     It  would  not  do,  even  for  the  council,  to 


304  LLFE   AXD   TUIES    OF   JOHK   HUSS.  [Cn.  X. 

deal  harshly  with  such  a  man.  It  could  not  afford 
to  alienate  him.  It  would  only  condemn  itself  in 
arraigning  him.  Gerson  endeavored  to  draw  him  to 
Constance.  He  and  D'Ailly  both  wrote  to  him,  urg- 
ing him  to  come.  They  undoubtedly  believed  that 
if  he  were  once  with  them  they  could  bring  him 
over  to  their  views.  But  he  declined  their  overture. 
What  his  reasons  were  we  may  surmise.  He  deemed, 
undoubtedly,  that  his  presence  elsewhere  would  be 
more  useful,  and  Constance  evidently  had  no  attrac- 
tion for  one  whose  life  is  a  sort  of  oasis  in  the  cor- 
ruption of  his  age. 

But  would  Vincent  have  been  safe  at  Constance  ? 
If  the  question  of  the  Flagellants  had  come  before 
the  council,  and  he,  though  not  of  their  number,  had 
defended  their  conduct  in  many  things,  as  he  had 
enjoyed  a  full  opportunity  of  inspecting  it,  would  he 
have  left  Constance  as  he  entered  it — w4th  a  reputa- 
tion and  character  untarnished  ?  For  the  sake  of 
our  poor  w^eak  nature,  we  may  be  thankful  that  he 
was  spared  a  trial  that  might  not  have  spared  even 
him. 

Gerson's  treatise  on  the  sect  is,  on  the  whole,  a 
most  just  and  sensible  examination  of  the  case.  He 
condemns  the  immodesty  and  cruelty  which  it  occa- 
sioned, while  he  places  penitence  of  spirit  before  God 
far  above  all  self-imposed  austerities.  He  urges  upon 
those  who  belonged  to  it,  submission  to  the  council, 
and^^rescribes  as  a  remedy  for  the  mental  hallucina- 
tions of  the  Flagellants,  that  they  should  be  required 
to  labor,  instead  of  running  from  place  to  place. 

This  was  for  the  most  part  sound  and  sensible  ad- 


Cu.  X.]  BENEDICT   DEPOSED.  305 

vice,  aud  the  council  seems  to  Lave  acceded  to  its 
wisdom.  But  where  was  its  consistency  ?  If  the 
Hussites  were  heretics,  much  more  were  the  Flagel- 
lants. Why  should  Vincent  of  Ferrara  be  dealt  with 
so  gently,  while  Huss  and  Jerome  are  sent  to  the 
funeral  pile  ?  Let  the  assumed  infallibility  of  the 
council  answer. 

The  fiite  of  Benedict  XIII.  was  at  length  decided. 
Aftei*  all  necessary  formalities  of  process  and  cita- 
tion, he  vias  deposed  by  the  council,  in  its  thirty 
seventh  session,  held  July  26th,  1417.^  The  Cardi- 
nal of  St.  Mark  read  the  sentence.  It  declared  Ben- 
edict perjured,  a  scandal  to  the  Catholic  church,  a 
favorer  of  schism,  a  disturber  of  the  peace  and  union 
of  the  church,  an  obstinate  and  incorrigible  schis- 
matic, a  heretic  devoid  of  faith ;  in  a  word,  a  man 
reprobate  of  God,  and  unworthy  of  every  dignity, 
specially  of  the  pontifical.  As  such,  the  council  de- 
grades, deposes,  and  deprives  him,  and  forbids  any 
one  to  recognize  him  as  pope  under  the  severest  pen- 
alties. 

Thus  at  last  the  council  might  consider  the  unions 
of  the  church  restored.  After  nearly  thi-ee  years- 
of  study  and  effort,  the  work  seemed  accomplished. 
But  the  deposition  of  Benedict,  though  uniting  the 
church,  more  effectively  than  ever  divided  the  coun- 
cil. The  question  as  to  whether  measures  for  reform 
or  the  election  of  a  new  pontiff  should  be  allowed, 
pi'ecedence,  acquired  a  new  and  pressing  importance 
The  emperor  persisted  in  his  efforts  for  an  immediate 
reform.     The  cardinals  were  equally  determined  in 

'  Von  der  Hardt,  i v.  1374. 
VOL.  II.  20 


306    .  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  X. 

their  purpose  to  postpone  it.  The  month  of  August 
was  spent  in  intrigues  by  each  party  to  carry  its 
point.  The  Italians  sought  to  win  over  the  Gerraans, 
bat  these  still  stood  firm  by  the  emperor.  Some  of 
the  Italian  and  French  prelates  also  might  be  reck- 
oned— although  in  the  minority  of  their  nations — 
the  partisans  of  reform. 

The  sei'mons  that  were  preached  before  the  coun- 
cil became  pleas  in  behalf  of  the  one  or  the  other 
party.  Those  that  urged  the  importance  of  reform 
were  startling  in  their  exposures  of  corruption,  and 
terrible  in  their  invective.  One  preacher  declared — 
no  doubt  truly — "  that  almost  the  entire  clergy  were 
under  the  dominion  of  the  devil."  ^  He  represents 
the  council  as  an  assembly  of  Pharisees,  who  play 
the  game  of  religion  and  the  church,  under  the  mask 
of  devotion.  "In  the  world,  falsehood  is  king; 
among  the  clergy,  avarice  is  law.  In  the  prelates 
are  found  only  malice,  iniquity,  negligence,  ignorance, 
vanity,  pride,  avarice,  simony,  lust,  pomp,  hypocrisy. 
At  the  court  of  the  pope  there  is  no  holiness.  It  is 
a  diabolic  court."  Another  preacher  is  scarcely  less 
severe.  He  declares  that  the  clergy  spend  their 
money  on  buffoons,  dancing  girls,  dogs,  and  birds, 
rather  than  in  charity  to  the  pooi'.  They  frequent 
taverns  and  brothels,  and  go  from  their  concubines 
and  prostitutes  to  mass  without  any  scruple.  It  has 
passed,  he  says,  into  a  proverb,  that  "the  prelates 
have  as  many  mistresses  as  domestics."  The  convents 
are  not  spared.  "  It  is  a  shame,"  he  says  "  to  speak 
■of  what  is  done  in  them ;  more  a  shame  to  do  it.     In 

'  L'Enfant,  494. 


Cn.  X.]  ELECTIOIS-  URGED  BY  THE  CARDINALS.  30T 

all  these  abominations,  the  court  of  Rome  sets  the 
example,  even  in  the  place  where  it  is  assembled  for 
the  reformation  of  manners."  Other  preachers  spoke 
in  the  same  strain. 

But  the  partisans  of  a  new  election  had  their  ora- 
tors. The  Cardinal  of  Cambray  preached  before  the 
council.  He  did  not  attempt  to  controvert  the  state- 
ments that  had  already  been  made, — he  rather  con- 
firmed them, — but  urged  that  it  was  monstrous  to 
think  of  reforming  the  body  of  the  church  while  it 
was  without  a  head. 

The  English  nation  remained  as  yet  firmly  attached 
to  the  emperor's  project  of  giving  precedence  to  the 
matter  of  reform.  The  king  of  England  wrote  to 
his  bishops,  urging  unanimity  in  the  matter,  for  he 
had  heard  that  some  of  the  English  members  of  the 
council  were  inclining  to  the  side  of  the  cardinals. 
Such  persons  were  to  be  commanded  in  his  name  to 
desist  from  their  course,  and,  in  case  of  refusal,  were 
to  be  sent  back  to  England  to  answer  for  their  con- 
duct. 

The  cardinals,  however,  did  not  fail  to  urire  their 
favorite  project,  more  and  more  strenuously.  They 
presented  a  protest  (Aug.  4)  against  the  course  of 
their  opponents.  Nor  was  this  enough  ;  they  endeav- 
ored to  overwhelm  them,  or  at  least  weaken  their 
influence,  by  exciting  against  them  suspicion  of  her- 
esy. A  paper  was  adroitly  drawn  up  in  the  form  of 
queries,  suggesting  the  various  ways  in  which  they 
seemed  to  favor  the  opinions  of  Huss.  The  whole 
document  betrays  malice  and  impudence.  The  Eng- 
lish and  Germans  had  been  the  most  forward  in  con- 


808  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHISr    HUSS.  [Cu.  X. 

clemning,  or  securing  the  condemnation,  of  Huss. 
They  could  not  justly  be  accused  of  complicity  with 
his  cause.  But  they  felt,  for  all  this,  only  the  more 
deeply  the  pressing  necessity  of  reform.  They  would 
have  all  the  arguments  of  men  like  Huss — drawn 
from  the  indisputable  and  gross  corruption  of  the 
church — taken  out  of  their  mouths.  This  was  the 
extent  of  their  heresy,  at  least  before  the  council. 
But  the  cardinals,  and  the  three  nations  that  held  with 
them,  became  more  bold  and  daring  with  each  succes- 
sive day.  The  former,  on  the  ninth  of  September, 
renewed  their  protest,  and  now  in  stronger  language. 
Sigismund  was  present  when  its  reading  was  com- 
menced. It  stung  him  to  indignation.  He  rose  at 
once,  ere  the  reading  was  finished,  and  left  the  assem- 
bly. As  he  went  out,  accompanied  by  the  Patri- 
arch of  Antioch,  among  others,  some  one  cried  out, 
"  Let  the  heretics  go !  "  This  was  reported  to  Sigis- 
mund, and  did  not  tend  to  soothe  his  irritation.  It 
was  reported,  probably  on  good  grounds,  that  he 
meant  to  arrest  some  of  the  cardinals  under  pre- 
tence that  they  were  engaged  in  consultations  dele- 
terious to  the  interests  of  the  council.  He  forbade 
them  the  use  of  the  cathedral  church  and  the  epis- 
copal palace,  in  which  they  had  been  accustomed  to 
meet.  But  such  measures,  failing  to  overawe,  could 
only  irritate.  The  Germans,  meanwhile,  were  restive 
under  the  imputations  of  heresy  which  were  cast 
upon  them.  They  drew  up  their  defence,  in  Avhich 
they  took  occasion  to  argue  anew  the  necessity  of 
reform,  and  pointed  out  some  of  the  gross  abuses  of 
which  they  complained. 


Ch.  X.]      CAUSE  OF  REFORM  ABANDONED.       309 

The  condition  of  tlie  council  was  one  exceedingly 
critical.  It  was  divided  into  two  great  parties — on 
one  side  the  English  and  Germans,  headed  by  tlie 
emperor;  on  the  other,  the  Italians,  French,  and 
Spaniards,  led  by  the  cardinals.  What  would  have 
been  the  result  had  neither  party  yielded,  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  say ;  we  can  scarcely  doubt  that  it  would 
have  led  to  the  dissolution  of  the  council. 

But  at  this  critical  period  the  emperor  lost  his 
fidem  Acliaten^  as  the  historian  calls  him.  On  the 
4th  of  September,  Kobert  Hallam,'  Bishop  of  Salis- 
bury, died.*  He  had  been  from  the  outset  a  strenu- 
ous supporter  of  the  emperor's  project.  Previous 
to  the  council  of  Pisa,  Richard  Ullerston  had  writ- 
ten, at  his  instance,  his  celebrated  work  on  the  neces- 
sity and  methods  of  reform.  While  the  bishop  lived, 
the  English  nation  stood  firm  by  the  emperor.  But 
now  they  could  no  longer  be  depended  on.  The 
solicitations  and  intrigues  of  the  other  part}^  were 
working  wonders.  Even  the  German  nation  began 
to  waver.  The  Archbishop  of  Riga,  who  cruelly  and 
harshly  had  taken  charge  of  the  imprisonment  of  Huss, 
was  won  over  b}^  a  bribe.  He  was  promised,  in  place 
of  his  present  dignity — which  had  become  unaccept- 
able, through  the  hostility  of  the  Teutonic  order 
which  he  had  incurred — the  diocese  of  Liege.  An- 
other leader  of  the  German  nation,  John  Abundi, 
Bishop  of  Coire,  was  won  by  the  promise  of  beiuo- 
placed  in  the  vacant  See.* 

The  result  could  no  longer  remain  in  doubt.     The 
desertion  from  the  emperor  had  commenced.     Some 

'  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  1414,  «  L'Enfant,  511. 


310  LIFE   AND    TEMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cn,  X. 

of  the  Italian  and  Frencli  bishops,  wlio  liad  resisted 
liitlierto  the  decisions  of  tlieir  nations,  made  haste  to 
leave  the  sinking  ship.  The  question  was  now  only 
one  of  time.  The  emperor  could  not  long  hold  out. 
He  at  length  capitulated,  on  the  condition  that  the 
council  should  initiate  the  measures  of  reform,  by  a 
public  decree,  before  the  election  should  take  place. 
Vain  condition !  Some  of  the  cardinals  even  now 
did  not  hesitate  to  say,  that  such  a  decree  could  not 
bind  the  future  pope.  Yet  the  condition  was  assent- 
ed to.  The  cause  of  reform  had  made  hitherto  but 
slow  progress.  Difficulty  after  difficulty  had  blocked 
up  its  way.  The  council  now,  however,  resolved  that 
on  certain  points  a  reform  should  be  perfected.  Two 
months  had  passed  away  in  party  negotiation  and 
intrigue,  when  at  leng-th  another  (the  twenty-ninth) 
session  was  held  (Oct.  9  th).  ^  The  measures  which 
were  declared  to  be  settled  by  public  decree,  related 
to  the  frequent  and  regular  convocation  of  general 
councils — precautions  against  the  renewal  of  schism 
— the  profession  of  faith  and  duty  to  be  made  by 
the  pope  on  his  election — the  translation  of  bene- 
fices, and  exactions  from  vacant  bishoprics.  It  is 
easy  to  see  that  all  this  implied  but  an  external 
and  insufficient  reform,  while  the  disease  was  too 
deep  to  be  reached  by  any  such  appliance.  It  was 
equally  in  vain  that  it  was  determined,  a  few  days 
later,  to  enlarge  the  project,  and  add  new  measures 
tending  to  the  check  of  ecclesiastical  abuses.  They 
all  had  respect  merely  to  that  which  belonged  to  the 
externals  of  the  church,  its  dignities,  offices,  reve- 

»  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  1432. 


Ch.  X.]  PAPAL    ELECTORS.  311 

nues.^  Germany  vainly  demanded  reform  now ;  a  cen- 
tury later  she  would  demand  it  in  more  emphatic 
tones.  The  very  point  on  which  nearly  all  the  na- 
tions had  insisted  most  strenuously,  and  in  regard  to 
which  there  seemed  most  hope  of  success,  that  of 
annates — the  first  year's  income  when  a  benefice  was 
vacant,  and  which  was  claimed  for  its  support  by  the 
court  of  Rome — was  the  one  about  which  great  diffi- 
culties were  now  raised.  The  emperor  and  othei-s 
would  have  the  officers  of  the  court  of  Rome  provid- 
ed with  a  fixed  annual  salary.  Doubtful  of  so  un- 
certain a  provision,  the  cardinals  could  not  relinquish 
the  annates,  and  the  whole  question  must  of  necessi- 
ty be  left  to  the  future  pope. 

Who  he  would  be,  was  now  the  question  of  most 
engrossing  interest.  On  the  thirtieth  of  October, 
the  council  decreed  to  proceed  to  his  election.  '^  The 
cardinals  had  at  first  somewhat  humbly  dared  to  put 
forward  their  claims  to  the  right  of  sole  electors  as 
their  prerogative.  Some  of  their  opponents,  in  view 
of  the  manner  in  which  they  had  previously  exer- 
cised it,  would  have  excluded  them  altogether  from 
the  conclave.  A  compromise  was  at  length  effected, 
by  which  six  prelates  or  j^ersons  of  distinction  from 
each  of  the  five  nations  should  be  joined  to  the 
college  of  cardinals,  in  order  to  form  the  body  of 
the  electoiu  The  number  of  these,  includinir  the 
twenty-three  cardinals,  was  therefore  fifty-three.  For 
each  of  these  a  chamber  was  provided  in  the  Mer- 
chants' Exchange,  where  the  sessions  of  the  conclave 
were  to  be  held.     Every  precaution  was  taken  to 

'  L'Enfant,  521.  *  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  1449. 


312  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Ch.  X. 

prevent  any  communication  "between  tliem  and  others 
outside  the  building.  Persons  of  high  state  and 
authority  were  to  guard  all  the  passages,  and  all 
were  warned  by  sound  of  trumpet  not  to  approach 
within  a  certain  distance  of  the  place  where  the  con- 
clave was  in  session.  Even  the  food  of  the  electors 
and  their  servants — for  each  was  allowed  two — was 
to  some  extent  prescribed,  and  was  passed  into  the 
building,  not  by  the  door,  but  by  a  window,  in  order 
that  none  might  have  a  pretext  or  opportunity  to 
enter.  Even  after  the  food  had  been  passed  in,  it 
was  to  be  examined  before  it  was  sent  to  the  electors, 
lest  some  letter  or  line  should  be  enclosed  in  it  by 
which  some  communication  or  information  should  be 
conveyed  to  them. 

The  electors  entered  the  conclave  Nov.  2,  1417.^ 
For  some  time  there  seemed  no  prospect  of  their 
effecting  a  choice,  as  two-thirds  of  the  votes  must 
be  given  to  the  successful  candidate.  Each  nation 
would  undoubtedly  have  been  glad  to  have  had  for 
pope  one  of  its  own  countrjmien.  But  the  Germans 
were  the  first  to  yield  their  preference.  The  Arch- 
bishop of  Riga,  who  seems  by  this  time  to  have 
acquired  the  art  of  seizing  upon  and  improving  occa- 
sions that  could  fkvor  his  own  interests,  led  the  way. 
At  length  the  other  nations  so  far  consented  to  yield 
their  claims,  that  the  necessary  vote  was  cast  for 
Otho  de  Colonna,  an  Italian  cardinal.  He  had  been 
one  of  the  cardinals  of  John  XXIII.,  and  had  borne 
a  reputation  as  free  fi^om  stain  as  it  was  perhaps  pos- 
sible for  a  member  of  a  college  with  such  a  head. 

>  L'Enfant,  529. 


Cn.  X.]  ELECTION    OF   MARTIN   V.  313 

He  was  undoubtedly  less  able  than  many  of  the 
othei's.  The  cardinals  of  Cambray  and  St.  Mark 
were  by  far  bis  superiors,  but  tbey  had  made  them- 
selves offensively  conspicuous;  and  their  compeer, 
Zabarella  of  Florence,  had  gone  out  a  few  days 
before  from  one  of  the  assemblies — exhausted  by  the 
effort  of  a  speech  which  he  truly  said  at  the  time 
might  be  called  his  dying  testimony — never  to  re- 
turn. He  died  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  September, 
the  most  dangerous  competitor — had  he  survived — 
for  the  pontifical  dignity.* 

Otho  de  Colonna  took  the  title  of  Martin  V. 
Different  estimates  were  formed  of  his  character.^ 
But  whatever  he  might  have  been  before  his  elec- 
tion, he  was,  after  it,  but  a  wheel  in  the  ecclesiastical 
machine,  and  was  governed  by  laws  that  would  have 
overi'uled  his  own  will  had  he  not  chosen  to  submit. 
The  news  of  his  election  spread  at  once  through  the 
city.  Through  a  breach  made  in  the  walls  of  the 
building  where  the  conclave  was  assembled,  the  fact 
had  been  first  announced,  and  was  received  with 
loud  acclamations.  The  people,  gathered  by  thou- 
sands, could  not  restrain  their  enthusiasm  as  they 
shouted  the  name  of  the  new  pope.  The  emperor, 
regardless,  as  some  say,  of  his  dignity,  hasted  to 
prostrate  himself  before  him,  kissing  his  feet,  and 
thanking  the  electors  for  the  excellent  choice  they 
had  made.  The  pope  replied  with  a  fraternal  em- 
brace, and  with  thanks  to  the  emperor  for  his  zeal 
for  the  peace  of  the  church. 

The  enthroning  of  the  newly  elected  pope  pre- 

»  L'Enfant,  513.  '  lb.  538,  639. 


314  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cn,  X. 

sented  a  scene  of  imposing  splendor.  The  emj)eror, 
princes  and  nobility,  the  clergy  of  all  ranks,  be- 
side men  of  every  civil  office  and  station,  formed 
the  escort  which  accompanied  him  from  the  conclave 
to  the  cathedral.  His  ordination  as  deacon  took 
place  November  12th,  his  consecration  and  corona- 
tion as  pope,  Nov.  21st.-'  These  were  marked  by 
scenes  of  scarcely  less  splendor  and  magnificence. 
As  the  procession  on  this  last  occasion  moved  through 
the  streets  of  the  city,  it  was  met  by  the  Jews,  who 
assured  the  new  pope  of  their  obedience,  and  be- 
sought of  him  a  confirmation  of  their  privileges, 
while  presenting  him  at  the  same  time  a  copy  of  the 
Old  Testament.  The  pope  paused  a  moment,  re- 
ceived the  volume — according  to  some — but  handed 
it  back  with  the  remark,  "  You  have  the  law,  but  do 
not  understand  it.  Behold,  old  things  have  passed 
away,  all  has  become  new." 

According  to  another  account,  the  pope  refused  to 
receive  the  volume.  Sigismund  took  it  for  a  moment, 
however,  I'emarking  as  he  handed  it  back,  "The 
laws  of  Moses  are  just  and  good — let  no  one  reject 
them ;  but  as  to  you,  you  keep  none  of  them  as  you 
ought."  Upon  this  the  pope,  turning  toward  them, 
said,  "  May  Almighty  God  take  away  the  veil  from 
your  eyes,  and  grant  that  you  may  behold  the  light 
of  eternal  life ;"  then  adding  the  apostolic  benedic- 
tion. 

The  power  and  intrigue  of  the  cardinals  had  thus 
secured  their  triumph.  With  a  pope  to  head  them, 
they  could  do  more  than  they  had  done  already — ■ 

»  L'Enfant,  54Y. 


Ch.  X.]  REFORM    POSTPONED,  315 

they  could  safely  defy  the  emperor.  Each  party 
now  strove  to  gain  the  favor  and  patronage  of  the 
pope.  The  imperial  power  occupied  but  a  secondary 
place.  All  measures  of  reform  must  be  such  as  to 
be  acceptable  to  the  court  of  Rome.  It  was  as  much 
as  a  defeat  already,  of  ])rojects  for  which  the  best 
men  of  the  age  had  toiled,  and  wi'itten,  and  plead. 
The  woi'k  of  reformation  was  in  reality  postponed. 
The  heart  of  the  emperor  was  sickened  within  him. 
The  Fi-ench  urged  him  to  promote  their  measures  of 
reform.  His  reply  was  bitter:  "You  would  have  a 
pope  first.  You  have  one  now.  Go  to  him.  It  is 
his  business,  not  mine." 


CHAPTEK    XI. 

MEASURES  OF  THE  POPE  AND  COUNCIL  AGAINST  THE  BOHE- 
MIANS. 

State  op  Bohemia.  —  Alarm  of  the  Clergy  who  Adhered  to  the  Council.  — 
Disorder. — Flight  op  Wenzel.  —  Apprehensions  of  the  Cocncil.  —  Gerson's 
Treatise  on  the  Eucharist.  —  Maurice  op  Prague. — Sigismund's  Letter  to 
Launa.  —  Threatens  a  Crusade.  —  His  Letters  to  His  Brother,  Wenzel. — 
Their  Insolence  and  Duplicity. — Letter  of  Martin  V.  to  Bohemia.  —  De- 
mands OF  THE  Council.  —  Process  Against  Such  as  are  Suspected  of  Heresy. 
—  The  Bull  of  Martin  V.  —  Its  Contexts.  —  Its  Severity.  —  Points  of  Exam- 
ination FOR  the  Suspected.  —  How  the  Trial  was  to  be  Conducted.  —  Execu- 
tion OP  Lord  Cobham.  —  Terror  of  a  Crusade.  —  Crusade  Against  the 
Moors. —Indignation  of  the  Bohemians.  —  Nicholas  de  Hussinitz.  —  Boldness 
of  Zisca.  —  Course  op  John  Dominic.  —  He  is  Convinced  that  Arms  are  Nec- 
essary to  Subdue  the  Bohemians. 

Nov.  22,  141Y  — Apeil  15,  1418. 

While  tlie  council  at  Constance  was  rent  into  fac- 
tions by  intrigues  to  elect  a  pope,  Bohemia  became 
more  than  ever  a  scene  of  civil  discord.  The  Huss- 
ites were  steadily  increasing  in  numbers  and  in  confi- 
dence. The  course  of  the  council,  instead  of  regain- 
ing its  lost  adherents,  alienated  many  who  might 
otherwise  have  sustained  it.  Nothing  was  done  to 
restore  to  that  body  the  respect  and  confidence  which 
had  been  destroyed  by  the  execution  of  Huss  and 
Jerome.  The  action  of  the  universit}^  carried  with 
it  many  who,  until  that  time,  had  remained  wavering 
and  undecided.  The  clergy  who  adhered  to  the 
council  became  more  thoroughly  alarmed.    They  had 

(316) 


Cu.  XI.]        PAPAL  PARTY  AT  PRAGUE.  317 

exhausted  all  their  energies  in  attempting  to  breast 
the  storm ;  but  their  very  efforts  only  recoiled  upon 
themselves.  They  provoked  and  exasperated  where 
conciliation  would  have  been  policy.  Justifying,  as 
they  did,  the  execution  of  Huss,  and  invoking  the 
interference  of  the  secular  power,  they  forfeited  that 
respect  and  security  which  they  might  have  claimed 
had  they  quietly  attended  to  their  own  duties. 

They  by  no  means  limited  their  demands  to  being 
left  unmolested  in  their  own  persons  and  spheres  of 
labor.  The  storm  which  they  invoked  upon  the  heads 
of  others,  was  thus  brought  down  upon  their  own. 
Refusing  toleration,  it  is  not  strange  that  the  meas- 
ure which  they  meted  should  have  been. measured  to 
them  again.  They  occupied  the  position,  and  were 
regarded  in  the  light,  of  allies  to  an  invading  army — ■ 
designed  to  oppress,  crush,  and  extirpate  the  follow- 
ers of  Huss.  They  were  not  merely  misguided  men 
and  teachers  of  error,  but — in  the  circumstances  of 
the  kingdom — revolutionists  in  principle,  and  traitors 
in  fact ;  and  so  the  Hussites,  on  repeated  occasions, 
felt  constrained  to  deal  with  them.  Stripped  of  a 
large  part  of  their  revenues,  the  edge  of  their  ortho- 
doxy was  sharpened  by  the  exasperation  of  their 
feelings.  Some  of  their  churches — we  may  presume 
already  vacated  by  them,  or  perhaps  closed  by  in- 
terdict— were  given  up  by  Wenzel  to  the  services  of 
the  new  worship.  Amid  the  civil  disorder,  it  was 
not  surpi'ising  that  men  destitute  of  principle,  and 
fond  of  fishing  in  troubled  waters,  should  abound. 
Robbers  and  bandits  gladly  seized  the  occasion  to 
commit  deeds  of  violence,  which  could  be  charged 


318  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.  [Ch.  XI. 

to  the  persecuting  zeal  of  the  Hussites,  but  of  which 
the  latter  were  innocent/'^^ 

The  craven  and  timid  monarch,  who  would  sooner 
see  both  parties  overthrown  and  his  kingdom  a 
desert  than  have  his  own  indolence  or  gluttony  dis- 
turbed, abandoned  at  this  moment  the  duties  of  his 
post.  Unwilling  to  commit  himself  fully  to  either 
party,  fearful  on  the  one  side  of  being  accounted  a 
heretic,  and  on  the  other  of  offending  the  partisans 
and  followers  of  Huss,  who  were  overwhelmingly  in 
the  ascendant,  he  withdrew  from  Prague,  and  left  it 
the  spoil  and  prey  of  conflicting  parties — torn  by 
faction,  or  private  malice  and  violence,  now  loosened 
from  restraint.  We  are  only  surprised  that  the  party 
of  reform  should  have  exhibited  so  much  self-con- 
trol. The  king,  intent  only  upon  bis  own  ease  and 
indulgence,  had  fled  to  his  castle  in  the  country, 
leaving  his  whole  kingdom  to  the  mercy  of  insurrec- 
tion and  anarchy.  The  presence  and  authority  of 
the  more  powerful  Bohemian  nobles,  sometimes  per- 
haps encouraging  revolution  and  violence,  were  gen- 
erally the  best  security  for  peace  and  order.  Each 
controlled  his  own  vassals ;  and  the  overwhelming 
majority  of  this  nobility  on  the  side  of  the  reform- 
ers, overawed  all  organized  opposition. 

The  council  had  good  reason  for  anxiety  as  to  the 
effect  of  their  own  proceedings  upon  the  Bohemian 
people.  They  saw  themselves  virtually  defied.  Their 
authority  was  contemned,  and  their  spiritual  claims 
were  openly  derided.  Not  one  of  tlie  four  hundred 
nobles  whom  they  had  summoned  before  them  had 
shown  regard  enough  foi*  their  commands  or  threat- 


Cu.  XI.]        gerson's  treatise  on  the  cup.  319 

enings  to  appear  before  the  commissioners  appointed 
to  sit  in  judgment  upon  their  case.  In  the  present 
state  of  affairs,  it  Avas  vain  to  think  of  suLduing  them 
by  violent  measures.  The  forces  necessary  for  such 
an  attempt  could  not  easily  be  got  together.  In 
these  circumstances  the  council  did  what  it  should 
have  done  first  and  only — employed  the  weapons  of 
reason  and  argument.  Gerson  was  employed  to 
draw  up  a  treatise  on  the  communion  of  the  cup,  in 
order  to  refute  the  positions  and  opinions  of  the  Bo- 
hemian heretics.^  His  work  is  a  strange  mixture  of 
sound  sense  and  absurd  assumption,  of  indisputable 
truth  and  unwarranted  inference.  He  concedes 
nearly,  if  not  quite,  all  upon  which  Jacobel  based  his 
argument — the  plain  command  of  scripture,  the  prac- 
tice of  the  eai'ly  church,  and  the  authority  of  the 
Christian  fathers.  He  admits  the  scriptures  more- 
over to  be  the  supreme  authority,  paramount  to  all 
else,  whether  traditions,  or  decrees  of  councils,  oi-  papal 
bulls,  or  canon  law,  and,  in  face  of  all  this,  places  the 
authority  of  the  church,  and  the  dangers  of  desecrat- 
ing the  sacred  symbols,  over  against  the  clear  au- 
thority of  the  word  of  God.  It  was  the  doctrine  of 
transubstantiation  that  blinded  him.  His  work  is  a 
psychological  curiosity.  The  intellectual  giant  of 
his  age  is  caught  in  his  own  toils ;  he  is  the  dupe  of 
his  own  logic. 

His  treatise  was  a  mere  waste  of  ink  and  labor.  It 
proved  to  be  perfectly  harmless  and  ineffectual  in 
Bohemia.  Jacobel  could  afford  to  leave  it  unanswered, 
or  rather,  he  had  answered  it  before  it  was  written. 

*  Von  der  Ilardt,  iiL  766. 


320  LIFE   AT^D   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cu.  XI. 

Nov  could  the  difficulty  of  the  council  have  been 
much  relieved,  when,  at  its  instance,  Maurice  of 
Prague  took  up  the  pen  against  the  Calixtines — as 
the  advocates  of  the  communion  of  the  cup  now  be- 
gan to  be  called.  His  treatise  was  brought  out 
towards  the  close  of  the  year  (1417). 

But  more  forcible  arguments  were  needed  to  con- 
vert to  the  views  of  the  council  those  whose  innate 
sense  of  justice  had  been  so  outraged  by  the  execu- 
tion of  Huss.  The  emperor  exerted  himself  to  check 
the  torrent  of  innovation  that  was  sweeping  over  the 
land.  Some  of  his  letters  have  been  preserved,  but 
however  they  may  attest  the  strength  of  his  feelings, 
or  the  energy  of  his  will,  they  do  little  credit  either 
to  his  head  or  heart.  One  of  them  is  addressed  to 
the  inhabitants  of  Launa,^  a  city  on  the  Eger,  among 
whom  the  views  of  Huss  had  made  such  progress 
before  -he  left  Prague  for  Constance,  that  he  ad- 
dressed them  words  of  counsel  and  exhortation.  In 
this  letter  Sigismund  speaks  of  the  urgency  with 
which  his  brother  and  some  of  the  Bohemian  nobles 
had  prayed  him  to  unite  with  the  council,  in  order  to 
put  an  end  to  the  troubles  introduced  into  the  king- 
dom by  pernicious  innovations;  he  makes  mention 
of  his  brother,  whom  he  despised  and  at  this  very 
time  was  accusing  of  heresy,  in  terms  of  fraternal  and 
affectionate  regard — as  though  he  had  never  robbed 
him  of  the  imperial  crown,  or  thrust  him  in  prison — 
and  declares  the  deep  anxiety  he  feels  tliat  nothing 
may  occur  to  the  prejudice  of  him  or  his  kingdom. 

After  this  exordium,  in  which  the  hypocrite  stands 

*  Mon.  Hus.  L,  Epis.  xiv.    Launa  is  sometimes  written  Launy. 


Ch.  XI.]         sigismund's  letter  to  launa.  321 

confessed  beneatli  his  too  transparent  mask,  lie  pro- 
ceeds to  picture  the  state  of  the  country,  subject  to 
the  violence  and  rapine  which  had  been  reported  to 
him.  The  council,  he  says,  had  resolved  to  proceed 
against  Wenzel  as  a  favorer  of  heresy,  and  conse- 
quently of  these  disordei-s,  but  by  his  interposition 
had  been  dissuaded  from  their  purpose.  This  state 
of  things  had  continued  now  for  the  space  of  three 
years,  but  how  much  longer  he  should  be  able  to 
hold  back  the  bolts  of  vengeance  which  the  council 
were  ready  to  launch  against  his  brother  if  he  re- 
fused to  change  his  course,  it  was  impossible  to  say. 
He  exhorts  the  Bohemians  to  resist  the  innovating 
opinions,  declaring  that  he  who  failed  to  prosecute 
their  defenders,  denying  them  all  rest,  was  guilty  of 
cherishing  them.  He  directs  them  not  only  to  ab- 
stain from  what  he  calls  the  persecutions  of  the 
church  and  clergy,  but  diligently  to  promote  the 
cause  of  faith,  than  which  no  object  could  be  more 
precious  or  important.  If  these  his  counsels  and 
commands  are  rejected,  the  council  of  Constance  will 
proceed  against  them,  and,  if  ecclesiastical  censures 
are  insufficient,  will  invoke  the  aid  of  the  secular 
arm.^  Why  this  letter  should  have  been  addressed 
to  the  citizens  of  Launa  instead  of  Prasrue,  is  some- 
what  doubtful.  Launa  might  be  more  easily  over- 
awed, or  possibly  the  emperor  might  have  appre- 
hended that  the  magistrates  of  Prague  would  have 
returned  a  reply  in  a  tone  too  bold  and  defiant. 

But  his  correspondence,  both  with  his  brother  and 
with  the  Bohemians,  was  of  the  most  indiscreet  and 

'  Von  der  Ilardt,  iv.  1408. 
VOL.  n.  21 


322  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.  [Ch.  XL 

haiiglity  kind.  The  Jesuit  historian,  Balbinus,  who 
saw  the  empei'or's  letters  in  the  archives  of  Prague, 
was  at  first  disposed  to  regard  them  as  a  foi-gery, 
devised  by  the  disciples  of  Huss  to  cast  odium  on. 
their  reputed  author.  He  could  not  believe  that 
Sigismund  would  have  written  in  such  a  style  of  bit- 
ter and  exasperating  severity.  But  the  evidence  of 
the  manuscripts  before  him  was  so  thoroughly  con- 
firmed by  the  after-wiitings  and  conduct  of  the  em- 
peror, as  to  leave  no  room  for  doubt.  If  the  council 
had  acted  an  unwise  part,  the  letters  of  Sigismund 
betrayed  equal  folly.  The  tendency  of  the  whole 
treatment  of  the  Bohemian  nation  was  to  alienate 
them  from  all  sympathy  with  the  council,  and  force 
them  to  assume  the  attitude  of  open  rebellion. 

One  of  the  emperor's  letters  to  Wenzel  shows  the 
policy  employed  to  overawe  the  royal  imbecile. 
Sigismund  sets  before  him  the  hazard  which  he  in- 
curs  of  provoking  the  publication  of  a  crusade  against 
him,  in  which  it  would  be  necessary  that  the  Ger- 
man emperor  should  march  against  his  own  brother. 
Sigismund  well  knew  that  the  strength  of  Wenzel's 
orthodoxy  was  to  be  measured  by  his  terror  of  an 
invading  army,  and,  to  strengthen  his  faith,  adopted 
this  measure  of  playing  upon  his  fears. 

In  another  of  Sigismund's  letters,  written  to  the 
Bohemian  nobles  sometime  during  the  year  141Y,  he 
attempts  his  own  vindication,  especially  in  regard  to 
the  i^te  of  Huss.  He  candidly  acknowledges  that 
he  was  overpovvered  by  the  council.  They  threat- 
ened him  with  its  dissolution,  unless  he  would  accede 
to  their  demands.     The  question  was  at  once  reduced 


Ch.  XL]  LETTER    TO    THE    BOHEMIAN    NOBLES.  323 

to  this :  should  he,  for  the  sake  of  one  man's  life, 
defeat  all  the  hopes  of  Christendom  which  centred 
in  the  fate  and  proceedings  of  the  council  ?  Sigis- 
mund  reproves  the  Bohemians  for  presuming  to  take 
up  the  defence  of  a  man  whom  the  council  had  con- 
demned, and  threatens  them  with  a  crusade  unless 
they  shall  desist  from  their  purpose.  At  the  result 
which  must  necessarily  follow,  he  professes  to  shud- 
der, as  well  he  might.  He  beseeches  them  to  con- 
sider the  consequences  of  persisting  in  what  he  de- 
nominates their  leagues  and  conspiracies ;  urges  them 
to  abide — if  one  has  anything  against  another — by 
the  decision  of  his  brother,  the  king  of  Bohemia ; 
assures  them  that  if  his  own  intervention  is  neces- 
sary to  the  quieting  of  the  disputes,  it  shall  not  be 
found  wanting.  He  interposes  in  behalf  of  the 
clergy,  intimating  unwarrantably,  so  far  as  the  action 
or  authority  of  the  council  were  concerned,  that 
they  would  be  guided  by  scripture,  the  profundity 
of  which  he  confessed  himself  too  uninstructed  to 
investigate. 

In  this  letter  he  is  not  wanting  in  expressions  of 
affection  and  regard  for  the  besotted  Wenzel.  At 
one  time  we  see  him  employing  terms  of  respect 
toward  a  brother  whom  he  detested — for  he  is  speak- 
ing of  him  to  the  Bohemians.  Anon,  he  treats  him 
with  the  contempt  he  deserves — for  he  is  speaking 
where  there  is  no  need  of  disguise.  He  threatens 
him,  as  he  had  just  threatened  his  subjects,  with  the 
terrors  of  a  crusade.  Truly  he  attempted  to  cai-ry 
out  his  maxim  in  regard  to  dissimulation,  a  maxim 
which,  translated  into  plain  words,  is  that — no  man  is 


324  LITE    AND   TBIES    OF   JOHN   HU6S.  [Ch.  XI 

fit  to  rule  who  cannot  play  the  hypocrite.  But  the 
Bohemians  were  discovering  very  plainly  already  the 
difference  between  pretence  and  purpose,  the  mantle 
and  the  man.  We  shall  soon  see  the  emperor,  con- 
scious of  detection,  speaking  with  an  irony  in  which 
the  sneer  was  only  too  transparent. 

At  the  close  of  the  year  141 Y,  safe-conducts  had 
been  sent  into  Bohemia  to  those  who  had  been  cited 
to  appear  and  answer  before  the  council.^  But  the 
friends  of  Huss,  warned  by  his  fate,  had  no  desire  to 
involve  the  council  in  new  perfidy  on  their  account. 
We  have  no  knowledge  of  so  much  as  a  single  Bo- 
hemian accepting  the  safe-conduct  sent  him,  or  im- 
proving the  opportunity  which  it  afforded.  Even 
when  the  new  pontiff  subsequently  wrote  (March, 
1418)  to  the  Bohemians,  exhorting  them  to  submis- 
sion, and  threatening  them  with  the  secular  arm  if 
they  refused  compliance,  nothing  was  effected.^  That 
violent  measures  had  not  been  already  resorted  to, 
he  attributes,  and  probably  with  truth,  to  the  inter- 
position of  the  emperor,  who  had  already  too  much 
on  his  hands  to  venture  upon  a  rash  conflict  with  the 
Bohemian  nation.  In  February,  1418,  when  those 
who  had  been  cited  did  not  appear,  the  council  passed 
a  decree,^  consisting  of  twenty-four  articles,  setting 
forth  authentically  its  demands.  These  were,  in  sub- 
stance, that  the  king  should  swear  to  maintain  invio- 
late^ the  rights  and  prerogatives  of  the  Roman  and 
other  churches,  unrestricted  by  the  impositions  of  the 
Hussites ;  that  all  who  had  taught  the  doctrines  of 
Huss  and  Wickliffe  should  abjure  them,  and  approve 

*  L'Eiifant,580.  '  lb.,  589.  '  lb.,  580,  583w 


Ch.  XI.]  DECREE    OF   TIFE    COUNCIL.  325 

the  sentence  of  the  council  pronounced  against  these 
men  and  their  writings ;  that  such  as  refused,  in  con- 
tempt of  the  keys,  to  obey  this  command,  should  be 
condignly  punished ;  that  the  priests  and  clergy  who 
had  been  driven  from  their  benefices  should  be  re- 
stored, and  left  unmolested ;  that  the  relics  and  treas- 
ures that  had  been  taken  from  the  churches  should 
be  replaced  ;  that  the  university  should  be  reformed, 
and  that  the  followers  of  Huss  and  Wickliffe  should 
be  excluded  therefrom;  that  the  principal  here- 
siarchs,  nine  of  whom  are  mentioned  by  name,* 
should  be  compelled  to  appear  before  the  council ; 
that  all  who  had  communed  under  both  kinds  should 
abjure  the  heresy  of  Jacobel ;  that  the  treatises  of 
Wickliffe,  Huss,  and  Jacobel  should  all  of  them  be 
surrendered  and  burned ;  that  the  songs  sung  in  de- 
rision of  the  council,  and  in  praise  of  Huss  and  Je- 
rome, should  be  suppressed  under  the  severest  pen- 
alties ;  that  none  should  be  allowed  to  preach  unless 
by  the  authority  of  the  ordinary;  that  the  latter 
with  other  prelates  should  be  allowed  full  liberty  in 
the  exercise  of  their  office,  and  whosoever  should 
interfere  to  prevent  it  should  thereby  incur  sentence 
of  excommunication ;  that  all  who  should  favor  or 
promote  any  measure  tending  to  the  spread  of  the 
opinions  of  Huss  or  Wickliffe  should  be  proceeded 
against,  according  to  the  canons  ;  that  every  league 
or  compact  having  this  for  its  object  should  be  dis- 
solved; that  the  former  rites  of  worship  should  be 
all  restored,  and  that  all  who  should  be  convicted  of 

«  Jessenitz,  Simon   of  Tisnow,  J»-    Prachatitz,  Zdenko  of    Labaun,  and 
cobel,.John  Cardinal,  Cbristionn   of    others. 


326  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.  [Cii.  XI. 

teaching  the  doctrines  of  Hiiss  or  Wickliffe,  or  main- 
taining the  sanctity  of  these  men,  should  be  commit- 
ted to  the  flames.  The  laity  were  required,  under 
pain  of  being  regarded  as  favorers  of  heresy,  to  aid 
in  the  execution  of  these  injunctions.^ 

Such  a  decree  was  directly  calculated  to  defeat 
every  purpose  for  which  it  was  framed.  It  was  the 
exhibition  of  senile  malice  and  bare  authority,  and 
was  conceived  in  the  very  spirit  that  had  sent  Huss 
and  Jerome  to  the  stake.  Its  violent  tone  awed  less 
than  it  provoked.  Its  demands,  moreover,  were  ex- 
orbitant. Many  might  have  been  disinclined  to 
break  altogether  with  the  council,  who  would  scorn 
compliance  with  terms  like  these.  The  circum- 
stances of  the  case,  indeed,  rendered  compliance  im- 
possible. A  nation  could  not  be  bridled  by  a  word. 
The  convictions  of  years  were  not  to  be  mastered  by 
the  sentence  of  a  body  of  men,  whose  notoriety  for  in- 
trigue and  corruption,  according  to  testimony  above 
impeachment,  had  scandalized  the  world,  and  for- 
feited for  themselves  all  respect. 

Nearly  at  this  same  time  (Feb.  22,  1418)  Martin 
V.  issued  his  bull  against  the  followers  and  favorers 
of  Wickliffe  and  Huss.^  It  is  addi*essed  to  all  ai-ch- 
bishops,  bishops,  and  inquisitors  throughout  the  world, 
and  is  a  model  fi'om  which  bigoted  intolerance  and 
persecution  might  copy.  It  exhausts  the  odium  of 
language  in  describing  the  character  of  the  objects 
of  its  vengeance.  They  are  "schismatic,  seditious, 
impelled  by  Luciferian  pride  and  wolfish  rage,  duped 
by  devilish  tricks,  tied  together  by  the  tail,  how- 

'  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  1514.  ^  lb.,  iv.  1618. 


Ch.  XI.]  BULL    AGAINST   HERETICS.  327 

ever  scattered  over  the  world,  aud  thus  leagued  in 
favor  of  WicklifFe,  Huss,  and  Jerome.  Tliese  pesti- 
lent persons  had  obstinately  sown  their  pei-verse 
dogmas,  while  at  first  the  prelates  and  ecclesiastical 
authority  had  shown  themselves  to  be  only  dumb 
dogs,  unwilling  to  bark  or  to  restrain,  according  to 
the  canons,  these  deceitful  and  pestiferous  heresi- 
archs."  The  bull  then  proceeds  to  describe  the  wide 
spread  of  the  mischief,  lamenting  it  in  the  most  lugu- 
brious tones.  It  recites  what  had  been  done  by  the 
council  to  check  the  growing  heresy,  and  ordains 
that  all  archbishops,  bishops,  and  ecclesiastical  au- 
thorities shall  hasten  to  the  rescue.  They  were  to 
try  and  adjudge  as  heretics  all  who  should  be  found 
"to  think  or  teach  othei'wise  than  as  the  holy  Roman 
and  Catholic  church  thinks  or  teaches" — all  who 
held  the  doctrines  or  defended  the  character  of  Huss 
or  Wickliffe,  and  they  were  to  deliver  such  over  to  the 
secular  arm.  Such  as  received  or  favored  these  per- 
sons -were  to  be  exemplarily  and  severely  punished 
for  their  "enormous  crime,"  that  others  might  take 
warning.  All  kings,  princes,  lords,  nobles,  kniglits, 
cities,  universities,  etc.,  were  to  be  admonished,  and 
required  to  banish  all  such  persons  as  bore  this  char- 
acter for  heresy  from  their  territories,  and  all  places 
subject  to  their  dominion.  They  were  not  to  suffer 
such  persons  to  preach,  dwell,  possess  property,  en- 
gage in  business,  or  have  any  thing  to  do  in  common 
with  the  faithful,  in  any  place  subject  to  their  con- 
trol. If  they  died  heretics,  even  though  the  church 
had  not  formally  declared  them  such,  they  wei-e  to 
be  denied  Christian  burial.     No  masses  should  be 


328  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  XL 

said  for  them.  Their  property  should  be  confiscated 
and  withheld  from  those  to  whom  it  would  other- 
wise descend,  at  least  until  competent  ecclesiastical 
authority  had  pronounced  sentence  in  the  case.  Such 
as  were  suspected  of  heresy  were  to  purge  them- 
selves under  oath.  If  they  refused  or  neglected  to 
do  it,  they  were  to  "  be  struck  with  the  sword  of 
anathema,"  and  after  a  year's  lapse  condemned  as 
heretics.  All  lay  lords,  magistrates,  and  judges,  of 
what  name  or  dignity  soever,  were  required  and 
commanded,  as  they  prized  the  Christian  name,  to 
afibrd  all  necessary  aid,  whenever  they  should  be 
called  upon  for  it  by  the  inquisitors  or  ecclesiastical 
authorities,  for  the  arrest,  restraint,  or  imprisonment 
of  heretics,  or  their  favorei's.  These  last  were  to  be 
carefully  secured  by  "  iron  handcuffs  and  fetters,"  till 
their  case  had  been  carried  through  the  ecclesiastical 
court ;  and  any  one  who  should  be  neglectful  in 
guarding  them  while  under  his  charge,  was  to  be 
condignly  punished.  The  bull  then  requires  the 
archbishops,  bishops,  commissaries,  inquisitors,  etc., 
diligently  to  search  out,  in  all  places  subject  to  their 
jurisdiction,  all  that  are  guilty  of  heresy,  or  of  show- 
ing it  favor ;  to  pronounce  against  them  sentence  of 
excommunication,  suspension,  or  interdict,  as  the  case 
may  require.  All  who  should  refuse  or  neglect  to 
obey  this  command,  should  be  deposed  and  deprived, 
and  punished  with  other  and  more  severe  penalties, 
according  to  the  enormity  of  their  crime. 

But  even  this  was  not  enough.  To  aid  the  slow  wit 
of  any  less  facile  persecutor,  he  was  furnished  in  the 
bull  itself  with  a  full  list  of  the  points  on  which  those 


Cfl.  XI.]  POINTS    OF   EXAMINATION-.  329 

suspected  of  heresy  were  to  be  excaminecl,  and  from 
which  they  were  to  purge  themselves  on  oatli.  These 
points  embraced  the  forty-five  articles  of  Wickllffe, 
and  the  thirty  charged  against  IIuss  which  the  coun- 
cil had  condemned,  beside  thirty-nine  others,  extend- 
ing to  subjects  not  included  in  the  former.  Of  these 
thirty-nine  the  first  eleven  pertained  to  the  persons 
and  works  of  Wickliffe,  Huss,  and  Jerome.^  The 
person  arraigned  was  asked  whether  he  had  known 
them,  or  had  conversed  with  them,  knowing  them  to 
be  excommunicate  ;  whether  he  had  prayed  for  them, 
had  spoken  of  them,  or  accounted  them  as  holy ; 
whether  he  approved  their  condemnation,  and  the 
acts  and  authority  of  the  council ;  whether  he  pos- 
sessed any  of  their  works,  or  knew  any  that  did 
possess  them;  and  whether  he  condemned  the 
articles  of  the  heretics  aforesaid,  in  the  words  of  the 

council. 

Of  the  other  points  of  examination,  some  had 
reference  to  various  sects  that  had  arisen  in  that, 
or  the  previous  age;  some  represented  a  peculiar 
phase  of  the  opinions  of  Wickliffe,  or  Huss,  and  some 
had  reference  to  ecclesiastical  authority,  the  legiti- 
mate election  of  the  pontiff,  or  the  inMlibility  of 
the  council.  One  had  respect  to  the  venial  nature 
of  perjury,  a  subject  which  the  perjured  violators  of 
the  safe-conduct  of  Huss  had  better  have  let  alone. 
One  had  reference  to  the  subject  of  lay  preaching ; 
another  to  the  right  of  a  priest  to  preach  out  of  his 
own  parish. 

On  these  points  the  suspected  heretic  was  to  be 

» L'Enfant,  585. 


330  LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF  JOILN"   HUSS.  [Ch.  XI. 

examined  under  oath.  He  was  to  appear  in  person 
before  the  bishop  or  inquisitor,  and  give  answer  as  he 
shouhl  be  asked.  No  attorney  or  advocate  was  to  be 
allowed  him.  The  whole  trial  was  to  be  conducted 
in  the  manner  which  the  judge  should  deem  most 
expedient.  The  sentence  might  extend  to  excom- 
munication, suspension,  or  interdict ;  to  deprivation 
of  dignity  or  office  ;  to  fine  and  confiscation  of  prop- 
erty ;  to  deposition  from  rank  or  j)rofessorships  in 
universities ;  to  imprisonment,  and  such  corj^oreal 
inflictions  as  were  allowable  in  the  case  of  heretics. 
The  judgment  was  to  be  summary  and  without 
appeal,  and  the  delinquent,  if  it  was  found  neces- 
sary, was  to  be  given  over  to  the  secular  arm.  All 
these  processes  were  made  obligatory  on  the  bishops 
and  inquisitors,  and  their  neglect  would  be  accounted 
a  crime.  ^ 

Such  was  the  document  by  which  the  new  pontiff 
signalized  his  zeal  against  the  Bohemian  heresy. 
Every  line  and  letter  of  it  breathed  the  spirit  that 
sent  Huss  to  the  stake.  Nor  was  it  meant  to  remain 
a  dead  letter.  The  news  of  Lord  Cobham's  death 
in  England  followed,  in  Bohemia,  with  scarce  a  day's 
interval,  the  announcement  of  the  bull.  That  great 
and  noble  man,  once  the  bosom  friend  of  the  king, 
had  been  hung  in  iron  chains  and  roasted  alive,  as 
a  sacrifice  to  the  bisfoted  zeal  of  the  church.  His 
death  by  fire  showed  that  he  died,  not  as  a  traitor 
to  the  state,  but  as  the  victim  of  ecclesiastical  intol- 
erance. Such  an  event  was  all  that  was  necessaiy  to 
fill  to  ovei-flowing  the  odious  cup  which  had  been 

»  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  1518. 


Cu.  XI.]  THE   TIIllKAT    OF    CRUSADE.  831 

put  to  tlie  lips  of  tlie  Bohemians  by  tlie  bull  of 
Martin  V.  If  the  council  had  studied  measures  of 
exasperation  instead  of  conciliation,  they  could  not 
more  wisely  have  calculated  on  the  result.  They 
were  continually  strengthening  the  party  whom  they 
souo-ht  to  defeat. 

The  threat  of  a  crusade,  thrown  out  by  the  coun- 
cil, as  well  as  the  pope  and  emperor,  and  employed 
alike  to  overawe  Wenzel  and  his  subjects,  however 
exasperating  it  might  be,  was  by  no  means  to  be 
lightly  treated.  If  sincere  zealots  for  the  papacy 
had  become  more  rare  than  in  a  former  age,  their 
place  in  the  ranks  of  invasion  could  be  well  supplied 
by  the  banditti  and  soldiers  of  fortune,  who  stood 
ready  to  engage  in  any  feasible  work  of  j^lunder, — 
none  the  less  prompt  that  a  pontiff  lent  them  the 
sanction  of  his  authority,  and  covered  their  violence 
with  his  absolution. 

Indeed,  at  this  veiy  juncture  the  pope  published 
a  crusade  aofainst  the  Moors,  at  the  solicitation  of 
the  king  of  Portugal.  John  XXIII.  had  employed 
similar  measures  against  his  enemy  Ladislaus,  king 
of  Naples.  Europe  had  not  yet  forgotten — was  not 
likely  soon  to  foi-get — the  merciless  cruelties  of  the 
crusade  ao^ainst  the  Albig^enses.  Euthless  havoc  and 
indiscriminating  massacre  had  changed  the  garden  of 
Southern  France  into  an  uninhabited  desert.  The 
very  name  of  crusade — notwithstanding  the  schism 
and  decline  of  the  papacy — was  still  terrible.  But 
even  the  danger  of  its  fulmination  against  the  Bo- 
hemians, did  not  shake  their  purpose,  or  their  stead- 
fast adherence  to  their  convictions.     Its  only  effect 


332  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HDSS.  [Ch.  XI. 

was  to  aggravate  their  indignation — already  glowing 
with  scorn  and  defiance — against  the  council. 

It  was  to  no  purpose  that  Martin  V.  sent  John 
Dominic,  one  of  his  cardinals,  as  legate  into  Bohe- 
mia,^ The  leo-ate  could  effect  nothincr.  The  bull 
that  had  preceded  him  had  done  its  work.  Dom- 
inic threw  up  his  mission  in  despau*,  and  returned  to 
report  his  ill  success.  He  wrote  to  Sigismund  and 
the  pope  that  the  Bohemians  could  only  be  brought 
back  and  reduced  by  force  of  arms.  Tongue  and 
pen  were  no  longer  weapons  with  which  to  vanquish 
them.^  Instead  of  receding  from  their  position,  they 
had  only  assumed  its  responsibilities  more  boldly. 
The  churches  they  demanded  were  granted  them  by 
the  feeble  monarch.  It  would  not  have  been  safe  to 
refuse.  His  half-threatening  remark  to  Nicholas  of 
Hussinitz — who  spoke  on  this  occasion  in  the  name 
of  his  countrymen — that  he  was  twisting  a  rope  for 
his  own  neck,  had  only  served  to  cause  him  to  with 
draw  from  Prague  to  his  own  estates,  where  he  could 
strengthen  himself  and  his  party  in  all  security. 
Zisca  (April  15)  soon  after  appeared  before  the  king, 
at  his  summons  addressed  to  the  Hussite  leaders  to 
meet  him  unarmed ;  but  he  came  with  a  body  of 
men  fully  equipped  for  battle.*  "  Here  we  are,  all 
armed,  sire,"  said  he,  "  according  to  your  orders,  to 
shed  the  last  drop  of  our  blood  against  your  ene- 
mies, if  we  may  but  know  who  they  are."     Zisca's 

*  L'Enfant,  590.      Bower  says  (iii.  11,  1418,  so  that  Dominic's  mission 

204)  that  John  Dominic  was  sent  as  could  not  have  been  discharged  before 

legate  to   Bohemia,   by   Martin    V.,  July  or  August  of  that  year, 

after  the  arrival  of  the  latter  at  Gene-  ■'  Fleury,  xxvi.  359. 

va.     The  pope  reached  this  city  June  '  L'Enfant,  591.     Fleury,  xxvi.  891. 


Cu.  XI.]  VIOLENCE   OF   THE   LEGATE.  333 

boldness   secured   his  impunity.     If  the  kino-  had 
cherished  hostile  intentions,  they  were  for  the  time 
abandoned.     He  did  not  care  to  confront  such  reso- 
lution and  energy  as  the  Hussite  leader  had  shown. 
But  this  course,  pursued  by  the  reform  party — wise 
as  it  was  in  its  very  boldness — was  induced  in  part, 
undoubtedly,  by  the  manner  in  which  Dominic  had 
discharged  his  mission.     Instead  of  gentle  measures, 
which  alone  could  have  succeeded,  he  showed  him- 
self true  to  the  spirit  which  had  dictated  the  papal 
bull.     At  Slany,  a  few  leagues  from  Prague,  he  en- 
tered one  of  the  churches  of  the  Hussites,  and  fiudino- 
upon  the  altar  a  box,  which  probably  contained  the 
CU2DS  used  by  them  in  the  celebration  of  the  eucharist, 
he  dashed  it  to  the  earth,  and  ordained  that  the  for- 
mer methods  of  worship  should  all  be  resumed.   Not 
content  with  this,  he  is  said,  in  conjunction  with  the 
Archbishop  Conrad,  to  have  burned  a  preacher  and 
a  layman  at  the  same  place.      Nothing  more  was 
necessary  to  drive  the  Hussites  to  desperation.     Such 
a  premonition  of  the  significance  of  the  bull,  was  not 
lost  upon  them.     Zisca  knew  well  how  to  take  ad- 
vantage of  it.     No  personal  violence  was  offered  to 
the  legate,  but  he  was  everywhere  greeted  with  dog- 
gerel songs,  reproaches,  invectives,  ridicule,  and  in- 
sult.    Threats  were  made  against  his  life,  unless  he 
withdrew  at  once  from  the  kingdom.     It  is  more 
than  possible  that  if  he  had  not  taken  so  plain  a  hint 
they  would  have  been  executed.     One  thing,  how- 
ever, he  had  learned,  that  nothing  short  of  the  im- 
perial power  could  bring  the  Bohemians  back  to 
their  allegiance  to  the  pope.     It  remained  to  be  seen 


334  LLB'E    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cn.  XI. 

whether  even  this  would  suffice.  Dominic  himself 
returned  from  Bohemia  to  accompany  the  emperor 
into  Hungary,  where  his  efforts  against  the  opinions 
of  the  reformers  are  said  to  have  been  more  success- 
ful. But  ah'eady  the  lines  began  to  be  drawn  in 
a  marked  manner  between  the  radical  and  the  con- 
servative elements  of  Bohemian  reform.  At  a 
synod  held  at  Prague,  Feb.  7,  1418,  certain  inno- 
vations were  condemned,  ^o  new  doctrine  might 
be  preached  without  having  first  been  submitted 
for  approval  to  the  masters  of  the  university.  The 
letter  of  Scripture  alone  was  not  to  be  the  standard 
of  doctrine,  nor  was  every  one  to  assume  to  de- 
termine its  spirit.  Purgatory  must  not  be  denied. 
Prayers  and  masses  for  the  dead  must  not  be 
rejected.  Intercession  of  saints  was  allowable. 
Oaths  were  lawful,  and  capital  punishment  might 
be  inflicted  in  extreme  cases.  Confession  and 
extreme  unction  were  to  be  retained,  and  images 
were  to  be  tolerated.  Only  the  Gospel  and  Epis- 
tles were  to  be  read  in  the  vernacular.  Other 
portions  of  the  service  were  to  be  in  the  Latin 
language.  We  may  judge  from  this  document 
what  were  the  contrasted  opinions  of  the  more 
zealous  party  around  Tabor. 


CHAPTEE    XII. 

.  FUTILE  ISSUE  OF  THE  COUNCIL.     ITS  DISSOLUTION. 

Martin  V.  Announces  His  Election.  —  Reception  of  the  ANNOtmcEMENT.  —  Thk 
King  OP  Aragon  Dissatisfied.  —  Favors  Benedict. — The  Refoumatory  Col- 
lege. —  Concordats.  — Measures  for  Reform.  —  Dissatisfaction.  —  Toe  Span- 
ish Nation. — Parody  of  the  Mass.  —  Presented  to  the  Pope.  —  Other  Com- 
plaints.—  Martin  V.  Eager  to  Return  to  Italy.  —  Greek  Church.  —  The 
Emperor.  —  Want  of  Money.  —  Disappointment.  —  Language  of  Gerson. — 
King  of  Poland.  —  Voladimir.  —  His  Protest.  —  Simony  of  Martin  V.  —  The 
Emperor's  Question.  — Anxiety  of  Members  to  Leave.  —  Humiliation  of  the 
Council. —  Liberality  of  Martin  V.  in  Granting  Indulgences.  —  The  Empe- 
ror's Dissatisfaction.  —  The  King  of  Poland  Aggrieved.  —  The  French  Con- 
cordat. —  England.  —  Spain.  —  Italy.  — Martin  V.  Leaves  Constance. 

Jan.  1,  1418  — April  28,  1418. 

The  council  was  now  approaching  the  close  of  its 
proceedings.  "With  the  election  of  Martin  V.  the 
interest  in  its  continuance  at  once  began  to  decline. 
The  prospects  of  reform  were  more  hopeless  than 
ever ;  for  it  was  soon  seen  that  the  election  had  only 
given  a  head  to  its  enemies. 

The  new  pontiff  showed  much  alacrity  in  the  an- 
nouncement of  his  election.^  He  wrote  to  the  uni- 
versities, and  the  different  states  and  kingdoms,  a 
circular  letter,  in  which  he  attributes  the  choice  that 
had  been  made  to  the  inspiration  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 
The   reception   of    his   letter   was   not   everywhere 

'  L'Enfant,  599. 

(335) 


336  LIFE    AND    TI.AIES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Ch.  XIL 

equally  welcome.  Pontifical  nature  had,  for  more 
tlian  forty  years,  excited  deep  distrust  throughout 
Christendom.  Otho  de  Colonna  as  cardinal  had  been 
highly  spoken  of;  but  what  would  he  be  as  Martin 
V.  ?  His  family  was  a  noble  one.^  For  centuries  it 
had  abounded  in  great  men.  Kings,  pontiffs,  and,  as 
some  said,  even  emperors  had  sprung  from  it.  Its 
importance,  if  nothing  more,  was  attested  by  the  foct 
that  Boniface  VIII.  had  excommunicated  the  whole 
family,  even  to  the  fourth  generation.  But  Boniface 
VIII.  had  secured  his  election  as  pontiff  by  "  terrify- 
ing his  predecessor  at  midnight,  and  threatening  him 
with  eternal  damnation  if  he  did  not  immediately 
resign."  Beside,  more  than  a  century  had  passed 
away,  and  the  curse  of  excommunication  had  well- 
nigh  spent  its  force.  Succeeding  pontiffs,  moreover, 
guided  by  a  wisdom  equally  infallible  with  that  of 
their  predecessor,  had  cancelled  the  decree  of  his 
pious  vengeance. 

The  Colonnas,  moreover,  had  shown  themselves 
men  not  lightly  to  be  assailed.  Martin  V.  had 
grown  old  in  the  discharge  of  important  ecclesiastical 
offices  connected  with  the  papacy.  He  was  one  of 
the  electors  of  Alexander  V.,  and  helped  give  him 
a  successor  in  the  person  of  the  notorious  John 
XXIII.  When  the  latter  fled  from  Constance,  Otho 
de  Colonna  accompanied  him.  Some  might  have 
asked  what  light  this  fact  threw  upon  his  character. 
He  was  certainly  a  learned  man — at  least  in  canon 
law,  which  he  had  taught  in  his  youth  as  a  professor 
at  Perusia.     Platina  praises  him  as  prudent,  gentle, 

'L'Enfant,  538. 


Ch.  xii.]  character  of  martin  v.  337 

temperate,  just,  and  dexterous  in  the  management  of 
aftairs.  Whatever  he  may  have  l)een  as  cardinal,  as 
pope  he  was  the  author  of  the  bull  against  the  Huss- 
ites, and  disappointed  the  hopes  of  all  that  earnestly 
longed  for  reform.  But  the  office  was  greater  than 
the  man.  His  position  mastered  him.  He  trod  in 
the  footsteps  of  his  predecessors,  because  he  did  not 
fancy  the  thorns  he  must  meet  in  diverging  from  the 
beaten  path.  "  As  cardinal,"  says  Windeck,  the  em- 
peror's prime  minister,  "  he  was  poor  and  modest ; 
but  as  pope,  Martin  V.  was  greedy  of  gain,  and  made 
himself  very  rich." 

His  election  as  pope  ranged  the  greater  part 
of  Christendom  on  his  side.  Congratulations  came 
in  upon  him  from  almost  every  direction.  Some, 
however,  were  inclined  to  hesitate  in  the  declaration 
of  their  allegiance.  France  resented  the  part  which 
the  emperor  had  taken  in  his  election.  Sigismund 
had  leagued  himself  with  England,  and  was  regarded 
as  an  enemy.  Should  Fi'ance  accept  as  pope  the 
creature  of  his  choice  ?  He  had  governed  the  coun- 
cil, and  had  not  left  it  free  to  act.  Martin  V.  was 
but  a  tool  of  the  emperor.  The  French  parliament 
declined  to  recognize  any  one  as  pope  till  the  depu- 
tation at  the  council  had  returned  safe. 

Other  matters  soon  conspired  to  aggravate  the 
difficulty.  The  king  of  Aragon  had  not  entirely  re- 
covered from  his  leanings  toward  Benedict  XIH. 
If  he  threw  aside  his  old  friend,  he  demanded  some 
equivalent  in  return.  Money  was  needed,  and  he 
cast  a  greedy  eye  on  the  property  of  the  church. 
He,  as  well  as  his  father,  had  been  at  considerable 

VOL.  II.  22 


338  LIFE   AND   TBIES    OF   JOHN"   HUSS.  [Ch.  XII. 

expense  and  trouble  to  bring  about  tine  measures 
whicli  had  ranged  Aragon  on  the  side  of  the  council, 
and  which  had  resulted  in  the  election  of  Martin  V. 
This  was  the  ground  of  his  claim.  He  had  demanded 
the  right  to  dispose  of  benefices  in  Sicily  and  Sar- 
dinia, independent  of  the  pontiff,  with  a  share  of 
tithes  on  ecclesiastical  property  in  Aragon  belong- 
ing to  the  Roman  See.^  Martin  V.  thought  the 
18,000  florins  which  he  could  draw  yearly  from  Sicily 
and  Sardinia,  too  much  to  surrender  for  a  good-will 
now  no  longer  necessary,  and  he  refused  the  terras, 
offering  in  their  stead  others,  which  the  king  of  Ara- 
gon treated  with  scorn.  The  result  was  that  Benedict 
XIII.  received  thenceforth,  first  the  secret,  and  then 
the  open  support  of  the  king.  Thus  was  he  enabled 
to  defy  the  bull  of  excommunication  launched  against 
him  by  Martin  V.,  on  his  refusal  to  lay  down  the 
pontifical  dignity. 

But  this  was  not  all.  Benedict  was  not  content 
to  act  merely  on  the  defensive.  When  he  heard,  at 
Peniscola,  of  the  election  of  Martin  V.,  he  assembled 
the  four  cardinals  and  the  few  clerks  he  had  with 
him,  and  calling  his  assembly  a  general  council  and 
the  Catholic  church,  he  solemnly  excommunicated  as 
schismatics  all  who  had  shared  in  the  election  of 
Martin  V.,  and  all  who  should  acknowledge  or  obey 
him.^  It  was  in  vain  that  many  of  the  Spanish 
bishops  repaired  to  Peniscola,  and  entreated  Bene- 
dict to  yield,  and  not  any  longer  oppose  himself  to  all 
Christendom.  It  was  in  vain  that  some  of  his  car- 
dinals seconded  the  request.     To  all  alike  he  made 

*Fleury,  xxvi.  377.     L'Enfant,  574.  "Bower,  iii.  208. 


Ch.  XII.]  BENEDICT    URGED   TO    YIEI D.  339 

the  same  answer,  that  Christ  had  entrusted  him,  as 
his  vicar  on  earth,  with  the  care  of  his  church,  and 
he  would  never  betray  the  trust,  or  yield  the  See  of 
St.  Peter  to  a  usurper.  At  last,  jinding  himself 
almost  entirely  deserted,  he  declared  that  if  he  must 
treat,  it  should  be  with  Martin  V.  alone. 

"  If  Martin  is  so  reasonable  a  man  as  you  say,"  so 
answered  Benedict  to  the  ambassador  who  announced 
to  him  the  new  election,  "T  am  quite  willing  to  have 
a  conference  with  him  in  regard  to  the  means  of  giv- 
ing peace  to  the  church."  This  was  all  the  submis- 
sion that  could  be  wrung  out  of  the  old  hero,  calmly 
defying  the  world  from  his  fortress  of  Peniscola,  and 
resolved  to  live  and  to  die — a  pope.  Even  the  coun- 
cil of  Constance  must  leave  the  church  to  some  ex- 
tent divided  by  allegiance  to  two  heads. 

But  it  was  when  measures  of  reform,  so  long 
promised  and  so  long  delayed,  were  at  last  taken 
up  by  Martin  V.,  that  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  na- 
tions began  to  manifest  itself  in  a  marked  manner. 
The  grave  complaints  and  urgent  demands  which 
issued  in  the  appointment  by  the  council  of  the  re- 
formatory college,  could  not  be  altogether  ignored. 
The  schemes  of  this  latter  body  were  laid  before  the 
pope,  and  he  found  that  something  must  be  done. 
But  he  showed  himself  equal  to  the  emergency,  the 
needed  Fabius  of  corruption.  Although  he  had 
sworn  to  the  article  of  the  reformatory  college,  by 
which  he  bound  himself  to  suppress  the  most  crying 
abuses  of  the  court  of  Rome,  one  of  his  fii"st  acts  as 
pope  betrayed  his  real  purpose  to  evade  the  obliga- 
tion.    The  rules  of  the  Roman  chancery  had  been 


340  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  XIl, 

regarded,  and  to  a  great  extent  justly,  as  the  source 
of  simony  and  papal  usurpations.  It  was  necessary, 
therefore,  that  these  should  first  of  all  be  set  right. 
The  pope  examined  and  corrected  them.  They 
were  at  length  published ;  but  only  a  skilful  critic 
could  have  discovered  any  marked  difference  be- 
tween these,  and  those  that  had  been  issued  by 
John  XXIII.  Scarce  a  single  abuse  was  given  up. 
Reservations,  vacancies,  dispensations,  tithes,  annates, 
indulsrences — all  was  in  fact  retained. 

Other  abuses  were  complained  of.  The  five  na- 
tions demanded  of  the  pope,  a  few  days  after  his 
ejection,  that  he  should  fulfil  his  promise.^  He  told 
them  each  to  draw  up  a  list  of  their  grievances.  He 
then  proposed  to  treat  Avith  each  nation  by  itself, 
and  instead  of  a  general  reform,  adopt  the  measure 
of  concordats  with  each.^  There  was  wisdom  in  this. 
It  was  easier  to  deal  with  them  singly.  They  were 
less  formidable  when  thus  divided.  Beside,  from 
one  nation  terms  could  be  secured  to  which  another 
would  not  consent.  England  had  a  tei'rible  statute 
o^ prcemunire^  which  Martin  V.  would  not  choose  to 
see  thrown  in  his  way  as  a  barrier  in  dealing  with 
the  French  or  Germans. 

Concordats  were  accordingly  arranged.  In  these 
the  pope  managed  with  great  prudence.  He  gave 
up  only  what  it  was  impossible  to  retain,  nor  did  he 
yield  even  this  without  seeking  to  secure  in  return 
some  equivalent.  On  some  points  he  was  met  with 
direct  and  persistent  opposition.  England,  for  eight 
years,  would  not  receive  his  cardinal  legate.     The 

'  L'Enfant,  653.  *  Von  der  Hardt,  iv.  1512. 


Ch.  XII.]  SCHEME    OF    REFORM.  341 

Archbishop  Chichely  would  not  consent  to  a  step 
that  infiiuged  the  prerogatives  of  his  primacy,  or 
contemned,  as  he  maintained,  the  laws  of  England.* 
France  was  strengthened  in  her  aversion  to  the  con- 
coi-dat  offered  her,  by  her  jealousy  of  papal  preroga- 
tive threatening  to  encroach  on  the  liberties  of  the 
Gallican  church,  and  by  her  hatred  of  England  and 
the  emperor. 

But  in  truth  the  concordats  were  of  small  account. 
They  met  some  of  the  complaints  of  the  nations,  but 
betrayed  throughout  an  entire  aversion  to  any  real 
or  thorough  reform.  One  article  limited  the  cardi- 
nals to  twenty-four;*  but  of  what  avail  was  this, 
except  for  the  moment  ?  Another  was  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  abuse  of  indulgences;  and  yet,  in  less 
than  a  single  century,  this  was  to  be  the  exciting 
cause  of  a  revolt  that  would  rend  the  church  in 
twain.  Others  still  were  directed  to  the  subjects  of 
dispensations,  plurality  of  benefices,  restrictions  upon 
the  monks,  and  matters  of  order  and  ecclesiastical 
regulation,  attempting  to  remedy  the  more  gross  and 
crying  evils,  lopping  off  limbs  indeed  from  the  tree 
of  corruption,  mutilating  its  fair  proportions,  but  in 
fact  only  pruning  it  for  a  more  vigorous  and  luxuri- 
ant growth.*  It  needed  a  Luther  to  lay  the  axe  at 
the  root  of  the  tree,  but  no  Luther  was  to  be  found 
at  Constance  after  the  death  of  IIuss. 

There  were  some  regulations  adopted  by  the  conn, 
cil  generally,  with  the  sanction  of  the  pope,  beside 
the  concordats,  that  were  intended  to  answer  the 
purpose  of  reform.     But  the  whole  movement  was 

>L'Eniant,569.      'lb..  569.      ^ Fleury,  xxvi  372,  394.    L'Enfant,  597-600. 


342  LIFE   A]S^D    TIMES    OF   JOmS"   HUSS.  [Cu.  XIL 

regarded  by  many  members  of  the  council  as  a  mere 
feint  to  ward  off  the  charge  that  might  be  made 
against  that  body  of  neglecting  its  appropriate  work. 
The  pope  himself  knew  what  he  was  about.  He 
conceded  just  what  he  might  safely  yield,  or  what  he 
could  not  safely  retain.  Provincial  councils  should 
be  held  every  three  years,  to  last  eight  or  ten  days. 
The  pope  should  decide  nothing  important  without 
the  advice  of  his  cardinals.  He  should  not  take  the 
title  of  Most  Holy^  unless  in  his  life  and  conduct  he 
showed  himself  worthy  of  it.  The  cardinals  were  to 
be  distinguished  for  their  learning,  morals,  and  ex- 
perience, and  none  could  be  elected  at  an  age  short 
of  thirty  years.  The  officers  of  the  chancellor's 
court  were  to  be  of  a  fixed  number,  and  the  charges 
allowed  them  were  specified.  Reservations  were  to 
be  abolished ;  dispensations  to  be  granted  only  with 
the  concurrence  of  a  majority  of  the  college  of  car- 
dinals. The  pope  should  no  longer  impede  the  course 
of  justice.  He  should  not  protract  suits,  or  annul 
them  after  sentence,  unless  for  legitimate  causes.  He 
should  not  impose  tenths  unless  authorized  by  a  gen- 
ei'al  council.  Restrictions  were  imposed  upon  ex- 
emptions and  translations.  Simony  was  to  be  pun- 
ished by  deprivation  in  an  ecclesiastic,  and  by  excom- 
munication in  a  layman.^ 

Such  were  the  measures  for  the  reform  of  the  papal 
court.  In  matters  pertaining  to  episcopal  jurisdic- 
tion, the  council  pronounced  on  the  subject  of  bene- 
fices and  the  right  of  patronage,  church  property, 
matrimonial  suits,  dowries,  the  estates  of  widovrs  and 

'  L'Enfaut,  658,  ct  seq. 


Ch.  XII.]  REFORM    OF   THE   PRIESTHOOD.  343 

wards,  heresies,  schisms,  legacies,  donations,  the  con- 
flict of  civil  and  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction.  The  duty 
of  provincial  synods  was  declared.  They  were  to 
maintain  ecclesiastical  liberty  and  union ;  nor  were 
they  to  make  war,  except  when  commanded  by  the 
sovereign,  or  on  the  failure  of  ecclesiastical  censures 
to  attain  their  object. 

The  priesthood  is  next  looked  after.  The  bishops 
must  exercise  a  shaVp  surveillance  over  it.  If  one 
lived  with  a  concubine,  he  was  to  lose  his  benefice 
unless  within  a  month  he  sent  her  away.  The  chil- 
dren of  priests  could  not  be  admitted  to  orders,  or 
allowed  to  hold  a  benefice,  without  a  dispensation 
from  Rome.*  Residence,  on  curates,  was  rendered 
imperative.  They  were  always  to  wear  the  ecclesi- 
astical habit.  None  was  to  serve  in  a  parish  where 
he  could  not  speak  the  language.  The  age,  the  rev- 
enues, and  the  mode  of.  electing  canons  were  pre- 
scribed. Unjust  oaths,  imposed  as  a  condition  of 
choice,  were  null.  Bishops  were  allowed  a  similar 
release.  On  a  bishop's  death,  the  canons  were  not 
allowed  to  despoil  his  house  or  property.  The  monks 
also  were  bound  more  strictly  to  regard  their  vows 
of  obedience,  charity,  and  poverty.*  The  nuns  were 
required  to  conform  to  certain  rules  prescribing  age 
and  conduct.  If  a  man  presented  himself  to  be 
received  into  holy  orders,  he  was  strictly  to  be  ques- 
tioned whether  his  father  or  grandfather  had  not 
treated  ecclesiastics  with  violence,  in  their  persons  or 
goods.  Civil  interference  with  ecclesiastical  courts 
was  to  be  repelled,  and  punished  by  interdict.     The 

»  L'Enfant,  681.  '  lb.,  686. 


344  LIFE   AND    TBIES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cn.  XII. 

consecration  of  chapels,  the  observance  of  festivals, 
the  exposure  of  relics  to  public  view,  afforded  matter 
of  tleliberation  for  the  grave  wisdom  of  the  reform- 
ing college  acting  in  concert  with  the  pope.  The 
last  article  can  speak  for  itself.  It  mildly  decrees, 
in  regard  to  that  much-abused  people  whom  Martin 
V.  at  his  coronation  had  treated  with  insult,  "that 
when  a  Jew  is  converted,  and  adheres  to  Christianity, 
he  shall  give  up  only  half  his  property,  whether 
landed  or  personal,  in  restitution  of  usury  practised 
on  Christians,  and  shall  charitably  be  allowed  to  re- 
tain the  other  half,  for  his  own  support  and  that  of 
his  family."^ 

Such  were  in  substance  the  acts  of  the  reformatory 
college.  The  church  had  asked  for  bread :  the 
council  gave  her  a  stone.  She  asked  for  an  egg : 
the  council  gave  her  a  scorpion.  The  decrees  of 
reform  read  like  a  libel  on  the  ecclesiastical  order  of 
the  age.  Could  the  hierarchy  have  become  so  cor- 
rupt, we  ask,  that  these  prohibitions  of  gross  inde- 
cency and  injustice  could  assume  the  name  of  an 
organized  reform  ?  There  were  some  who  regarded 
them  in  their  true  significance — as  a  plaster  to  cover 
up  tbe  sore  which  they  could  not  heal.  In  fact,  they 
deceived  no  one.  The  pope  wished  merely  to  save 
appearances.  In  regard  to  the  article  proposed  by 
th.e  reformatory  college  bearing  upon  the  cii'cum- 
stances  in  whicb  a  pope  might  be  deposed  by  the 
council,  he  avoided  giving  any  answer.  He  would 
not  allow  of  a  decree  which  might  trench  on  his 
own    prerogative.      What    the   council    had   done 

'  L'Enfant,  '707. 


Cu.  XII.]  HUMILIATING    RESULT.  345 

in  declaring  its  supremacy  over  the  Papal  See,  lie 
chose  to  ignore.  There  was  a  significance  in  the  fact, 
that  in  the  questions  to  he  proposed  to  the  Hussites, 
and  enumerated  in  his  Lull,  there  was  one  on  this 
very  point. 

Thus,  nearly  four  years  had  passed  away,  and 
nothing  of  importance  had  been  accomplished  in 
regard  to  one  of  the  chief  objects  for  which  the 
council  had  been  convoked.  The  result  was  ridic- 
ulous—  humiliatinoj.  The  nations  were  dissatisfied. 
They  were  loud  in  their  complaints.  But  Martin 
v.,  secure  in  his  seat,  met  them  all  with  philosophical 
equanimity.  The  council  had  served  his  purjDose, 
and  he  wished  now  to  get  rid  of  it.  Unless  it  was 
speedil}'  dissolved,  he  feared  its  activity.  It  might 
do  mischief.  It  was  only  too  easy  to  see  whither- 
ward things  were  tending.  The  emperor  was  disap- 
pointed, disheartened,  disgusted.  He  had  been  foiled 
and  beaten  at  his  own  game  of  dissimulation.  The 
pope  could  do  all  that  he  had  done,  and  not  hlu-sh. 

Tlie  Spanish  nation,  especially,  was  indignant.  They 
wished  to  carry  back  from  Constance  some  equiva- 
lent for  having  thrown  Benedict  XIII.  overboard. 
How  were  they  now  better  off  than  before,  if  there 
was  to  be  no  reform  worthy  of  the  name  ?  In  j^er- 
sonal  merit,  Benedict  XIII.  might  claim  to  be  at 
least  equal  to  Martin  V.  Why  should  the  former 
be  given  up,  if  the  j^apal  court  was  to  continue  what 
it  was  before  ? 

The  indignation  of  the  Spaniards  found  vent  in 
satu-e.  ^     "  A  mass  against  simony  " — such  was  the 

'  L'Enfant,  66Y. 


346  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHI^   HUSS.  [Cu.  Xll. 

singular  name  of  tlie  article  in  whicli  tlieir  scorn  for 
papal  corruption  was  expressed.  A  man  dreams  of 
going  as  a  pilgrim  to  tlie  Churcli  of  the  Holy  Cross 
at  Rome.  As  lie  approaches  it,  he  sees  the  house  of 
a  peasant,  Simon  by  name,  rising  higher  than  the 
church  itself,  though  the  house  was  yet  without  a 
roof.  While  gazing  with  surprise  at  its  heiglit,  a 
certain  person  meets  him  and  says,  "A  truce  to  your 
surprise :  take  a  seat  here  now,  and  write  out  a  new 
mass,  or  a  new  office  touching  simony  ;  for  the  house 
you  see  represents  the  estate  of  Simon  Magus,  who  is 
ever  at  work  to  raise  it  above  the  church."  The  pil- 
grim obeys  the  direction,  and  seats  himself  to  write. 

"  Introduction. — We  deplore,  all  of  us  in  the 
Lord,  the  sad  times  in  which  we  live.  We  groan 
over  the  horrible  simony  that  prevails  at  present. 
For  this,  poor  human  wretches  mourn  and  grieve, 
according  to  the  saying.  My  heart  utters  forth  one 
word^  that  is.  Simony^  a  word  hard  to  be  heard. 
Gloria  Patri. 

"O  God,  who  for  the  sins  of  men,  and  by  the 
little  care  shown  to  distinguish  the  good  and  bad, 
hast  permitted  simony  to  make  such  great  jirogress, 
insomuch  that  where  the  more  holiness  should  abound, 
there  the  more  simony  reigns,  so  that  churches  are 
taxed,  benefices  are  reserved,  elections  are  abolished, 
sacraments  are  sold  and  bought, — we  pray  thee  to 
pm-ify  the  church  from  these  pollutions,  granting  to 
those  guilty  of  simony,  converting  grace,  or,  if  they 
refuse  to  be  converted,  smiting  them  as  Peter  smote 
Simon  Magus,  or  as  Elisha  smote  Gehazi,  those  traf- 
fickei*8  in  sacred  thinsrs.     Per  Dominum, 


Cu.  XII.]  A    ilASS    ON    SIMONY.  347 

"  (Scripture  to  be  read — Revelation  of  St.  John, 
chap,  xvii.) 

"  In  those  days  came  one  of  the  seven  angels  and 
spake  with  me,  saying,  Come,  and  I  will  show  thee 
the  judgment  of  the  great  whore  that  sitteth  upon 
many  waters,  with  whom  the  kings  of  the  earth  liave 
committed  fornication,  and  the  inhahitants  of  tlie 
earth  have  been  made  drunk  with  the  wine  of  her 
prostitution.  So  he  carried  me  away  in  the  spirit 
into  the  wilderness ;  and  I  saw  a  woman  sit  upon  a 
scarlet-covered  beast,  full  of  names  of  blasphemy, 
having  seven  heads  and  ten  horns.  And  the  woman 
was  arrayed  in  purple  and  scarlet  color,  and  decked 
with  gold  and  precious  stones  and  pearls,  having  a 
golden  cuj)  in  her  hand  full  of  abominations,  and 
the  filthiness  of  her  fornication. 

"  Grad.  ^  Lord,  who  shall  abide  in  thy  taberna- 
cle ;  who  shall  dwell  in  thy  holy  mountain  ? 

"  Ver.  He  that  hath  clean  hands  and  a  pure  heart, 
uncontaminated  with  simony,  who  does  according  to 
the  righteousness  of  God.     Hallelujah. 

"  He  hath  grown  fat,  he  hath  become  gross,  his 
heart  is  lifted  up,  and  he  hath  forsaken  the  Lord  his 
Maker,  and  hath  given  himself  up  to  the  iniquity  of 
simony.     Hallelujah. 

"  Seq.  Matt.  X.  Jesus  said  to  his  disciples,  Go  ye, 
and  preach,  The  kingdom  of  heaven  is  at  hand.  Heal 
the  sick,  raise  the  dead,  recover  the  lepers,  drive  out 
demons,  freely  give  as  ye  have  freely  received.  Take 
neither  gold  nor  silver  in  your  puree. 

'  The  successive  oflBces  of  the  mass  are  indicated  by  the  abbreviated 
headinsrs. 


348  LIFE   AKD   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  XII. 

"  Offert.  All  seek  their  own,  not  the  tilings  that 
are  Jesus  Christ's. 

"  Seceet.  O  God,  who  of  the  abundance  of  thy 
mercy  hast  commanded  to  bestow  the  sacraments 
and  the  benefits  of  the  church  gratuitously,  grant 
converting  grace  to  those  who  buy  and  sell.  And 
if  they  will  not  be  converted,  do  to  them  according 
to  their  iniquity,  that  others  better  than  they  may 
take  theii'  bishoj)ric.     JPe?'  Dominum  nostrum. 

"  CoMMUisr.  If  my  children  shall  not  play  the 
master  in  benefices  wickedly  acquired,  then  shall  I 
be  without  spot,  and  I  shall  be  pure  from  the  great 
sin  of  simony. 

"  Post  Commun.  O  Lord,  who  hast  freely  bestowed 
thyself  upon  us,  we  pray  thee  that  those  who  sell 
and  those  who  buy  these  same  gifts  of  thine,  may 
ever  receive  the  portion  of  Judas,  who  sold  thee — 
thee  who  livest  and  reignest  with  God  the  Father,  in 
the  unity  of  the  Holy  Spirit. 

"  (This  mass  to  be  chanted  immediately  after  the 
festival  of  the  See  of  St.  Peter.)" 

When  the  mass  had  thus  been  wiitten,  the  one 
who  had  dictated  it  said  to  the  pilgrim,  "  In  the 
name  of  the  true  spouse  of  the  church  of  Jesus 
Christ,  I  command  you  promptly  to  inform  King 
Alfonso  what  is  therein  written,  that  he  may  present 
it  to  the  poj)e,  boldly  and  without  delay,  prajdng 
him,  in  the  name  of  God,  and  as  pastor  and  head  of 
the  church,  that  he  himself  pray,  and  cause  othere  to 
pray,  that  this  cursed  sin  of  simony  may  be  removed 
from  the  church.  For  I  know  that  the  smoke  thereof 
hath  risen  up  to  heaven,  and  that  divine  Justice  is 


CH.XII.]  COMPLAINTS    OF   THE    NATI0N8.  349 

SO  provoked,  that  if  this  pope  does  not  provide  some 
remedy,  he  may  be  assured  that  he  shall  soon  be 
smitten  by  a  great  plague,  so  that  he  shall  fall  and 
be  reduced  to  nothing.  While,  if  he  shall  coiTect 
abuses,  he  shall  reign  upon  the  throne  of  the  church, 
and  triumph  over  his  enemies.  Yet,  let  him  know 
that  he  has  not  been  raised  to  the  See  of  St.  Peter 
through  his  own  merit,  but  by  God's  permission,  to 
reform  the  church  in  all  humility  and  fidelity,  while 
exercising  his  power  against  such  as  refuse  to  obey 
its  commands." 

Nothing  could  more  plainly  manifest  the  deep  dis- 
content that  prevailed,  than  the  appearance  of  such 
a  document  in  spite  of  the  decree  of  the  council 
against  all  defamatory  and  libellous  compositions. 
Undoubtedly  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  king  of  Ara- 
gon  with  Martin  V.  was  mainly  due  to  the  fact  that 
the  latter  would  not  alienate  in  his  favor  the  posses- 
sions of  the  church.  But  the  utter  neglect  of  the 
council,  through  the  pope's  management,  to  initiate 
any  thorough  reform,  gave,  in  the  eyes  of  many,  a 
pretext  for  his  com*se.  Nor  did  those  who  sided  with 
him  fail  to  impeach  the  character  of  the  council  as  legit- 
imate,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  not  properly  convoked, 
and  that  the  church  was  not  properly  represented. 

Other  nations  had  complaints  to  ofter.  But  all 
were  vain.  They  had  to  devour  their  gi'ief  in  silence. 
The  pope  was  master  of  the  council,  and  they  who 
had  placed  him  over  them,  had  to  mourn — like  the 
Israelites  when  a  king  had  been  granted  at  their  re- 
quest— the  impolicy  and  folly  of  a  course  that  had 
made  them  the  slaves  of  another's  will. 


350  LIFE   AND   TIJVIE3    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Ch.  XII. 

In  tlie  little  tliat  had  been  now  accomplisTied, 
more  than  thi'ee  months  had  been  spent,  and  the 
pope  was  eager  to  return  to  Italy,  and  recover  from 
the  grasp  of  his  enemies  the  ravaged  states  of  the 
church.  It  was  in  vain  that  Sia^ismund  uro-ed  him 
to  delay.  Every  thing  was  expedited  to  secure  the 
speedy  dissolution  of  the  council.  Even  an  embassy 
from  the  Greek  church,  which  reached  Constance  at 
the  beginning  of  the  year,  (1418,)  and  which  pro- 
posed the  important  subject  of  the  union  of  the 
Greek  and  Latin  churches,  could  not  retard  the  ar- 
rangements of  Martin  V.  for  closing  the  council. 
Something  indeed  was  done  to  encourage  the  union, 
which  the  Greeks,  pressed  as  they  were  by  the  Turks, 
manifested  an  unusual  readiness  to  promote.  Latin 
women — some  of  princely  houses — were  sent  back  as 
brides  for  Greek  husbands  ;^  and  perhaps  this  was  the 
best  argument  for  union  which  the  council  had  to 
offer. 

Meanwhile  the  emperor  was  busy  with  civil  as  well 
as  ecclesiastical  affairs.  He  was  anxious  to  harmonize 
his  distracted  and  turbulent  provinces  and  princes. 
Frederic  of  Austria  had  been  received  back  to  the 
im^Derial  favor.'^  The  Duke  of  Milan  was  constrained 
to  acknowledge  his  feudal  allegiance,  and  was  urged 
on  by  the  emperor  to  attack  Genoa,  thus  endanger- 
ing the  peace  of  Italy,  and  especially  the  safety  of 
Florence.*  But  the  perfidious  wretch,  Philippo  Maria, 
stained  with  blood  and  crime,  fought  for  the  promo 
tion  of  his  own  selfish  interests,  and  Sigismund  had 
too  many  matters  on  hand  to  impose  upon  him — had 

•  L'Enfant,  677.  » lb.,  605.  '  lb.,  572. 


Cii.  XII.]  SIGISMUND    IN    WANT    OF    MONEY.  351 

he  boen  so  disposed — any  restraint.  lie  was  anxious 
above  all  to  replenish  liis  exhausted  treasury.  More 
complaisant  to  him  than  to  the  king  of  Aragon, 
Martin  V.  allowed  him,  in  consideration  of  what  he 
had  done  for  the  church,  a  share  of  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal revenues  of  Germany  for  the  space  of  a  year.^ 

It  was  in  vain  that  the  several  dioceses  which  were 
affected  by  this  project,  uttered  their  complaints ;  in 
vain  that  they  appealed  to  the  bull  of  the  j^ope 
which  they  had  regarded  as  protecting  them  from 
such  an  imposition.  The  logic  of  their  skilful  advo- 
cate, Dominic  de  Geminiano,  might  expose  the  pajDal 
inconsistency  and  injustice,  but  it  was  powerless 
against  interest  armed  with  imperial  patronage,  espe- 
cially when  the  pope,  by  express  reservation,  had 
secured  all  pontifical  revenues  from  being  touched. 

From  the  Duke  of  Austria,  Sigismmid  wrung  out 
50,000  florins,  as  the  condition  of  peace  and  a  ran- 
som for  his  states.  He  was  ready  enough  to  accept 
the  money,  and  recover  to  his  allegiance  one  of  his 
rebellious  subjects,  of  whom  he  had  too  many  on  his 
hands  already.  The  Swiss  had  seized  the  occasion 
of  the  duke's  being  put  under  the  ban  of  the  empire, 
to  rob  him  of  several  of  the  cities  which  he  had 
held  of  the  empire.  Sigismund  now  demanded  them 
back.  The  Swiss  refused  compliance  with  the  de- 
mand, and  the  emperor  accepted  in  place  of  them — 
what  he  most  needed — money.  The  cities  of  May- 
ence,  Spires,  and  Worms,  anxious  to  secure  privileges 
for  themselves,  found  all  negotiations  vain  without — 
money.     The   em2:)eror's  coffers  were  replenished — 

»  L'Enfant,  616. 


352  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHI^    HUSS.  [Cn.  XII. 

only  again  to  be  exliausted.  Sonietliing  of  a  satis- 
faction to  liim  it  must  have  been  to  be  recognized  as 
emperor — as  lie  now  was  in  solemn  ceremony — by  tlie 
newly  elected  pontiff.  Tlie  golden  rose  was  bestow- 
ed upon  liim  ;^  but  tbe  still  unsettled  state  of  tlie  em- 
pire, tlie  futile  measures  of  reform  in  tlie  council, 
tlie  growing  strength  of  the  Hussites  in  Bohemia,  all 
tended  to  provoke  and  irritate  him.  He  was  contin- 
ually busy,  ever  anxious,  going  from  and  suddenly 
returning  to  Constance,  none  could  tell  why.  The 
Turk  threatened  him  in  Hungary.  He  anxiously 
awaited  intelligence  fi'om  the  embassadors  sent  by 
the  council  to  restore  peace  between  France  and 
England.  He  sympathized  with  Gerson  in  his  dis- 
appointment that  the  writings  of  Petit  and  Falken- 
berg  had  never  been  condemned  in  full  council,  and 
when  he  saw  Martin  V.  about  to  leave  the  city  of 
Constance,  he  must  have  reviewed  with  saddened 
heart  the  labors  and  anxieties  of  the  last  four  years. 
It  was  certainly  a  most  significant  fact  that,  in 
spite  of  Gerson's  eloquence  and  logic,  the  urgency  of 
the  French  monarch,  the  deep  feeling  and  anxious 
effort  of  the  emj^eror,  as  well  as  the  letters  of  the 
king  of  Poland  and  the  arguments  of  his  embassa- 
dors, the  pope  and  council  could  not  be  induced  to 
touch  the  books  of  Petit  and  Falkenberg.  Gerson 
was  indignant.  "  Why,"  he  asked — and  the  council 
would  have  been  at  a  loss  for  an  answer — "  Why  con- 
demn the  writings  of  Huss  and  Wickliffe,  and  leave 
writings  far  more  pernicious  unsentenced  ?  Well  may 
the  Bohemians  accuse  the  council — and  with  justice 

'  L'Enfant,  592. 


Cu.  XII.]  TKKAT.MKNT    OF    IXFIDELS.  353 

— of  a  most  criminal  partiality,  in  judging  with  such 
severity  heresies  for  less  criminal  than'tliose  of  Petit 
and  Falkenberg,  which  it  treats  with  indifference. 
The  autliority  of  the  council  is  made  cheap ;  its  acts 
become  null  and  void ;  it  is  made  a  lauc:hin2:-stock 
for  schismatics,  infidels,  and  especially  Peter  de  Luna 
and  such  as  fovor  him,  when  they  see  so  little  accom- 
plished on  the  election  of  a  pope  from  whom  so 
much  was  expected."  ^ 

But  the  ambassadors  of  the  kinsr  of  Poland  were 
resolved  to  make  one  more  effort,  full  as  much  char- 
acterized by  the  spirit  of  humanity  and  justice,  as 
that  of  which  Gerson  was  the  champion  against 
Petit.  Is  brutal  violence  the  proper  instrument  for 
converting  infidels  to  Christianity  ? — that  was  the 
question.  Protesting  against  the  violence  and  car- 
nage of  the  Teutonic  knights,  the  king  of  Poland, 
and  Voladimir,  his  ambassador,  plead  the  cause  of 
reason  and  truth.  Should  their  plea  be  heard  ?  It 
was  in  advance  of  the  age.  It  was  a  gleam  of  light 
from  a  brighter  future.  Should  it  be  quenched  in 
the  darkness  of  papal  bigotry?  Should  it  yield 
to  the  prejudices  against  which  it  clashed  ?  Let  us 
see. 

Otho  de  Colonna  had  signed,  while  yet  cardinal, 
the  condemnation  of  Falkenberg's  as  well  as  Petit's 
writings.  He  now  wore  the  tiara,  and  presided  over 
the  council  at  this  its  forty-fifth  and  last  session, 
(April  22,  1418.)  At  the  fitting  moment  the  advo- 
cate of  the  Polish  ambassadors  arose,  and  presented 
to  the  council  the  book  of  Falkenberg.^    It  had  been 

•  Gers.  Op.,  v.  1014.  '  Von  der  ITardt,  iv.  1549. 

VOL.  11.  23 


354:  LIFE   AXD   TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Ch.  XII. 

condemned  by  the  commission  appointed  to  examine 
it,  by  tlie  nations  severally,  by  the  college  of  cardi- 
nals, and  all  this  with  perfect  unanimity.  He  there- 
fore submitted  humbly  that  it  should  also  be  con- 
demned in  full  council,  otherwise  the  ambassadors 
of  Poland  and  Lithuania  would  protest  against  this 
denial  of  justice,  and  would  appeal  to  a  future  coun- 
cil. The  statement  of  the  advocate  was  disputed. 
The  patriarchs  of  Constantinople  and  Antioch  main- 
tained that  the  book  had  not  been  unanimously  con- 
demned. Two  notaries  pronounced  the  assertion 
false.  In  the  midst  of  the  confusion  consequent, 
Paul  Voladimir  arose  and  demanded  audience.  His 
advocate  had  omitted  some  things  that  should  have 
been  spoken.  As  he  reached  his  hand,  however,  to 
take  from  the  advocate  the  paper  which  he  wished 
to  read,  the  pope  imposed  silence,  and  declared  by 
the  mouth  of  one  of  his  officers,  that  what  had  been 
passed  in  full  council  in  matters  of  faith,  he  regarded 
as  inviolably  binding — but  nothing  more. 

This  declaration  was  meant  to  be  final.  But  Vo- 
ladimir was  not  thus  to  be  put  oflP.  He  went  on  with 
his  reading.  Again  the  pope  silenced  him,  threat- 
ening excommunication  unless  he  should  desist.-^  He 
then  presented  his  protest  in  the  names  of  the  king 
of  Poland  and  the  duke  of  Lithuania,  solemnly  ap- 
pealed to  the  next  general  council,  and  demanded 
the  cei-tification  of  his  protest  and  appeal.  The 
language  employed  is  bold  and  manly.  The  chief 
purpose  for  which  the  council  was  convoked — the 
extirpation  of  heresy — had  been  neglected.     Desir- 

•  L'Enfant,  609. 


Ch.  XII.]  Sli^rONY    OF    MARTIN   V.  355 

ing  to  obey  God  rather  than  man,  he  declares  that 
if  sentence  is  not  pronounced  against  the  book  of 
Falkenberg,  and  justice  done  in  the  premises,  he  ap- 
peals to  a  future  councih 

All  was  in  vain.  Martin  did  not  wish  to  provoke 
the  vengeance  or  risk  the  allegiance  of  the  Teutonic 
knights.  Strangely  enough,  moreover,  at  the  close 
of  the  council  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  is  his  fast 
friend.  Shall  he  be  alienated  by  the  condemnation 
of  his  advocate,  Petit  ?  Surely  Martin  V.  was,  as 
Platina  says,  "a  prudent  man."  But  before  the 
council's  close,  he  gave  evidence  of  it.  John  of 
Bavaria,  Bishop  of  Liege — the  See  by  which  the 
Archbishop  of  Riga  had  been  bought  over — was 
merely  a  worldly  prince.  He  wished  to  resign  his 
bishopric,  and  marry  a  fortune  in  the  person  of  the 
widow  of  the  Duke  of  Brabant,  a  near  relative. 
For  this,  a  dispensation  from  the  pope  was  necessary. 
A  thousand  crowns  bought  the  dispensation,  and 
Martin  V.  pocketed  the  fruits  of  his  simony.  What 
a  fit  commentary  on  the  reforms  he  had  initiated,  as 
well  as  on  his  "  prudence ! "  Such  conduct  con- 
founded the  emperor.*  He  went  to  the  pope,  and 
met  him  with  the  blunt,  but  significant  question, 
"  Holy  Father,  why  are  we  here  at  Constance  ? " 
"  To  reform  the  church,"  replied  the  pope.  "  One 
would  not  be  apt  to  say  so,"  rejoined  the  emperor, 
"when  you  allow  cousins-german  to  marry.  Pardon 
sins  you  may,  perhaps,  but  not  grant  a  permit  for 
them."  The  emperor,  however,  could  go  no  further. 
His  own  robes  were  far  from  being  free  of  stain.     He 

•  L'Enfant,  608. 


856  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOIIX    nUSS.  [Cn.  XII. 

had  already  used  the  pope  to  perform  a  shnilar 
service  for  some  friends  of  his  own.  Thus  many 
seemed  to  see  in  Martin  V.  a  John  XXIII.  redevi- 
vus.  The  man  might  die,  but  the  system  lived. 
The  name  of  pope  was  but  the  new  dial-plate  to 
cover  the  same  mechanism  working  out  the  same 
results. 

Futile  as  the  results  of  the  council  appeared,  there 
was  no  hope  of  mending  them,  and  most  of  the  mem- 
bers were  as  ready  as  Martin  V.  to  depart.  Some 
would  haste  away,  in  order  to  enjoy  at  leisure  the 
fruits  of  their  treason  or  intrigue ;  some  to  remedy 
the  mischiefs  occasioned  by  their  absence ;  some,  like 
Gerson,  to  weep  in  solitude  over  the  disappointment 
of  their  fondest  hopes.  What  must  have  been  the 
reflections  of  sincere,  enlightened,  and  earnest  men, 
like  Voladimir,  as  they  retraced  their  steps  fi'om  the 
council  to  their  homes  ?  The  Polish  ambassador  saw 
the  cause  of  sacred  and  Christian  charity  trampled 
under  foot.  The  head  of  the  church  himself  had 
silenced  the  voice  of  justice — had  virtually  con- 
demned a  just  cause  unheard.  .  Nay,  more,  he  had 
taken  "  prudent "  precautions  that  it  never  should  be 
heard.  He  had  published  a  constitution,  ad  j)erpet- 
uam  rei  memoriam^  by  which  he  declared  that  ^'  it 
is  not  permissible  for  any  one  to  appeal  from  the 
sovereign  judge,  (/.  6.,  the  supreme  pontiff,)  who  is 
vi^ar  of  Jesus  Christ,  on  earth,  neither  to  decline  his 
judgment  in  matters  of  faith."  Well  might  Gerson 
declare,  and  Voladimir  feel,  that  "  it  tended  to  over- 
throw the  authority  not  only  of  the  council  of  Pisa, 
but  of  Constance  also,  and  to  annul  all  that  they  had 


Gi.  XII.]  FUTILE    ISSUE    OF   THE    COUNCIL.  357 

done,  whether  in  electing  a  new  pope,  or  deposing 
sueli  as  had  intruded  into  the  pontificate. 

The  council  in  fact  lay  at  the  mercy  of  a  terrible 
contradiction  that  bereft  it  of  all  moral  power.  It 
had  begun  by  asserting  its  supremacy,  and  deposing 
a  pope.  It  ended  by  giving  itself  a  master,  and  bend- 
ing its  neck  to  his  yoke.  It  was  far  more  indepen- 
dent when  it  assembled,  than  when  the  time  of  its 
dissolution  approached.  Cromwell,  dismissing  the 
Long  Parliament  with  a  "  Get  you  gone,"  could  have 
humbled  them,  not  more  than  the  council  was  hum- 
bled by  the  assumed  authority  of  the  pontiff.  They 
had  become  his  tools  merely,  and  when  he  had  done 
with  them  he  flung  them  away.  The  terrible  ques- 
tion had  been  started,  Which  is  supreme,  pope  or 
council  ? — but  the  issue  at  Constance  foreboded  sadly, 
to  thoughtful  minds,  that  future  when  popes  should 
rule,  independent  of  councils,  summoning,  or  leaving 
them  unsummoned,  at  their  pleasure.  The  tyranny 
of  the  monarchical  principle  was  already,  in  fact,  en- 
throned in  the  church,  by  the  weakness  of  a  council 
that  had  presumed  to  bind  it  in  fetters  of  iron. 

We  follow  the  better  minds  of  the  council  with  a 
sad  sympathy,  as  they  withdraw  to  their  homes  or  to 
their  places  of  exile.  They  feel  that  they  have  acted  a 
humiliating  part  in  the  great  tragedy  of  the  church. 
The  catastrophe  has  thrown  its  dark  shadow  on  all 
their  future  years,  and  on  the  future  of  Christendom. 
They  have  learned  what  they  would  have  been  hap- 
pier, if  not  wiser,  never  to  have  known.  They  have 
fathomed  around  them  depths  of  depravity  that 
fill   them   with   foreboding  and    despair.      Bohemia 


358  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cn.  XIL 

Lad  no  such  ally  against  the  council  as  the  council 
itself. 

But  before  the  final  leaves-taking,  the  pope  wished 
to  manifest  his  generosity.  He  could  do  it  easily,  and, 
what  was  more,  cheaply.  If  money  was  scarce,  and 
piety  a  thing  still  moi-e  rare,  the  bank  of  Papal  In- 
dulgences could  discount  to  meet  any  demand.  In 
the  latter  part  of  March,  (1418,)  his  bounty  was  sig- 
nalized by  an  invitation  addressed  to  the  people,  by 
heralds,  to  assemble  at  the  episcopal  palace  to  re- 
ceive indulgences.-'  A  great  multitude  was  soon  col- 
lected, in  the  midst  of  whom  the  pope  exercised  a 
liberality  that  cost  him — nothing.  The  ceremonies 
of  the  occasion  occupied  most  of  the  afternoon,  and 
closed  with  a  more  substantial  and  expensive  tribute 
to  the  emperor,  princes,  and  cardinals,  of  a  public 
dinner;  at  the  close  of  which,  the  pontifical  humility 
was  manifested  in  washing  the  feet  of  his  guests. 
Day  after  day  the  treasury  of  Indulgence  was  drawn 
upon,  and  the  graciousness  of  the  pontiff  expressively 
signalized. 

But  all  this  was  nothing  to  what  took  place  on  the 
dissolution  of  the  council.  As  the  pope  declared  its 
sessions  closed,  he  "  accorded,  by  the  authority  of  God 
Almighty,  the  blessed  apostles  Peter  and  Paul,  as  well 
as  by  his  own,  full  absolution  to  all  the  members  of  the 
council,  for  all  their  sins,"  ^  and  extended  his  fiivors 
to  the  members  of  their  families,  on  condition  of  their 
"  ftisting  every  Friday  for  the  space  of  a  year."  To 
make  the  matter  more  easy,  fasting  might  l)e  dispensed 
with,  in  some  cases,  by  the  substitution  of  good  works. 

'  L'Enfant,  600.  "  L'Enfant,  610. 


\ 
CH.XII.]  POLAND    AND    FllANCE.  359 

The  emperor,  by  the  mouth  of  his  advocate,  returned 
thanks  to  the  several  members  of  the  council  for  what 
they  had  done,  promising,  on  his  part,  an  inviolable 
allegiance  to  the  Roman  church  and  the  pope,  and 
declaring  that  in  whatever  respects  the  council  had 
come  short,  it  had  not  been  through  his  fault.^ 

Such  language  plainly  intimated  the  dissatisfaction 
of  the  emperor ;  nor  did  he  stand  alone  in  this  feeling, 
as  we  have  already  seen.  But  the  king  of  Poland 
felt  most  deeply  aggrieved.  He  seems  to  have  shown 
great  zeal,  as  well  as  humanity,  in  seeking  the  con- 
version of  the  infidels  bordering  upon  his  states,  and 
his  ejffbrts  had  been  eminently  successful.  The  vio- 
lence and  rapine  of  the  Teutonic  knights  were  most 
odious  and  reprehensible.  The  king  of  Poland  now 
saw  them  shielded  by  the  action  of  the  pontiff,  and 
himself  left  exposed  to  the  shafts  of  Falkenberg's 
malice.  He  wrote  to  the  pope  a  letter  of  complaint  "^ 
which  seems  to  have  been  not  without  efi'ect,  although 
Falkenberg  w\is  still  uncondemned.  Some  of  the 
friends  of  the  king  of  Poland  counselled  him,  as  the 
"wisest  and  most  effectual  measure,  to  select  some 
monk,  as  violent,  virulent,  and  able  as  Falkenberg, 
and  set  him,  with  his  pen,  to  maul  and  demolish  his 
adversary.  If  such  a  one  could  have  been  found, 
the  counsel  might  not  have  been  unwise. 

The  French  concordat,  on  its  arrival  at  Paris,  was 
any  thing  but  welcome.  The  parliament  refused  to 
receive  it,  and  even  drew  up  reasons  against  it,  to  be 
presented  to  the  pope.  Years  passed  before  France 
would  accept  it.     The  nuncios,  whom  the  pope  sent 

»  L'Enfant,  611.  *  lb.,  613. 


360  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  XIL 

to  urge  its  approval,  were  driven  to  maintain  the 
desperate  j)osition  that  a  sentence  of  the  pope  was 
to  be  obeyed,  even  though  it  was  unjust.  Such  a 
maxim  roused  the  spirit  of  Gerson  in  his  exile,  and 
he  met  it  with  a  bold  and  manly  refutation. 

The  Germans  felt  that  they  had  been  cheated  by 
tie  council.  The  dioceses,  whose  revenues  had  been 
given  over  to  the  emperor,  were  loud  in  their  com- 
plaints. The  Archbishop  of  England,  in  a  spirit 
worthy  of  the  nation,  met  the  demands  of  the  pope 
on  the  privileges  of  his  primacy  and  the  laws  of  Eng- 
land, in  an  attitude  of  defiance.  Spain  was  already 
almost  in  open  revolt  against  Martin,  and  ready  to 
league  with  Benedict  XIII.  Bohemia  was,  for  the 
present,  hopelessly  lost  to  the  papacy, — volcanic  in  its 
indignation  and  resentment  at  the  proceedings  of  the 
council.  Italy  was  too  much  absorbed  in  the  wretch- 
ed conflicts  that  tore  her  into  parties  and  factions,  to 
have  any  thought  left  except  for  her  own  misery. 
In  the  midst  of  all  this  widesjiread  dissatisfaction,  it 
is  a  most  significant  fact  that  the  only  hearty  support- 
ers of  the  pontiff  were  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  and 
the  Teutonic  knights — the  patrons  respectively  of 
Petit  and  Falkeuberg.  Well  might  Gerson,  in  his 
sad  and  lonely  meditations  over  the  doings  and 
results  of  the  council,  lament  that  he  had  toiled  and 
worn  himself  out  to  no  purpose.  The  bright  hopes 
he  had  cherished  were  but  dreams.  The  ideal  of  his 
life,  the  image  he  had  worshipped,  had  vanished.  A 
Gorgon's  head,  that  he  dared  not  look  upon,  had 
taken  its  place.  Where  a  temple  should  have  been, 
he  saw  a  Babel.     Rome   was  not  to  be  reformed 


Ch.  XII.]  DEPAKTUIIE    OF   MARTIN   V.  361 

Reform  would  annihilate  her.     Her  disease  was  past 
cure. 

And  now  all  were  intent  upon  quitting  the  scene 
where  so  much  of  good  and  bad,  of  learning  and 
power,  of  eloquence  and  intrigue,  of  integrity  and 
corruption,  had  mingled  and  fermented  together. 
The  pope  was  in  most  haste  to  leave.  The  emperor 
begged  him,  with  all  earnestness,  to  stay  a  few  months 
longer.  He  represented  to  him  that  many  things 
yet  remained  to  claim  his  attention.  But  these  en- 
treaties were  vain.  The  pojie  wished  to  see  Rome ; 
he  wished  to  snatch  it  from  the  grasp  of  its  invaders. 
On  the  sixteenth  of  May  (1418)  he  left  Constance 
for  Geneva.  The  procession  that  accompanied  hiin 
was  splendid  and  imposing.  The  "servant  of  serv- 
ants "  went  forth  as  the  prince  of  the  kings  of  the 
earth.  Ten  horses,  caparisoned  in  scarlet  and  led  by 
hand,  preceded.  Four  horsemen,  with  pikes,  each 
surmounted  by  a  cardinal's  hat,  followed  them.  Then 
came  two  priests,  one  bearing  a  cross  of  gold,  another 
the  sacrament.  The  cardinals,  in  their  red  caps,  with 
priests,  theologians,  senators  of  the  city,  and  canons, 
bearing  wax  tapers,  made  way  for  the  pope,  who  fol- 
lowed, mounted  on  a  white  horse  and  dressed  in  pon- 
tifical habits.  The  tiara  which  he  wore  shone  brill- 
iant with  precious  stones,  while  four  princes  supported 
the  dais  above  his  head  that  shielded  him  from  the 
sun.  The  emperor  was  on  his  right,  and  held  the 
bridle  of  his  horse.  The  electors  and  princes  of  the 
empire  stood  near  to  render  their  assistance.  Then 
followed  the  clergy,  the  nobility,  and  the  various 
orders,  till  the  procession  swelled  in  number  to  forty 


362  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  XII. 

thousand  men.  In  such  state  the  pope  passed  the 
gate  of  the  city.  The  emperor  and  princes  accompa- 
nied him  to  Gottlieben,  where  he  embarked  upon  the 
Rhine,  to  finish,  by  water,  his  journey  to  Geneva. 
The  emperor  himself  did  not  long  linger  at  Con- 
stance, and  in  a  short  time  its  former  glory  had 
departed. 


CHAPTER    XIII. ^ 

VIOLENCE  OF  PARTIES   IX  BOHEMIA.     SIGISMUKD'S  ARMY 
BEFORE  PRAGUE. 

Reckption  op  the  Decree  of  the  Council  in  Bohemia.  —  The  Reply  of  the  Hnss« 
iTES.  —  Its  Propositions.  —  Doctrines.  —  The  Celebrated  Four  Articles.— 
ZiscA.  —  Ills  Tact  and  Energy.  —  His  Letter  to  Tausch.  —  Popular  Indigna- 
tion.—  Communion  of  the  Cup  on  Tabor.  —  Plan  for  Attacking  Prague. — 
Wenzel  Absent  from  the  City.  —  Attack  on  the  New  City. — Acts  of  Vio- 
lence.—  Release  of  Prisoners  Demanded  at  the  Town  House.  —  Tumult. — 
Assault.  —  Germans  Thrown  out  the  Windows. — New  Magistrates  Appoint- 
ed. —  Continued  Attack  upon  the  New  City.  —  Zisca  Withdraws  to  Pilsen.  — 
Danger  of  the  Citizens.— The  Queen  Seeks  Aid  of  the  Emperor.  —  Death  of 
Wenzel.  —  Its  Circumstances.  —  Projects  of  the  Emperor.  —  Citizens  Call  on 
Zisca  for  Aid.  —  Scenes  of  Violence.  —  Conflicts  at  Prague.  —  Fight  at  the 
Bridge.  —  Conflict  Renewed  the  Next  Day.  —  Continued  Skirmishes. — A 
Truce  Effected.  —  Movements  Elsewhere.  —  Negligent  Observance  of  thb 
Trcce.  —  John  Naakuasa  Burned. — Gurim  Assaulted. —The  Succession  to 
the  Crow.v.  — Convention  Summoned  by  Sigismund  at  Beraun.  —  His  Promises. 
—  Presence  of  THE  Bohemians  at  Beraun.  —  Their  Submission.  —  Conditions 
Imposed  by  Sigismund.  —  His  Letter  to  Prague. —  Compliance  of  the  Huss- 
ites.—  Insults  Offered  Them.  —  Proceedings  of  Sigismund  at  Breslau. — 
Hussites  Divided  into  Calixtines  and  Taborites.  —  Policy  and  Views  of 
Each.  —  The  Adamites.  —  The  Fanaticism  of  the  Taborites  in  Regard  to  thb 
Advent  of  Christ.  —  Its  Effects.  —  Danger  of  Dissensions. 

April  15,  1418  — Jan.  9,  1420. 

The  dissolution  of  the  council  of  Constance,  and 
the  effort  necessary  on  the  part  of  Sigismund  to  re- 
store the  peace  of  his  empire,  gave  a  short  respite  to 

'  The  nuthorities  which  have  been  Gnerre  des  Ilnssites,  Diarium  Belli 
mainly  relied  upon  for  this  and  the  Hussiitici,  by  a  Calixtine  author.  Life 
two  following  chapters,  are  Cochlaeus'  of  Zisca,  and  Life  of  Procopius, 
History  of  the  Hussites,  ^Enens  Syl-  (Prague,  1789,)  and  the  general 
vius'  History  of  Bohemia,  L'Enfant's     Church  Histories  during  this  period. 

(363) 


364  LIFE    ATfD    TIMES    OF   J0H:N-   HUSS.  [Cu.  XIIL 

the  Bohemians, — if  respite  that  condition  could  be 
called,  in  which  the  exterminating  and  persecutino^ 
bull  of  Martin  V.  was  continually  suspended  over 
them.  This  fulmination  was  to  them  the  parting  word 
of  the  council,  its  farewell  of  bitter  malediction.  It 
showed  plainly  enough  on  what  terms  alone  peace 
could  be  made.  Unable  to  secure  the  persons  of 
the  Bohemian  countrymen  of  Huss,  whom  they 
might  subject  to  a  similar  treatment,  the  council 
translated  the  act  of  his  execution  into  words,  and, 
in  the  bull  itself,  despatched  into  Germany  a  written 
auto  defe^  a  legible  funeral  pile,  every  line  ao*low 
with  the  spirit  of  the  inquisitor. 

But  the  logic  of  this  document  was  a  two-edej-ed 
sword.  It  cut  both  ways.  Jacobel's  treatises  on  the 
cup  did  not  contain  arguments  half  so  effectual  to 
strengthen  the  faith  of  his  party,  as  were  contained 
in  the  decrees  of  the  council  and  the  bull  of  the 
pope.  No  conclusion  is  more  firmly  held  than  that 
which  is  reached  by  a  reductio  ad  ahsiwdum.  The 
papal  fulmination  might  have  been  headed  by  the 
creed  of  the  Hussites,  and  followed  by  a  Q.  E.  D., 
to  signalize  the  fact  that  the  ti'uth  of  the  theorem 
was  demonstrated.  At  least  this  must  have  been  so 
to  many  minds. 

But  the  Bohemians  did  not  choose  to  pass  over  in 
silence  so  extraordinary  a  document  as  this  bull  of  a 
pope,  elected  for  the  purpose  of  evangelical  reform. 
They  answered  it,  and  circulated  the  reply  far  and 
wide  through  the  land.  Although  it  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  issued  until  some  months  after  the  pul> 
licatiou  of  the  bull,  it  may  as  well  be  given  here,  aa 


Ch.  XIII.]  MANIFESTO    OF   THE    HUSSITES.  365 

showing  the  spirit  in  wliicli  the  bull  was  received 
It  is  entitled  "  A  faithful  and  Christian  exhortation 
of  the  Bohemians  to  kings  and  princes,  to  stir  them 
up  to  the  zeal  of  the  gospel."  It  speaks  of  the  in- 
dustrious efforts  that  had  been  made  in  certain  quar- 
tei*s  to  excite  hostility  and  persecution  against  the 
Bohemians.^  "  As  well  on  your  part  as  on  ours,  many 
men,  both  noble  and  untitled,  have  foolishly  lost 
their  lives.  Yet  never  hitherto  have  ye  in  any  part 
understood  our  faith  by  our  own  confession ;  neither 
whether  we  be  able  to  prove  the  same  out  of  the 
scriptures  or  not,  and  yet  in  the  mean  time  kings, 
princes,  lords,  and  cities  have  sustained  great  damage. 
And  hereof  we  do  greatly  marvel,  that  you  do  so 
much  trust  and  believe  the  pope  and  his  priests, 
which  give  you  drink  full  of  poison,  and  such  com- 
fort as  no  man  can  understand,  in  that  they  say  they 
will  give  you  forgiveness  of  sins,  and  grant  grace 
and  pardon  to  this  end,  that  you  should  war  upon  us 
and  destroy  us,  whereas  their  graces  and  pardons  are 
none  other  than  great  lies,  and  a  great  seducing  of 
the  body  and  soul  of  all  them  that  believe  them,  and 
put  their  trust  in  them.  This  we  would  prove  to 
them,  and  convince  them  by  the  Holy  Scripture ;  and 
we  would  suffer  that  whoever  is  desirous  to  hear,  the 
same  should  hear  it.  For  the  pope  and  all  his  priests 
herein  deal  with  you  as  the  devil  would  have  dealt 
with  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  .  .  . 

"  So  the  devil  deceiveth  the  pope  and  all  his  priests 
with   the   riches  of  the   world,  and    witli    worldly 

'  I  have  preferred  to  retain   the    lator,  rather  than  change  it  to  more 
language  of  the  early  English  trans-    modern  pliraseology. 


366  LIFE   AND   TBIES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XIH. 

power;  and  they  think  they  can  give  grace  and 
pardon  when  they  will ;  and  they  themselves  shall 
never  find  favor  before  Almighty  God,  except  they 
repent,  and  make  amends  for  their  great  deceiving 
of  Christendom.  And  how  can  they  give  to  others 
that  which  they  themselves  have  not?  So  did  the 
devil,  who  was  rich  in  promising  and  poor  in  giving. 
And  like  as  the  devil  is  not  ashamed  to  tell  a  lie,  so 
all  they  are  not  ashamed  to  speak  that  which  shall 
never  be  found  true,  nor  be  proved  by  the  Holy 
Scriptures ;  because,  for  no  cause  they  stir  up  kings, 
princes,  lords,  and  citizens  to  make  war  against  us, 
not  to  the  end  that  the  Christian  faith  should  thereby 
be  defended,  but  because  they  fear  their  secret  vices 
and  heresies  shall  be  disclosed  and  made  manifest. 
For  if  they  had  a  true  cause,  and  a  godly  love  to  the 
Christian  faith,  they  would  then  take  the  books  of 
the  Holy  Scripture,  and  would  come  to  us,  and  con- 
fute us  with  the  weapons  of  God's  word ;  and  that  is 
our  chief  desire.  For  so  did  the  apostles  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  who  came  to  the  pagans  and  the  Jews, 
and  brought  them  from  their  infidelity  to  the  true 
faith  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ ;  and  this  they  did  in 
the  spirit  of  meekness.  ...  So  ought  they  also  to 
do,  if  they  perceived  that  they  were  just  and  we  un- 
just. .  .  .  The  truth  ought  not  to  be  afraid  of  false- 
hood. .  .  .  Zerobabel  declareth  that  the  truth  is  of 
all  things  the  most  mighty,  and  overcometh  all  things. 
For  Christ  is  the  truth.  John  xiv.  .  .  .  Therefore, 
if  the  pope  and  his  priests  have  the  truth,  let  them 
overcome  us  by  the  word  of  God.  But  if  they  have 
lies,  then  they  cannot  long  abide  in  their  presumption. 


Cn.  Xlir.]  MANIFESTO    OF   THE    HUSSITES.  367 

"  Wherefore  we  beseech  and  exhort  all  the  imperial 
cities,  all  kings,  princes,  noblemen,  rich  and  pooi-,  for 
God's  sake,  and  for  his  righteousness,  that  one  of 
them  write  hereof  to  another,  and  that  there  may  be 
some  means  devised  by  which  we  may  commune 
with  you,  safely  and  friendly,  at  some  such  place  as 
shall  be  fit  for  both  you  and  us ;  and  do  you  brinf»- 
with  you  your  bishops  and  teachers,  and  let  them 
and  our  teachers  fight  together  with  the  word  of 
God,  and  let  us  hear  them  ;  and  let  not  the  one  over- 
come the  other  by  violence  or  false  subtlety,  but 
only  by  the  word  of  God.  "  And  if  your  bishops 
and  teachers  have  better  proofs  of  their  faith  out  of 
the  Holy  Scripture  than  we,  and  our  faith  be  found 
untrue,  we  will  receive  penance  and  satisfaction  ac- 
cording to  the  gospel.  But  if  your  bishops  and 
teachers  be  overcome  of  ours  by  .the  Holy  Scrip- 
ture, then  do  ye  repent  and  hearken  to  us,  and  hold 
with  us.  And  if  your  bishops  and  teachers  will  cease 
from  their  spiritual  pride,  and  repent  and  make  sat- 
isfaction, then  will  we  help  you  according  to  our 
power.  .  .  . 

"And  if  ye  will  not  determine  to  do  any  other 
thing  than  to  fight  against  us,  then  will  we  take  the 
Lord  to  our  help,  and  his  truth ;  and  we  will  defend 
it  to  the  death,  and  we  will  not  be  afraid  for  the 
excommunication  or  curse  of  the  pope,  or  his  cai-di- 
nals,  or  of  the  bishops,  because  we  know  that  the 
pope  is  not  God,  as  he  maketh  himself,  so  that  he 
may  curse  and  excommunicate  when  he  will,  or  bless 
when  he  will ;  who  has  now  these  many  years  cursed 
and  excommunicated  us,  and  yet,  notwithstanding, 


368  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XIII. 

God  and  his  gracious  blessing  hath  been  our  help." 
To  the  objection  supposed  to  be  made,  that  they 
could  not  do  without  priests  and  bishops  to  baptize, 
hear  confessions,  and  minister  the  holy  mysteries, 
and  that  even  though  they  should  be  evil  and  wicked, 
it  was  impossible  to  do  without  them,  the  Bohe- 
mians reply,  that  "  when  wicked  bishops  and  priests 
shall  be  banished,  then  place  shall  be  made  for  good 
priests  and  bishops." 

As  to  the  charge  that  they  did  not  believe  in  pur- 
gatory, the  Virgin  Mary,  or  the  saints,  they  claim 
that  they  will  prove  by  Holy  Scripture  how  they 
ought  to  believe  in  regard  to  these  things,  better 
than  the  bishops  or  priests  could  tell  them.  As  to 
obedience  to  the  pope,  they  declare  that  they  will 
render  him  obedience  when  he  should  be  holy  and 
just.  In  regard  to  their  overthrow  of  public  wor- 
ship, "  destroying  monasteries,  and  banishing  thence 
the  wicked  monks  and  nuns,"  as  was  charged  upon 
them  by  their  enemies,  they  reply,  "Truly  we  did  it, 
thinking  once  that  they  were  holy,  that  they  did  the 
reverend  service  of  God ;  but  after  that  we  well  ob- 
served and  considered  their  life  and  works,  then  we 
perceived  that  they  were  hypocrites,  falsely  aping 
humility,  and  wicked  builders  on  high,  and  sellers 
of  pardons  and  masses  for  the  dead,  and  such  as 
devoured  in  themselves  the  sins  of  the  people.  .  .  . 
Forasmuch  as  their  selling  of  tlieir  prayers  and 
masses  for  the  dead  for  gifts,  is  no  better  than  hy- 
pocrisy and  heresy, — therefore  if  we  do  speak  against 
them,  and  destroy  their  monasteries,  we  do  not  there- 
in destroy  the  service  of  God,  but  rather  the  service 


Cu.  XIII]  SUBJECTS    FOR   DISCUSSION.  369 

of  the  devil,  aud  the  school  of  heretics.  And  if  ye 
knew  them  as  we  know  them,  ye  would  as  diligently 
destroy  them  as  we  do.  For  Christ  our  Lord  did 
not  ordain  any  such  order  ....  aud  he  said,  Every 
plant  which  my  Heavenly  Father  hath  not  planted, 
shall  be  rooted  up." 

In  the  close  of  their  apology,  the  Bohemians  bring 
forward  several  subjects  to  be  considered.  They 
are  disposed  in  sixteen  articles,  intended  mainly  to 
expose  the  corruptions  of  the  church,  the  avarice, 
extortion,  lewdness,  and  hypocrisy  of  the  clei-gy. 
Theii*  articles  are  then,  stated,  which  they  declare 
they  will  strive  for  and  maintain  unto  the  death. 
These  are,  the  prohibition  of  gross  public  sins, 
whether  in  laity  or  clergy ;  the  inconsistency  of  large 
revenues' and  pomp  with  the  simplicity  of  ministers 
of  Jesus  Christ ;  the  freedom  of  the  word  of  God  to 
be  read  and  preached  in  all  places,  "  without  any  in- 
hibition of  either  spiritual  or  earthly  power ;  "  and 
the  communion  of  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ  as 
he  ordained. 

This  apology  of  the  Bohemians  is  signed  by  four 
of  their  leading  captains,  Procopius,  Conrad,  Sams- 
smolich,  aud  Smahors.  It  is  honorable  at  once  to 
their  courage,  their  prudence,  their  Christian  intelli- 
gence, and  their  regard  for  the  supreme  authority  of 
the  word  of  God.  It  undoubtedly  expressed  the 
general  feeling  and  conviction  of  the  nation. 

To  attempt  to  confute  them  by  the  logic  of  an 
armed  invasion  was  but  madness.  Persecution  would 
only  exasperate.  Nor  were  they  wanting  in  men 
who  dared,  and  who  were  competent,  to  place  them- 

VOL.  II.  24 


370  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XIII. 

selves  at  their  head.  Years  before,  Zisca  had  won 
high  renown  as  a  bold  and  able  general.  His  promp- 
titude and  energy  in  dispelling  the  storm  that  threat- 
ened the  Hussites  when  they  had  been  summoned 
to  appear  unarmed  before  Wenzel,  had  secured  the 
confidence  and  respect  of  the  Bohemians.  He  was 
finally  acknowledged  their  leader  by  an  indisputable 
preeminence,  and  he  was  worthy  of  the  post.  His 
abilities,  attested  by  subsequent  campaigns,  rank 
him  as  the  greatest  general  of  the  age. 

Never  did  any  man  unite  in  himself  qualities  more 
eminently  fitting  him  to  be  at  once  the  head  of  a 
party,  and  the  leader  of  an  army.  His  genius  for 
planning  a  campaign  or  assault,  was  only  equalled 
by  his  pi-ompt  energy  in  putting  his  plan  in  execu- 
tion. He  understood  perfectly  the  art  of  rendering 
himself  the  master  of  the  minds  of  the  multitude. 
Bohemia  was  in  arms  for  the  communion  of  the  cup. 
He  holds  up  a  sacramental  cup  before  the  army,  and 
tells  tliem  to  behold  their  standard.  He  has  no 
troops  but  infantry.  By  an  unexpected  assault  he 
surprises  the  army  of  the  emperor,  and  carries  off  a 
thousand  horses,  thus  at  onae  providing  himself  with 
cavalry.  He  is  without  a  fortified  town  to  afford 
security  for  his  troops.  He  ascends  a  high  mountain 
with  his  soldiers,  and  there  addresses  them :  "  Do 
you  want  houses  ?  Set  up  your  tents  here,  and  make 
youi'  camp  your  city."  The  thing  is  done,  and  Ta- 
bor is  at  once  a  fortress.  From  its  impregnable 
heights  Zisca  can  defy  his  foe.  Thither,  moreover, 
he  may  always  securely  retreat.  Cromwell's  Iron- 
sides could  not  surpass  Zisca's  soldiers.     The  latter 


Ch.  XIII.]  zisca's  letter.  371 

also   felt   the   inspiration  of  their  leader's  words — 
words  derived  from  scripture,  and  glowing  with  the 
enthusiasm  which  it  inspired.     To  the  inhabitants  of 
Tausch  he  wiites :  ^  "  May  God  grant,  dear  brethren, 
that  performing  good  works,  like  the  true  children 
of  your  Heavenly  Father,  you  may  remain  steadfast 
in  his  fear ;  if  he  has  visited  you,  let  not  affliction 
abate  your  courage ;  think  of  those  who  labor  for 
the  faith,  and  who  suffer  on  account  of  the  name  of 
Jesus  Christ.     Imitate  the  old  Bohemians,  your  an- 
cestors, always  read}^  to  defend  the  cause  of  God  and 
their  own.     Let  us  constantly  have  before  our  eyes 
the  divine  law,  and  the  good  of  the  common  weal ; 
let  us  be  vigilant ;  and  let  whoever  knows  how  to 
handle  a  knife,  or  to  throw  a  stone,  or  to  brandish 
a  club,  be  ready  to  march.  .  .  .  Let  your  preachers 
encourage  your  people  to  war  against  Antichrist ;  let 
every  one,  young  and  old,  prepare  for  it.     When  I 
shall   arrive    among  you,  let  there  be  no  want  of 
bread,  or  beer,  or  forage  ;  lay  up  a  store  also  of  good 
works.     Behold,  the  time  is  now  come  to  arm  your- 
selves, not  only  against  your  outward  enemies,  but 
also  against  those  that  you  have  within   yourselves. 
Remember  your  j&rst  combat  when  you  were  few  in 
number   against   many,  and  without   arms   against 
those  that  were  well-provided.     The  hand  of  God 
is  not  shortened :  courage,  therefore,  and  be  ready. 
ZiscA  of  the  CupT 

This  letter  shows  at  once  the  spirit  of  Zisca,  his 
skill  in  touching  the  chords  of  popular  feeling,  and 
his  watchfulness  over  the  cause  which  he  had  taken 

*  L'Enfant's  Guerre  des  IIus.,  i.  93. 


372  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Cu.  XIII. 

in  hand.  Cromwell,  before  tlie  battle  of  Dunbar, 
charging  his  soldiers  to  "  trust  in  God  and  keep  their 
powder  dry,"  was  manifesting  the  same  exquisite 
combination  of  religious  enthusiasm  and  good  sense 
that  Zisca  did,  when  he  urged  the  people  in  the  same 
breath,  to  "  let  there  be  no  want  of  bread,  beer,  and 
forage,"  and  to  "  lay  up  also  a  store  of  good  works." 
The  soldiers  of  Zisca  were  trained  by  him  as  the 
great  Englishman  trained  his  Ironsides.  The  laity 
as  well  as  clergy  preached  for  both.  The  camp  was 
a  church,  the  army  a  religious  assembly.  Tabor 
was,  in  a  new  sense,  the  Mount  of  Transfiguration. 
Fi^om  all  parts  of  Bohemia  thi-ongs  came  flocking 
thither,  and  there — as  a  kind  of  national  covenant — 
the  communion  of  the  cup  as  well  as  of  bread  w\as 
freely  administered. 

The  intelligence  of  what  was  taking  place  at  Tabor 
spread  over  Bohemia.  The  friends  of  Huss  and  of 
the  cup  were  encouraged.  The  popular  tide,  directed 
by  such  a  man  as  Zisca,  was  certain  to  bear  down  all 
before  it.  His  army  was  not  composed  of  mere 
soldiers  of  fortune.  They  were  men  of  deep  relig- 
ious convictions — some  of  them,  indeed,  driven  w^ell- 
nigh  inad  by  persecution — reckless  of  life  in  theii' 
indignant  defiance  of  Martin's  bull,  which  seemed  to 
combine  in  it  the  cruelty  of  the  inquisition,  the  bru- 
tality of  the  dragoon,  and  the  malice  of  the  fiend. 
Many,  undoubtedly,  like  Zisca  himself,  could  speak 
of  their  own  private  wi'ongs.  The  image  of  an  out- 
raged sister,  or  of  a  friend  bound  in  chains  to  the  stake 
about  which  the  flames  raged,  rose  up  before  them 
at  the  sight  of  a  monk  or  priest,  and  led  them  to 


Cn.  XIII.]  GEEAT   MEETING    AT   TABOR.  373 

those  acts  of  resentmeut  and  vengeance  Tvith  wLicli 
tliey  were  so  heavily  charged.  "  If  ye  knew  them 
as  we  know  them,"  said  they  in  their  apology  for 
destroying  the  monasteries,  "  ye  would  as  diligently 
destroy  them  as  we  do." 

These  institutions  were  undoubtedly  excessively 
corrupt,  and  so  far  as  their  friends  at  the  council  and 
the  approvers  of  the  violence  of  the  bull  were  con- 
cerned, there  could  be  no  ground  for  reproof  Even 
for  us,  who  regret  the  violence,  it  is  difficult  to  say 
how  for  circumstances  justified  it,  or  how  far,  as  John 
Knox  urged,  it  was  necessary  to  destroy  the  rook- 
eries in  order  to  drive  out  the  foul  birds,  the  harjoies, 
from  their  roosts.  As  favorers  of  the  bull,  they  were 
pul:)lic  persecutors,  and  their  urgent  application  for 
foreign  intervention  and  invasion,  justly  led  to  their 
beins;  res^arded  as  traitors. 

It  was  on  the  twenty-second  of  July  (1419)  that 
the  grand  communion  of  the  multitude  was  held  at 
Tabor.^  Undesignedly,  the  priests  in  many  places 
had  contributed  to  favor  the  plans  of  Zisca.  They 
had  refused  the  communion  of  the  cup  to  the  laity 
in  their  own  neighborhoods,  and  had  thus  forced 
them,  in  order  to  enjoy  a  privilege  which  they  most 
highly  prized,  to  swell  the  ranks  of  the  Hussite 
leader.  They  would,  of  course,  in  the  state  in  which 
things  then  were,  go  armed,  and  thus,  beyond  his 
expectations,  the  multitude  of  his  followers  was 
swelled  by  thousands.  It  is  not  surprising,  when  we 
consider  the  feelings  with  which  they  were  inflamed, 
and  the  confidence  which  their  visible  strength  and 

*  Guerre  des  Hus.,  i.  91.     Diari.  Bel.  Hus.,  143. 


374  LIFE   AND    TI:MES    OF   JOIIX    IIUSS.         [Cii.  XIII. 

numbers  must  liave  inspired,  that  a  plan  should  have 
been  adopted  for  seizing  or  assaulting  the  city  of 
Praorue.'^*^^  The  multitude  could  not  all  remain  lonsr 
together.  Many  of  them  doubtless  belonged  in 
Prague  itself,  or  its  neighborhood,  and  a  march  upon 
the  city  might  be  made  as  they  returned  to  their 
own  homes.  The  elements  of  disaffection  were 
abundant  within  the  walls,  and  on  the  thirtieth  of 
July  they  broke  out  into  open  violence.-^ 

The  kino;  himself  had  withdrawn  from  Pra^-ue  to 
one  of  his  castles,  some  miles  distant;  but  already 
the  fear  of  his  bi'other,  the  terrors  of  a  crusade,  or 
the  levelling  principles  of  some  of  the  reformers, 
who  imagined  that  monarchy  might  be  superseded 
by  a  republic,  had  driven  him  over  toward  the  side 
of  the  papal  party.  His  officei's  and  soldiers  who 
were  left  behind,  showed  themselves  similarly  dis- 
posed with  their  master.  Violent  assaults  were  made, 
and  individuals  were  seized  and  imprisoned.  The  citi- 
zens of  Prague  could  not  therefore  feel  themselves  safe 
while  the  soldiers  of  the  king  possessed  within  the 
walls  a  fortified  position  like  that  of  the  castle  or 
royal  palace,  from  which  they  might  at  any  moment 
be  assaulted.  The  host  of  Zisca,  by  his  training, 
had  now  assumed  the  aspect  of  a  regular  army.  He 
led  them  on  to  the  attack  of  the  new  city — the  part 
of  Prague  occupied  by  the  party  which  was  opposed 
to  tke  reformers,  and  supported  by  the  court.  The 
inhabitants  of  the  city  joined  in  the  assault.  Zisca 
seems  however  to  have  been  content  for  the  present 
merely  to  intimidate  the  papal  party. 

'  Guerre  des  Hus.,  i.,  92,  93.     Diari.  Bel  IIus.,  143. 


Cn.  XIII.]  INSURKECTIO:^    AT    PUAGUE.  8<0 

Some  of  liis  army — more  intent  on  observing  their 
religious  rite,  and  improving  tlie  occasion  for  regain- 
ing tlie  places  of  pu1)lic  worship,  from  wliicli,  in  the 
absence  of  their  advocate,  Nicholas  de  llussinitz, 
they  had  probably  been  again  excluded  by  Wenzel'a 
ordei-s — sought  to  enter  St.  Stephen's  church.  They 
found  it  locked.  Indignant  at  this  exclusion,  they 
assaulted  it,  and  burst  open  the  doors.  Tlie  priest, 
who  had  ventured  to  resist  them,  became  the  object 
of  their  vengeance.  They  broke  open  his  parsonage, 
and  huns:  him  from  one  of  the  windows. 

After  having  enjoyed  the  freedom  of  the  church 
and  performed  their  favorite  ceremonies,  the  party 
withdrew,  and  proceeded  to  the  Carmelite  monastery. 
Here  the}'  resolved  to  array  themselves  in  proper 
order,  and,  forming  themselves  into  a  procession, 
march  to  the  council-house  of  the  new  city,^  demand- 
ing that  those  of  their  friends  who  had  been  impris- 
oned should  be  released.  The  demand  was  presented. 
The  council  hesitated  to  grant  it.  Some  were  for 
holding  out  to  the  last.  The  people  stood  without, 
quietly  awaiting  an  answer  to  their  demand.  At 
this  moment,  some  one  from  one  of  the  uj^per  win- 
dows threw  a  stone,  which  struck  the  Hussite  priest 
who  bore  the  host.  The  people  were  enraged. 
Their  patience  was  exhausted  by  delay,  and  they 
regarded  the  act  as  a  signal  for  an  assault.  Resist- 
ance was  vain.  The  indignant  vengeance  of  the 
people,  led  on  by  Zisca,  swept  all  before  it.  The 
council-house  was  taken  by  storm.  Eleven  of  the 
councillors  escaped  ;  but  the  seven  others,  all  Gei"- 

»  Diar.  Bel.  IIus.,  14. 


376  LIFE   AND    TI5IES    OF   JOIII^   HUSS.         [Cn.  XIII. 

mans,  and,  as  such,  hateful  to  the  Bohemians,  were 
thrown  from  the  upper  windows  as  they  were  seized, 
and  impaled  on  the  spears  and  lances  of  the  mul- 
titude below.^  The  prisoners  were  of  course  re- 
leased.^ 

It  is  a  singular  but  instructive  fact,  that  at  this 
moment,  when  violence  seemed  to  rule,  when  the 
attack  of  the  royal  garrison  had  been  foiled,  and 
when  some  of  the  council  had  been  put  to  death,  and 
others  had  fled,  no  thought  of  lawless  license  or  rav- 
age was  allowed  a  place  in  the  minds  of  the  triumph- 
ing party.  Their  fii'st  care  was  to  restore  the  forms 
of  civil  government.  Proclamation  was  made,  and, 
under  pain  of  death  or  exile,  all  citizens  were  sum- 
moned to  meet  together  at  the  council-house,  to  elect 
four  magistrates,  to  whom  the  authority  and  seal  of 
the  city  should  be  committed  till  the  time  for  the 
next  regular  election  of  councilmeu  should  substitute 
others  in  their  place. 

Meanwhile  the  assault  upon  the  new  city  was  con- 
tinued. For  five  days,  scenes  of  violence  were  con- 
stantly occurring.  The  court,  it  was  now  known,  had 
taken  an  open  stand  against  the  Hussites.  It  was 
resolved  that  the  leaders  of  the  reform  party  should 
all  be  put  to  death.  The  attacks  which  had  been 
made  upon  the  Hussite  processions  by  the  officers 
and  soldiers  of  the  king,  and  which  had  aggravated 
difficulties,  had  evidently  been  by  the  king's  order, 
or  at  least  his  connivance.  The  people  saw  nothing 
before  them  but  victory  on  the  one  hand,  and,  on  tlie 
other,  persecution  with  a  suppression  of  their  worship. 

'^neas  Sylvius,  cb.  xxxvii.  '  Life  of  Zisca,  p.  9. 


Ch.  XIII.]  ZISCA    LEAA'ES   PRAGUE.  377 

They  therefore  pui-sued  the  siege  with  ardor.  But 
the  queen  with  the  royal  party  liad  retired  to  the 
castle  ill  the  upper  city,  and  while  they  resisted  the 
assault,  despatched,  for  the  second  time,  messages  to 
Sigismund  for  aid. 

Zisca  at  this  moment  withdrew  from  the  city.  His 
biographer^  informs  us  that  the  excesses  of  the  citi- 
zens, which  he  could  not  approve,  was  the  reason  of 
his  departure.  It  is  more  probable  that  he  foresaw 
the  storm  about  to  burst  upon  the  city  in  response 
to  the  summons  of  Wenzel,  and  wished  to  be  pre- 
pared for  it.  lie  withdrew  to  Pllsen,  gathering  his 
troops  around  him.  The  place  was  at  the  safe  dis- 
tance of  fifty  or  sixty  miles  from  Prague,  and  se- 
cured its  defence  from  the  direction  of  Nuremberg. 
Here  Zisca  quietly  watched  the  progress  of  affairs, 
ready  to  suppress  any  attempt  that  might  be  made 
to  carry  into  execution  the  designs  of  the  enemy. 
He  was  sufficiently  strong  and  secure  to  defy  any 
probable  assault. 

Meanwhile  the  citizens  of  Prague  bore  with  the 
greatest  impatience  the  presence  of  the  royal  gar- 
rison within  the  walls.  There  it  was,  perched  upon 
the  lofty  heights  of  the  hill  upon  which  the  castle 
stood,  ready  at  once  to  swoop  down  upon  its  victims. 
Though  they  had  been  forced  to  give  over  their  as- 
sault upon  it,  the  garrison  was  exposed  to  continued 
molestations.  Efforts  were  made  to  secure  a  truce 
or  a  compromise,  but  the  citizens  would  consent  to 
none  which  did  not  allow  them  free  liberty  of  wor- 
ship.    Thus  negotiations  were  protracted.     The  cas- 

•Life  of  Zisca,  p.  11,  12. 


378  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Cii.  XUI, 

tie  was  in  fact  in  a  state  of  siege,  with  little  prospect 
of  relief 

But  at  tliis  juncture,  and  while  Sigismund,  who 
had  been  appealed  to  for  aid,  was  busily  engaged  in 
Hungary  in  protecting  the  rights  of  his  hereditary 
states,  a  summons,  more  effectual  than  any  that  had 
been  sent  him  hitherto,  roused  him  to  prompt  and 
energetic  action.  This  was  the  announcement  of  the 
death  of  his  brother,  the  king  of  Bohemia.  He  died 
in  a  manner  worthy  of  his  life.  Upon  being  in- 
formed of  the  commotion  that  had  taken  place  at 
Prague  on  the  thirtieth  of  July,  he  broke  out  in  a 
torrent  of  passionate  invective  against  its  authors. 
Several  of  the  courtiers  who  were  present  expressed 
their  detestation  of  the  enormities  tjiat  had  been 
perpetrated.  One  of  his  attendants,  however,  ven- 
tured to  say  that  he  had  foreseen  what  was  about 
to  take  place ;  probably  intending  to  attribute  it  to 
Wenzel's  withdrawal  from  Prasrue.  Such  freedom 
of  lan2:uaQ:e  aroused  the  ticker  in  the  heart  of  the 
irascible  and  passionate  king.  He  sprang  upon  the 
bold  attendant  who  had  dared  to  speak  words  so 
uncourteous  to  royal  ears,  and  dashing  him  to  the 
ground,  was  about  to  consummate  his  violence  by 
plunging  his  dagger  into  the  bosom  of  his  prostrate 
victim.  From  this  he  was  withheld  by  his  attend- 
ants, and  could  scarcely  be  persuaded  not  to  order 
the  bold  speaker  at  once  to  be  executed.  The  ex- 
citement and  frenzy  which  had  thus  been  produced 
were  too  much  for  a  frame  already  worn  out  by  dis- 
sipation.    He  was  struck  with   paralysis,^  and  after 

'  Guerre  des  IIuss.,  99.     ^neas  Sylvius,  ch.  xxxvii. 


Ch.  XlII]  ALAinr    AT   TKAGUE.  3<9 

lingering  eiglitet'U  (l:iy,^,  expired.  He  had  marked 
the  names  oi'  several  Hussites  whom  he  had  doomed 
to  death,  but  the  blow  that  smote  him  rescued  and 
delivered  them.^ 

The  death  of  Wenzel  (Aug.  16,  1419)  left  the 
kingdom  of  Boliemia,  in  default  of  other  heirs,  to 
his  brotlier  Sigismund.  The  queen,  Sophia,'^  sought, 
on  hei-  husband's  death,  not  only  to  secure  the  aid  of 
Sigismund,  but  to  engage  the  citizens  of  Pi-ague  to 
conditions  of  peace,  by  which  the  emperor  should 
be  at  once  adopted  as  their  king.  But  they  refused 
to  acknowledge  him.  His  whole  course  had  been 
such  as  to  commend  him  only  to  the  abhoi'rence  of 
all  who  chei'ished  the  memoiy  of  Huss. 

Meanwhile  Sigismund  himself  was  making  prep- 
arations for  taking  possession  of  the  kingdom,  which 
he  claimed  to  inherit  from  his  brother.  The  citizens 
of  Prao-ue  became  alarmed.  Their  enemies  still  held 
the  royal  castle,  as  well  as  the  Vissehrad,  and  anx- 
iously awaited  tlie  emperor's  approach,  to  retaliate 
upon  the  citizens  for  the  assaults  they  had  endured. 
The  only  security  of  the  latter  was  in  a  speedy  re- 
duction of  the  castle.  They  at  once  applied  for  aid 
to  tbeir  allies.  Zisca  saw  the  importance  of  the  en- 
terprise. Accompanied  by  Coranda  and  Nicholas  de 
Hussinitz,  he  hastened  to  the  rescue.  The  new  city, 
with  the  Vissehrad,  was  taken  by  the  combined  forces, 
on  October  25,  1419.     The  castle  hardly  escaped. 

*  The  liody  of  Wenzel,  according  to  it  was  purchased  bj-  Sigismund,  wlio 

8ome  authorities,  was  first  deposited  had  it  properly  entoml)ed.     Godeau, 

in    its    tomb,   and    afterward    taken  xxxvii.  26.     Also,  ^Eneas  Sylvius,  cli. 

up  and  flung  into  the  Moldau.    Here  xxxvii.     Diar.  Bel.  Hus.,  145. 

it  was  found  by  a  fisherman,  of  whom  "  Jilneaa  Sylvius,  ch.  xxxriii. 


380  LITE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XIII. 

In  order  to  understand  fully  the  apprehension,  on 
the  part  of  the  citizens  of  Prague,  which  led  them  to 
invite  Zisca  to  their  aid,  we  must  recur  to  what  had 
taken  place  since  his  first  assault  of  the  new  city.  The 
writer  of  the  "  Diary  of  the  Hussite  War"  gives  us  a 
version  of  what  transpired,  which,  though  it  differs  in 
some  respects  from  the  statements  of  other  histori- 
ans, commends  itself  to  our  confidence  by  its  supe- 
rior credibility.  The  rage  of  the  king  on  the  an- 
nouncement of  what  took  place  on  the  30th  of  July 
was  due,  not  so  much  to  the  scenes  of  violence  which 
then  transpired,  as  to  the  presumption  of  the  citizens 
in  electing  their  own  magistrates,  without  waiting  for 
his  sanction.  The  fear  that  haunted  him,  was  that 
of  being  deposed  from  the  throne.  He  watched  with 
intense  jealousy  every  movement  which  seemed  to 
indicate  the  least  disposition  to  put  any  other  in  his 
place.  His  threat,  addressed  to  Nicholas  de  Hussi- 
nitz,^  grew  out  of  this  extreme  sensitiveness  to  a 
dreaded  danger.  These  fears  were  fully  understood 
by  the  members  of  his  court,  some  of  whom  favored 
the  Hussite  party.  By  their  means  a  temporary 
peace  was  negotiated,  the  conditions  of  which  were, 
that  the  citizens  should  humbly  submit  themselves 
to  the  king,  while  he,  on  his  part,  and  in  maintenance 
of  his  authority,  should  acknowledge  the  four  magis- 
trates elected  by  the  people,  and  give  them  his  sanc- 
tiom  The  Hussites,  moreover,  were  to  be  allowed 
liberty  of  worship.  On  these  conditions,  peace  was 
restored,  and  the  commotion  subsided.     But  is  was 

»  This  threat  was,  that  in  leading  which  Hussite  worship  might  be  held, 
the  citizens  who  came  with  the  de-  he  was  spinning  a  cord  for  his  own 
mand  for  some  of  the   churches  in    neck. 


Cu.  XIII.]  ACTS    OF   VIOLENCE.  381 

only  till  the  iutelUgence  of  Wenzel's  death  excited 
new  distrust.  On  the  next  day  scenes  of  violence 
again  occurred. 

The  fury  of  the  populace  was  directed,  chiefly, 
against  those  churches  in  which  the  communion  of 
the  cup  was  not  allowed.*  The  oi-gans  and  images 
were  broken  and  destroyed.  The  clergy,  apprehen- 
sive of  danger,  fled.  As  night  drew  on,  the  violence 
increased.  The  Carthusian  monastery  was  attacked, 
and  the  wine  found  there  was  freely  drunk,  until 
many  were  intoxicated.  The  monastery  itself  was 
plundered,  and  the  monks  within  were  borne  off  to 
the  council-house,  to  be  restrained  of  their  liberty, 
and  perhaps  otherwise  punished  for  having  consented 
to  the  death  of  Huss,  and  opposed  the  communion 
of  the  cup.  On  the  next  day  the  Carthusian  monas- 
tery was  taken  anew  by  assault,  and  burned,  leaving 
only  its  walls  standing.  The  tomb  of  Archbishop 
Albic,  in  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Virgin,  was  broken 
open,  and  the  images  dashed  in  pieces.  The  commo- 
tion spread  to  the  neighboring  cities  and  villages. 
The  monastery  of  the  preaching  friars  at  Piska  was 
completely  sacked.  A  great  multitude,  drawn  from 
various  parts  of  the  kingdom,  assembled  on  a  moun- 
tain ^  near  Ladwy,  and  after  listening  to  various  ex- 
hortations to  love  God,  and  abide  by  the  truth,  and 
enjoying  the  communion  of  the  cup,  marched  in  pro- 
cession to  Prague,  and  were  hospitably  welcomed  by 
the  citizens.  Torches  were  carried  and  drums  beaten 
as  they  entered  the  gates,  and  the  multitude  took 
possession  of  the  Ambrosian  monastery,  where  they 

»  Diar.  BeL  Hus.,  145.  »  Diar.  BeL  Hus.,  146. 


382  LITE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.         [Ch.  XIII. 

were  supplied  witli  food  for  several  days  by  the  in- 
habitants of  the  city.  The  presence  of  the  multitude 
had  doubtless  been  sought,  and  it  contributed  effect- 
ually to  expedite  a  second  truce  between  the  two 
parties.  Upon  this,  the  strangers,  who  had  also  tried 
their  skill  at  image  breaking,  withdrew  from  Prague.^ 

For  several  weeks  the  city  continued  quiet.  The 
queen,  however, — and  certain  ])arons  of  the  kingdom, 
the  principal  of  whom  were  Czenko  de  Wartenberg, 
the  governor  of  the  castle,  William  of  Hazmburgk, 
and  John  Chudoba,  availing  themselves  of  the  treas- 
ures which  Wenzel  left  behind  him, — called  in  the 
f^id  of  the  German  forces,  and  began  to  act  upon  the 
aggressive.^  The  citizens  of  Prague,  asking  for  free- 
dom of  worship  only,  were  too  well  aware  of  the 
vengeance  which  had  been  provoked  by  the  violence 
of  some  among  them,  nor  did  they  fail  to  arm  them- 
selves against  the  enemy.  The  city  was  thus  in  a 
state  of  insurrection.  Its  inhabitants  felt  that,  with 
Sigismund  advancing  against  them,  there  could  be  no 
security  while  the  castle  held  out.'^"^ 

In  these  circumstances  Zisca  was  appealed  to.  The 
cause  in  many  respects  was  a  common  one,  and  he 
hastened  to  comply  with  the  summons.  Probably 
but  a  small  part  of  his  forces  accompanied  him.  The 
report  was  spread  in  Prague  that  his  enemies  were 
disputing  with  him  access  to  the  city.  The  great 
drums '  were  beaten.  Multitudes  obeyed  the  signal. 
The  forces  were  joined,  and  the  assault  commenced. 
At  first  the  royal  party  had  the  advantage.     They 

'  Diar.  Bel  Hus.,  146,  147.  '  ^neas  Sylvius,  ch.  xxxviii. 

'  Magnse  Companffi  pro  concursu  populi. 


Cii.  XIII.]  ATTACK    ON   THE    KLEINE-SEITE.  383 

disputed  the  passage  of  the  bridge,  and  wei-e  able  to 
do  it  l)y  the  strong  positions  which  they  held  in  the 
royal  castle,  the  archiepiscopal  palace,  and  the  house 
of  the  Duke  of  Saxony.  They  were  armed,  more- 
over, with  mortars,^ — though  these  did  Init  little  exe- 
cution, whethei'  from  want  of  skill  in  their  manage- 
ment, or  from  their  imperfect  structure.  The  passage 
to  the  Kleine-Seite,  (^parvam  partam^  though  hotly 
disputed,  was  at  length  secured  by  breaking  open  a 
gate  adjoining  the  house  of  the  Duke  of  Saxony, 
althouc^h  numbers  were  slain  on  both  sides.  The 
royal  party  at  once  commenced  their  retreat  to  the 
castle.  Horses,  arms,  and  various  spoils  left  behind 
them,  were  eagerly  seized  and  appropriated.^ 

The  whole  night  long  the  uproar  continued.  The 
bells  were  rung  as  if  in  defiance,  and  in  order  to  con- 
tinue the  alarm.  A.t  midnight  th.e  queen  fled,  ac- 
companied by  but  a  small  number,  among  whom  was 
the  Baron  Ulric  de  Rosenberg.  There  was  great 
danger  that  the  castle  itself  would  be  forced  to  yield. 
During  the  night,  however,  the  invading  party  had 
largely  withdrawn  to  their  homes.  The  royalists 
improved  the  occasion,  and  sallying  forth  ft'om  the 
castle,  seized  upon  the  council-house  of  the  Kleine- 
Seite,  and  bearing  ofi*  the  treasures  and  records,  set 
the  building  itself  on  fire.  The  flames  spread  to  the 
adjoining  houses,  wdiich  were  rapidly  consumed. 

These  events  took  place  at  an  early  hour  in  the 
morning  (Nov.  5,  1419).  The  attack  of  the  citizens 
was  not  resumed  till  a  late  hour  of  the  day.  The 
strengthL  of  eacli  party — one  fiivored  by  position,  and 

'  Bombardifl.  »  Diar.  Bel.  Hus.,  148,  149. 


384  LITE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XIII. 

the  otlier  by  numbers — was  nearly  equal.  The  royal 
party  burned  several  bouses  and  dwellings,  some  of 
tbem  of  great  value,  among  tbem  the  School  of  St. 
Nicholas.  They  bore  off  moreover  to  the  castle  a 
number  of  prisoners.  The  citizens  on  their  part 
plundered  and  sacked  the  archiepiscopal  palace 
and  other  buildings.  Thus  each  party  seemed  to 
aspire  to  exceed  the  other  in  vandalism.  Those  of 
the  castle  could  command,  from  theii'  high  position, 
an  extensive  view,  and,  among  other  means  of  oifence, 
sought  to  prevent  the  entrance  of  provisions  within 
the  walls  of  the  city. 

Thus  the  contest  lingered  on  undecisive.  For 
several  days  there  were  fi-equent  skirmishes.  The 
citizens  were  reinforced  by  four  thousand  Taborites, 
who  cut  their  way  through  the  enemy  and  succeeded 
in  making  good  their  entrance  into  Prague,  where 
they  were  received  with  acclamation.  The  royalist 
party  saw  themselves  again  forced  to  oifer  terms  of 
peace.  This  was  effected  by  the  promise  that  the  Bo- 
hemians should  be  allowed  the  communion  of  the  cup, 
and  that  the  law  of  God  and  the  truth  of  the  gospel 
should  be  maintained  throughout  the  kingdom.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  citizens  bound  themselves  to 
refi'ain  from  any  further  violence  toward  the  churches, 
and  any  further  breaking  of  images.  The  Vissehrad 
also  was  to  be  no  further  molested.^  This  truce  was 
doubtless  unacceptable  to  Zisca,  who,  with  the  Ta- 
borites, withdrew  at  once  from  the  city.  Subse- 
quent events  made  its  impolicy  manifest.  It  left 
their  enemies  a  stronghold,  from  which  they  could 

» Diar.  Bel.  Hus.,  150. 


Cn.  XIII]       CRUELTMS   TOWARD    THE    UUSSITES.  385 

at  their  i:)leasure  commence  to  act  upon  the  aggres- 
sive. 

Meanwhile  the  enemies  of  the  Taborites,  who  had 
opposed  them  on  their  march  to  Prague,  had  not 
been  idle.  They  were  encouraged  and  directed  by 
the  emperor.  Led  on  by  Peter  von  Sternberg,  they 
had  begun  to  act  upon  the  offensive.  They  had 
assaulted  those  cities  which  had  contributed  men  to 
aid  the  citizens  of  Prague.  At  Ausch^  they  had 
taken  a  number  of  prisoners ;  but  when,  encourao-ed 
by  success,  they  had  ventured  an  attack  upon  the 
heights  of  Knin,  they  were  completely  routed.  As 
Zisca,  dissatisfied  with  the  results  at  Prague,  had  now 
rejoined  his  aimy,  the  enemy  were  constrained  to 
limit  their  operations  to  mere  skirmishes  of  little 
imj^ortance. 

The  truce  agreed  upon  was  to  continue  from  Nov. 
12,  1419,  to  April  21,  1420.  It  was  destined,  how- 
ever, soon  to  be  broken.  The  Hussites  zealously  im- 
proved it,  while  it  lasted,  in  preachings,  communions, 
and  lamentations  over  the  death  of  liuss.  They 
were,  however,  subject  to  continual  molestations. 
"Wherever  their  enemies  prevailed,  they  were  forced 
to  undergo  the  greatest  vexations  and  sufferings. 
Such  of  them  as  had  been  taken  captive,  were  treated 
with  great  harshness.  Some  were  cruelly  imprisoned, 
and  left  in  theii-  dungeons  to  endure  hun^i-er  and 
thii-st.  Some  were  sold  ^  for  money,  or  subjected  to 
every  species  of  abuse.  A  favorite  mode  of  dispos- 
ing of  them  was  to  throw  them,  sometimes  alive,  and 
sometimes  after  being  beheaded,  into  deep  wells  or 

'  Frequently  written  Aussig.  «  Pescheck.,  i.  14, 

VOL.  11.  25 


388  LIFE   AKD    TDIES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Cn.  XIII. 

ever,  of  all  distrust,  the  citizens  of  Prague  were  pres- 
ent by  deputation  at  Beraun.  The  barons  of  the 
kingdom  of  Bohemia  and  the  march  of  Moravia,  as 
well  as  the  magistrates  of  the  royal  cities  and  the 
officials  of  the  kingdom  generally,  were  present.  The 
Queen  Sophia,  the  legate  of  the  pope,  with  many 
princes  and  magistrates,  accompanied  the  emperor. 
The  embassy  from  Prague  reached  Beraun  on  the 
twenty-seventh  of  December  ^  (1-119).  They  entered 
the  city  with  sound  of  trumpets,  and  in  somewhat 
imposing  array.  The  emperor,  with  the  magnates  of 
his  court,  and  many  of  the  clergy  as  well  as  laity, 
witnessed  the  entrance  of  the  procession,  and  gazed 
with  surprise  at  its  numbers  and  array.  It  was  hos- 
pitably received,  in  quarters  set  apart  specially  for 
its  entertainment.  Priests  from  Prague  accompanied 
it,  and  performed  their  favorite  rites  of  worship  free 
from  all  molestation.  The  priests  of  the  other  party 
refused,  however,  to  perform  any  of  the  sacred  offices 
pertaining  to  their  function,  while  the  citizens  of 
Prague  remained  within  the  walls.  Beraun  should 
suffer  for  permitting  the  entrance  of  the  heretics. 
Such  was  the  spirit  in  which  the  Hussites  were  still 
reo-arded.^ 

On  the  third  day  the  embassy  presented  itself 
before  the  emperor.  On  bended  knees  they  saluted 
him  in  the  name  of  their  city,  and  accepted  him  as 
their  hereditary  king  and  master.  Sigismund  up- 
braided them  with  great  severity,  and  imposed  the 
conditions  on  which  he  was  willing  to  i-eceive  them 
into  favor.     His  feelings  toward  them  were  exceed- 

'  Guerre  des  Hus.,  i.  111.  '  Diar,  BeL  Hu3.,  153. 


Ch.  XIII.]  IROXICAL   LETTER.  389 

ingly  embittered.  The  conduct  of  the  clergy  and 
legates  of  the  papal  party  had  increased  his  exasper- 
ation. The  events  that  had  taken  place  at  Pi-agne 
had  aggravated  his  purpose  of  vengeance,  and  the 
disappointments  which  he  had  elsewhere  experienced 
had  only  soured  his  spirit,  till  he  was  ready  to  sanc- 
tion any  measures,  however  atrocious,  that  might  be 
necessary,  in  order  to  subdue  his  rebellious  subjects. 
Several  weeks  before  the  meeting  of  this  convention 
at  Beraun,  he  had  written  to  the  magistrates  at 
Prague  a  letter,  in  which,  forgetful  of  the  imperial 
dignity,  he  had  indulged  in  a  tone  of  sarcasm  which 
was  only  calculated  to  irritate  rather  than  conciliate 
revolt.* 

Addressing  the  magistrates,  he  says,  in  bitter 
irony,  "Especially  are  we  anxious  that  you  should 
not  give  up  your  Wickliffite  sanctity.  Oh !  what 
pleasure  must  it  give  a  prince  to  have  so  large  a 
number  of  such  rulers  and  such  subjects !  He  will 
establish  his  throne,  and  his  glory  will  spread  from 
the  East  to  the  West.  Therefore,  most  dear  and 
loyal,  our  heart  is  cheered  to  learn  what  is  your  pru- 
dence, wisdom,  union !  Indeed,  you  are  a  mirror  for 
other  lands,  the  light  of  the  ignorant  and  such  as 
wander  in  darkness,  and  the  council  of  Constance  is 
nothing  but  obscurity  compared  with  your  wisdom. 
Have  you  not  illuminated  Prague  and  all  Bohemia 

'  The  author  of  the  Diary  of  the  kingdom,  induding  the  governors  of 

Hussite  war  (p.  157)  saj's,  that  Sigis-  tlie  royal   castle,  burgomasters,  and 

mund  wrote  letters,  which  were  sent  judges,  to  constrain,  persecute,  and 

throughout  the  kingdom,  in  which  he  exterminate   from    the   kingdom  all 

commanded  all  the  barons,  and  es-  Wickliffites,    Hussites,  and    favorers 

pecially  all   the   magistrates   of  the  of  the  cup." 


390  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.         [Cii.  XIII. 

by  the  fame  of  your  learning?  You  may  pass  for 
pope,  or  even  king,  since  you  are  so  wise."  The  em- 
peror then  reproaches  them  for  the  manner  in  which 
they  had  dealt  with  monasteries,  convents,  and  par- 
ishes from  which  they  had  expelled  the  curates, 
because,  as  they  said,  they  would  not  receive  the  law 
of  God.  Their  treatment  of  the  senators  and  judges — 
their  iconoclastic  propensities,  which  they  indulged 
by  breaking  to  pieces  the  images  of  the  saints  as 
useless  idols — their  disrespect  for  the  relics  of  the 
saints,  while  they  exalted  Huss  and  Jerome  to  the 
rank  of  martyrs — their  refusal  to  bow  before  the 
host — their  neglect  of  the  festivals  of  the  saints — 
their  readiness  to  hear  preachers  of  both  sexes — are 
the  crimes  which  the  emperor  charges  upon  them. 
In  view  of  these,  he  asks,  "  Who  can  suffice  to  chant 
your  praises,  if  you  are  every  day  to  make  new  prog- 
ress in  these  holy  innovations  ?  Certainly  the  kings 
and  princes  of  Christendom  have  admired,  now  do, 
and  ever  will  admire,  the  extraoixlinary  wisdom  that 
has  been  infused  into  you,  and  of  which  the  ancient 
fathers  knew  nothing.  Thus,  most  ])eloved,  if  in 
time  past  we  have  written  to  you  not  to  renounce 
the  obedience  of  the  Roman  church,  we  have  done 
it  through  ignorance,  unaware  of  your  exquisite  dis- 
cernment." He  then  ironically  pi-aises  their  conduct 
on  the  occasion  of  the  death  of  Wenzel,  when,  armed 
with- vai'ious  weapons,  they  ran  through  the  city,  in 
cloisters,  churches,  and  chapels,  singing  their  fine 
funeral  songs.  "  It  only  remains,"  he  adds,  "  for  us 
urgently  to  beseech  you  to  associate  us  with  your 
college^  and  employ  all  your  means  to  fit  us  for  the 


Ch.  XIII.]  THE   TERMS    IMPOSED.  391 

government  of  Bohemia.  But  do  not  go  about  to 
say,  as  in  the  gospel,  '  We  will  not  have  this  man  to 
reign  over  us,'  or,  'This  is  the  heir— let  us  kill  him,' 
for  we  wish  to  profit  by  your  counsels,  and  to  be 
governed  by  your  lights." 

Such  a  letter  gave  little  assurance  of  favorable 
conditions  for  the  citizens  of  Prao;ue.  Nothing  but 
the  emperor's  weakness  forced  him  to  temporize. 
Yet  even  under  the  pressure  to  which  he  was  sub- 
jected by  the  state  of  his  affairs,  and  notwithstand- 
ing the  evident  strength  of  the  Hussite  party,  the 
conditions  he  imposed  were  sufficiently  onerous. 
They  were  such  as  might  most  effectually  promote 
any  measures  for  completely  subduing  and  suppress- 
ing the  Hussite  party.  The  citizens,  as  a  pledge  of 
tbeir  submission  to  his  power  and  authority,  w^ere  to 
remove  all  the  chains  from  the  streets  of  the  city,  aa 
well  as  the  statues  which  they  had  set  up.  They 
were  to  level  and  destroy  all  the  entrenchments  and 
fortifications  w^hich  had  been  constructed  since  the 
death  of  Wenzel,  for  the  sies^e  or  the  stormiuir  of 
the  castle.  The  monks  and  priests  should  no  longer 
be  molested  in  any  respect,  and  the  citizens  should 
make  all  ready  for  the  coming  of  the  emperor  himself^ 

Not  content  with  this,  Sigismund  deposed  from 
office  all  those  magistrates  w^ho  adhered  to  the  com- 
munion of  the  cup,  substituting  in  their  place  such 
as  were  distinguished  for  having  opposed  this  inno- 
vation. Several  forts  and  strong  places  were  at  the 
same  time  to  be  given  into  the  hands  of  the  empe- 
ror, who  stationed  in  them  faithful  partisans.     Some 

'  Guerre  des  Hus.,  i.  117. 


392  LITE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUS.S.  [Ch.  XIIT. 

of  tliese  contained  lai'ge  treasures,  "wliicli  were  after- 
ward employed  to  sustain  the  imperial  arms. 

After  little  more  than  a  week's  absence,  the  em- 
bassy of  the  citizens  returned  to  Prague^  (Jan.  4, 
1420.)  Hard  as  the  conditions  imposed  were,  and 
although  accompanied  by  the  act  that  substituted 
enemies  in  place  of  magistrates  of  their  own  choice, 
there  seemed  to  jorevail  a  sincere  disposition  to  sub- 
mit to  Sigismund's  authority.  The  chains  and  stat- 
ues were  taken  down  from  the  streets  and  deposited 
in  the  council-house.  The  fortifications  erected 
against  the  castle  were  levelled,  even  amid  the  deri- 
sion of  the  Germans  of  the  garrison  and  the  royal 
party.  "  Now,"  cried  they,  as  they  saw  the  works 
demolished  by  the  hands  of  the  builders, — "  Now 
these  "Wickliffite  and  Hussite  heretics  will  be  de- 
stroyed, and  we  shall  have  an  end  of  them."  At 
the  same  time  many  of  the  royal  party,  who  had 
fled  the  city,  returned.  Priests,  monks,  canons,  and 
common  people,  who  had  withdrawn  upon  the  vio- 
lence that  took  place  on  occasion  of  the  death  of 
Wenzel,  boldly  appeared.  Proclamation  was  made 
through  the  city,  in  the  name  of  the  king  and  magis- 
trates, that  all  persons  who  had  left  the  city  might 
now  freely  and  safely  reoccupy  their  dwellings.  It 
was  forbidden,  morever,  to  offer  insult  to  priests  or 
monks,  as  had  been  the  practice  of  men  as  well  as 
boys,  when  any  passed  them  along  the  street. 

The  enemies  of  the  Hussites,  however,  showed  no 
disposition  to  relax  their  persecuting  spirit  and  zeal. 
On  the  ninth  of  January  (1420)  Jolni  Chodk,  of 

»  Diar.  Bel.  Hus.,  154. 


Cn.  XIII.]  IMPOLITIC    COUKSE.  393 

Gurini,  wlio  had  been  taken  prisoner  some  we(^ks 
before  by  the  enemy,  and  who  had  hitherto  been 
kept  a  close  prisoner,  was  put  to  death.  He  admon- 
ished his  murderers  of  the  guilt  which  tliey  were 
committing  in  the  cruelties  which  they  practised 
upon  Christian  believers,  warning  them  to  repent  of 
these  and  their  other  sins.  He,  with  three  others, 
who  were  priests  of  the  Hussite  party,  was  thrown 
into  a  deejD  well  (ad  foveam  p'ofundafm  sen  Sacli- 
tarn.)  On  the  same  night  many  laymen  were  put 
to  death  in  a  similar  manner.  ^ 

But  the  emperor  himself  more  than  approved — ^he 
encouraged,  by  word  and  example,  this  persecuting 
and  barbarous  treatment  of  the  Hussites.  From  the 
conference  at  Beraun,  he  had  withdrawn  to  Breslau. 
Here  he  had  manifested  such  a  disposition  to  proceed 
against  the  followers  of  Huss,  as  to  destroy  the  last 
vestige  of  confidence  in  his  character  or  promise. 
He  could  not  have  pursued  a  course  more  directly 
calculated  to  defeat  his  own  projects.  The  Hussites 
were  already  divided  in  sentiment  upon  many  points. 
Some  of  them  up  to  this  time  had  been  in  favor  of 
Sigismund  for  king,  while  others  were  bitterly  op- 
posed to  him,  and  preferred  a  republic,  or  at  least 
another  pei'son  for  their  monarch.  Persecution,  too, 
had  had  its  usual  effect.  Many  had  become  wild 
enthusiasts.  Driven  to  desperation,  they  had  com- 
pared themselves  to  the  ancient  Israelites,  and,  as 
God's  chosen  people,  dealt  out  threatenings  and  de- 
nunciations against  their  foes  as  impious  Canaanites 
and  heathen.     Political  and  religious  interests,  vari- 

'  Diar.  Bel.  IIus.,  154,  155. 


394  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XIII. 

ousl}''  combined,  had  served  to  widen  the  divisions 
that  already  existed  in  the  views  and  sentiments  of 
such  as  bore  the  common  name  of  Huss.  The  thi-ee 
principal  parties  were  the  Catholics,  the  Utraquists 
or  Calixtines,  so  called  fi'om  their  devotion  to  the 
communion  of  the  chalice  or  cup,  and  the  Taborites. 
The  first  had  lost  much  of  their  influence,  or  had 
become  merged  in  the  party  of  the  Calixtines.  These 
last  were  called  the  limping  Hussites,  by  those  who 
were  more  radical  than  themselves  in  their  views  of 
reform.  And  yet  they  were  the  most  consistent  and 
intelligent  in  their  demands.  They  held  to  the  com- 
munion of  the  cup,  the  free  preaching  of  the  word 
of  God,  the  severe  repression  of  public  sins,  as  well 
of  clergy  as  of  laity,  and  the  wrong  of  allowing  to 
the  priests  landed  proj^erty,  or  a  share  in  the  civil 
administration.  The  Calixtines  were,  in  fact,  the 
moderate  or  conservative  party.  They  numbered 
among  them  the  most  influential  men  of  Bohemia, 
and  it  was  not  long  before  they  were  joined  by 
Archbishop  Conrad  himself 

The  Taborites  were  so  called,  as  composing  mainly 
the  army  which  founded  the  city  of  Tabor,  of  which 
they  continued  to  retain  possession.  They  were  the 
soldiers  of  reform,  and  shared  a  deeper  enthusiasm 
in  the  cause  for  which  they  bled,  than  their  more 
peaceful  brethren.  They  had  lost,  far  more  than  their 
compatriots,  all  regard  for  the  authority  of  popes, 
councils,  or  the  church  of  Rome.  They  rejected  al- 
together a  hierarchy  of  priests,  nor  would  they  allow 
amy  mere  outward  symbol  or  external  ceremonial, 
as  a  spot  upon  the  purity  of  a  scriptural  worship. 


C>i.  XIII.]  THE   TABOIIITES.  395 

Many  of  them  went  Leyond  tlie  views  of  IIuss,  Je- 
rome, and  Jacobel,  wlioni  tliey  still  reverenced,  and 
rejected  entirel}'-  the  doctrine  of  trausubstantiation. 
A  great  majority  of  the  Taborites  belonged  to  the 
lower  classes,  and  some  of  them  were  excessively 
ignorant.  Some  doubtless,  in  rejecting  priestly  rule, 
gave  themselves  over  to  wholesale  license.  Contempt 
for  the  horrid  vices  and  cupidity  of  the  sacerdotal 
order  would  naturally  smooth  the  way  to  violence 
and  outrage,  especially  when  that  order  became  the 
aggressors.  In  this  terrible  reaction,  the  lower  and 
more  ignorant  class  would  act  a  prominent  part. 
Their  leaders  would  almost  insensibly  be  forced  to 
conform  to  their  tastes  and  yield  to  their  prejudices. 
These  were  the  men,  some  wild  and  raving  in  their 
vengeance,  some  more  scriptural  and  even  evangeli- 
cal in  their  sentiments,  who  composed  that  tenible 
force  that  supplied  Zisca  with  his  armies,  and  made 
the  name  of  Hussite  terrible  over  all  Europe.^ 

Among  the  Taborites,  and  enjoying  the  liberty 
which  they  allowed,  were  mingled  persons  of  other 
sects  from  which  they  must  be  carefully  distinguish- 
ed. The  freedom  which  was  vindicated  in  Bohemia, 
drew  to  it  the  free-thinkers  and  heretics  of  other 
Ian  is.  Some  of  these  were  possessed  of  a  spirit,  and 
adopted  sentiments,  utterly  discordant  with  those 
of  the  Hussites.  Among  them  were  the  Adamites,' 
whose  views  of  clothing  much  resembled  those  of 
the  more  fanatical  of  the  early  Quakers,  who  exposed 
themselves  half  naked  to  the  public  gaze.  On  other 
points  they  rendered  themselves  still  more  obnoxious. 

'  Diar.  BeL  Hu9.  '  ^Eneas  Sylvius,  ch.  xlL 


396  LIFE   AIS-D    TIMES    OF   JOIIX    HUSS.         [Cii.  XIII. 

Tliey  carried  tlie  doctrine  of  modern  free-love  to  a 
most  licentious  extreme.  They  do  not  seem  at  any 
time  to  have  actually  united  themselves  with  the 
Taborites,  nor  do  their  views  appear  to  have  been 
adopted  by  the  latter.  Zisca  considered  them  so 
criminal  and  dangerous,  that  he  slew  and  extermi- 
nated them  almost  to  a  man. 

The  Taborites  themselves  were  fanatical  mainly  in 
their  forced  interpretation  of  the  prophecies.  They 
made  abundant  use  of  the  obscurities  of  the  book 
of  Revelation,  yet,  like  some  of  the  preachers  of  the 
council  of  Constance,  applied  them  mainly  to  the 
harlotiy  of  the  Roman  church.  They  held  and 
preached  the  speedy  coming  of  our  Lord,  to  judge 
and  to  punish  the  world.  The  destruction  of  Sodom 
was  a  favorite  figure,  with  them,  of  the  approaching 
judgment  of  the  nations.  They  went  so  far  as  to 
specify  the  cities  of  refuge — the  Zoar  of  the  purified 
church.  These  were  five  in  number — Pilsen,  Saatz, 
Launa,  Slany,  and  Laatowia.  The  first  of  these  they 
called  the  city  of  the  Sun,  and  to  it  was  conceded  a 
preeminence  above  the  others.^  The  preachers  of 
the  Taborites  scattered  through  Bohemia,  propagated 
their  peculiar  views  with  great  effect.  Multitudes 
sold  their  possessions,  no  longer  valuable  to  them, 
for  a  small  sum,  and  hastened  to  take  uj)  their  resi- 
dence in  the  five  cities  of  refuge.  JLetters  were 
written  and  dispersed  abroad,  in  which  the  doctrine 
of  the  coming  of  Christ  was  supported  by  prophecies 
ill  undei'stood  and  falsely  applied.  Whole  families 
would  come,  bringing  the  proceeds  of  their  property 

'  Diar.  Bel.  Hug. 


Ch.  XIII.]  DANGER   OF   DIVISIONS.  397 

with  tliem,  to  swell  tlie  numbei-s  of  tlie  Taborite 
liosts.  Their  money  was  fi-eely  devoted  to  promote 
the  cause  which  they  had  espoused.  Nothing  could 
ha^e  been  more  fixvoral)le  to  the  plans  and  mejisures 
of  Zisca.  The  ranks  of  his  army  were  kept  full,  and 
he  was  careful  to  train  it  to  the  most  exact  discipline. 
The  enthusiasm  of  his  soldiers,  and  their  relioious 
ardor,  fitted  them  to  follow  the  command  of  one 
whose  genius  as  a  General  was  combined  with  a  de- 
votion that  made  him,  as  a  leader  of  armies,  the 
Cromwell  of  his  ao-e. 

There  was  obvious  danger  of  a  serious  division 
among  the  Hussites,  some  favoring  the  Calixtines, 
some  joining  themselves  to  the  Taborites.  In  fact, 
so  strongly  had  the  prejudices  of  men  already  taken 
root,  that  strong  jealousies  and  rivalries  had  even 
now  sprung  up  at  Prague.  The  CalLxtines  prevailed 
in  the  old  town,  and  the  Taborites  in  the  new— 
where  their  battles  had  been  fought  and  their  victo- 
ries won.  For  twenty  years  there  was  a  state  of  ri- 
valry, sometimes  approaching  to  open  war,  between 
the  two  parts  of  the  city.  It  was  owing  to  this  fact 
undoubtedly  in  part,  and  the  consequent  jealousy 
produced  by  the  presence  of  Zisca,  that  he  was  pre- 
vented from  making  a  longer  stay  when  he  marched 
at  different  times  to  the  relief  of  the  city.  The  folly 
of  Sigismund  was  manifest  in  adopting  measures  of 
severity  which  united,  even  temporarily,  the  discord- 
ant elements  of  opposition. 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

DEFEAT  AND  RETREAT  OF  THE  EMPEROR. 

The  Camxtine  Nobility. — Their  Political  Sympathies. — Violence  of  thb 
Imperialists. — John  Krasa. — Nicholas  of  Bethlehem.  —  The  Burgomaster 
OF  Leitmeritz  and  His  Cruelties.  —  Twenty-four  Drowned.  —  Reaction  op 
Feeling  AT  Prague.  —  John  of  Zelew,  the  Premonstrant  Monk.  —  Circular 
Letters. — Some  of  the  Taborites  Leave  Prague. — Zisca  a  Leader.  —  Bohe- 
mian League.  —  Pilsen  Held  by  Taborites.  —  Besieged  by  the  Imperialists.— 

AfiANDONED  BY  the   TaBORITES. — The   LaTTER  ATTACKED  ON   ThEIR   ReTREAT  TO 

Tabor. — Alarm  at  Prague.  —  John,  the  Premonstrant  Monk.  —  Sigismund  at 
Breslau.  —  John  Krasa.  —  The  Bull  op  Crusade. — Its  Scope  and  Spirit. — 
Indulgences  Promised  in  It.  — Danger  to  the  Bohemians.  —  Popular  Feeling 
Against  Sigismund.  —  His  Directions  to  the  Royal  Governors.  —  Success  op 
THE  League  Against  Him.  —  Aosch  Taken.  —  Hradisch. — Crusade  Known  at 
Prague.  —  Imperialists  Flee  to  the  Castle.  — Covenant  of  the  Citizens. — 
Measures  Taken.  —  Army  of  Sigismund.  —  The  Fortress  of  Tabor.  —  Visseh- 
rad  in  Danger.  —  Efforts  of  the  Emperor  for  its  Relief.  —  Attack  on 
Tabor.  —  Defeat  of  the  Imperialists.  —  The  Taborites  Triumphant.  —  The 
Lord  of  Rosenberg.  — Voticz  and  Hradisch  Taken.  —  Sigismund  AppR0.\.CHEa 
Prague.  — Krussina  and  His  Horebites.  —  Demands  of  Sigismund.  —  His  Cru- 
elties. —  The  Monasteries.  — Sigismund's  Army.  —  Bohemia  Between  the  Two 
Contending  Parties.  —  Sigismund  Reaches  Prague.  —  Proceeds  to  the  Castle. 

—  CzENKO.  —  The  Army  Encamps. — Cruelties  to  Bohemians. — The  Enemy 
Repulsed  from  the  Walls.  —  Zisca  Fortifies  the  Galgenberg. — Is  Attacked 
by  the  Imperialists.  —  The  Rout.  —  Religious  Exultation  of  the  Citizens. — 
Dissension  in  the  Imperial  Army.  — Acts  of  Violence  and  Cruelty.  —  Scene 
at  Budweis.  —  Camp  OP  the  Imperialists  Destroyed  by  Fire.  —  Retaliation 
of  the  Taborites.  —  Proposals  to  Negotiate.  —  Favored  by  the  Calixtines, 

—  Their  Motives. — Basis  op  Negotiation.  —  Rejected  by  Sigismund.  —  The 
Four  Articles  op  the  Calixtines.  —  Their  Apology.  —  Coronation  of  the 
Emperor. 

Jat^.  9,  1420-JuLY  28,  1420. 

On  the  side  of  the  Calixtines  was  ranged  the  larger 
portion  of  the  Bohemian  nobility.     Among  the  Ta- 

(398) 


Cu.  XIV.J  MUTUAL    ANIMOSITIES.  399 

borites,  the  common  people  almost  exclusively  were 
to  be  found.  The  former  inclhied  to  accept  Sigis- 
mund  as  their  king.  The  latter  preferred,  if  not  a 
republic,  at  least  some  other  monarch  than  the  em- 
peror. Had  the  two  parties  been  left  to  themselves, 
the  issue  might  have  been  somewhat  doubtful.  Bo- 
hemia might  have  shared  the  fate  of  England  in  the 
seventeenth  century,  for  Zisca  manifested  a  signal 
ability,  and  a  tact  for  managing  popular  enthusiasm 
and  religious  impulses  equal  to  that  of  the  Lord 
Protector  of  England.  But  the  folly  of  Sigismund 
only  tended  to  band  together  the  repugnant  ele- 
ments into  one  common  rebellion.  The  proceedings 
of  the  royal  party  had  already  alarmed  the  citizens 
of  Prague.  They  were  so  far  excited  by  their  fears, 
as  once  more  to  lay  aside  their  party  aversions  in. 
presence  of  a  common  foe.  Zisca  was,  by  conceded 
ability,  if  not  by  general  consent,  acknowledged  as 
the  champion  of  the  nation,  although  there  were 
some,  not  enough  perhaps  to  be  called  a  party,  who 
were  in  favor  of  placing  Nicholas  de  Hussiuitz  upon 
the  throne. 

Mutual  animosities,  however,  were  for  the  time 
suppressed  by  the  cruel  policy  pursued  by  the  im- 
perialists. The  pretext  for  this  was  found  in  the  ex- 
cesses of  the  Taborites.  The  latter  were  fiei'ce  and 
relentless  in  the  vengeance  which  they  meted  out  to 
priests  and  monks.  Their  violence  at  Prague  was 
copied  throughout  Bohemia.  In  some  places  their 
devastations  were  terrible.  In  the  course  of  a  few 
months,  several  hundred  monasteries  were  sacked 
and   burued.      In   Prague   alone,  during   the   year 


400  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOKN"   HUSS.         [Cu.  XIV. 

1419,  forty  are  said  to  have  been  destroyed  by  the 
Hussites.-^ 

But  the  imperialists  needed  no  example  from 
which  to  copy.  They  reduced  cruelty  to  an  art,  and 
practised  their  barbarities  on  system.  If  any  one 
was  found,  priest  or  layman,  young  or  old,  male  or 
female,  who  refused  to  abjure  the  doctrine  of  the 
cup,  the  fate  of  such  a  one  was  sealed.  No  pity 
was  shown,  and  no  entreaty  could  rescue  them  from 
the  flames,  drowning,  or  the  pits.  The  mines  of 
Cuttemberg  were  pestilent  with  the  stench  of  vic- 
tims. The  convention  at  Beraun  did  not  stay  the 
rage  of  the  imperialists,  who  seemed  to  regard  it  as 
merely  binding  their  enemies,  and  giving  them  over 
to  their  hands  in  unresisting  submission.  Some  of 
Sigismund's  letters  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Huss- 
ites, and  betrayed  his  bittei*  purpose  of  vengeance. 
To  Czenko  of  Wartemberg,  governoi-  of  the  royal 
castle,  he  wrote, — "  Exterminate  the  Horebites."  At 
Breslau,  the  Hussites  in  a  tumult  had  killed  a  mams- 
trate.  Sigismund  took  ample  vengeance  by  putting 
twelve  of  them  to  death.* 

The  passions  of  the  Taborites  were  inflamed  almost 
to  madness  by  the  studied  cruelties  and  insults  to 
which  all  those  who  adhered  to  the  communion  of 
the  cup — whenever  occasion  offered — were  subjected. 
In  the  early  part  of  March,  John  Krasa,  a  mei-chant, 
oiy  according  to  others,  a  Calixtiue  priest  of  Prague, 
had  visited  Breslau  whither  Sigismund  had  with- 
drawn from  the  conference  of  Beraun  on  matters  of 
business.     In   conversation,  he    happened  to  speak 

'  Guerre  des  IIus.,  104.    '  lb.,  120.  yEneas  Sylvius,  xxxix.   Godeau,  xxxvii.  80. 


Ch.  XIV.]  EXECUTION    OF    KRASA.  401 

with  disapproval  of  tlie  burning  of  Hus^s,  and  in 
favor  of  the  practice  of  the  communion  of  the  cup 
For  this  crime  he  was  seized  and  thi'own  into  prison. 
On  the  following  day,  Nicolas  of  Bethlehem,  who 
liad  been  deputed  from  Prague  to  the  emperor  to 
inform  him  that  he  would  be  recognized  as  king  of 
Bohemia  only  when  he  had  declared  himself  in  favor 
of  the  Calixtine  dogma,  was  also  seized  and  cast  into 
the  same  prison  with  Kraza.  The  indignation  of 
Sigismund  against  Nicolas  was  extreme.  He  was 
condemned  to  be  burned.  Krasa  cheered  him  in  the 
pnson,  reminding  him  of  the  sufferings  of  the  old 
martyrs,  and  of  the  everlasting  joy  that  would  fol- 
low their  momentary  pains.  On  the  14th  of  March, 
1420,  Nicolas  was  led  out  to  die ;  but  when  the 
ropes  were  fastened  to  his  feet  by  which  a  horse 
was  to  drag  him  to  the  place  of  execution,  he  was 
seized  with  a  panic  fear,  and,  yielding  to  the  fair 
promises  of  the  legate,  who  was  then  present,  he 
renounced  the  doctrines  of  Huss.^  But  Krasa,  not- 
withstanding the  fiite  of  his  companion,  and  the 
promises  and  terrors  by  which  it  was  attempted 
to  shake  his  own  constancy,  continued  immovable. 
He  refused  all  the  terms  of  pardon  offered  him.  He 
was  then  slowly  dragged  through  the  streets.  The 
legate,  who  would  have  preferred  his  recantation  to 
his  execution,  followed  him,  several  times  oi'dering 
the  procession  to  halt,  and  exhorting  Krasa  to  re- 
cant and  save  his  life.  But  his  steadfast  reply  was, 
"  I  am  ready  to  die  for  the  gospel  of  Jesus."  He 
was  already  half  dead  when  he  reached  the  place  of 

*  Pescheck's  Reformation  and  Anti-reformation  in  Bohemia,  i.  12, 
VOL.  II.  26 


402  LIFE   A:N^D    times    of   JOIIN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XIV. 

execution,  where  he  was  devoted  to  the  flames.  It 
was  on  the  next  day  that  the  papal  bull  of  excom- 
munication and  crusade  against  the  Bohemians  was 
published  from  the  pulpits,  and  placarded  on  the 
walls  of  the  churches. 

Every  where  the  most  barbarous  cruelties  were 
practised  against  the  followers  of  Huss.  A  price 
was  set  upon  the  heads  of  the  Taborites.^  For  a 
priest,  the  sum  paid  was  five  guilders ;  for  a  layman, 
one.  The  most  horrid  butcheries  were  the  result  of 
this  barbarous  measure. 

In  May  the  burgomaster  of  Leitmeritz,  Pichel  by 
name,  a  cruel  and  deceitful  w^retch,  seized  in  one 
night  twenty-four  respectable  citizens,  among  whom 
was  his  own  son-in-law,  and  threw  them  into  a  deep 
dungeon  near  St.  Michael's  gate.^  When  they  were 
almost  inanimate  with  cold  and  hunger,  he  took 
them  out,  with  the  assistance  of  some  of  the  imperial 
officers,  and,  attended  by  a  guard,  pronounced  upon 
them  the  sentence  of  death.  They  were  then  chained, 
borne  in  wagons  to  the  banks  of  the  Elbe,  and 
thrown  into  the  river.  A  great  crowd,  embracing 
the  wives,  children,  and  friends  of  the  prisoners,  wit- 
nessed the  murderous  spectacle,  and  could  not  re- 
strain the  utterance  of  their  grief  The  Burgomas- 
ter's daughter — his  only  child — cast  herself  with 
clasped  hands  at  his  feet,  interceding  for  the  life  of 
her  husband.  "  Spare  your  tears,"  was  the  stern 
and  merciless  reply ;  "  you  know  not  what  you  desire. 
Can  you  not  have  a  better  husband  than  he  ? "  The 
father  was  inexorable,  and  the  daughter,  driven  to 

'  Pescheck.  '  lb. 


Cn.  XrV.]  TRAGEDY    OF   LEIT.MEllITZ.  403 

desperation,  exclaimed,  "Father,  you  shall  not  give 
me  in  marriage  again."  Smiting  her  breast,  and  tear- 
ing her  hair,  she  followed  her  husband  with  the  rest. 
The  victims,  as  they  were  cast  into  the  river,  pro- 
tested their  innocence,  and,  bidding  their  friends 
farewell,  exhorted  them  to  constancy  and  obedience 
to  the  word  of  God,  rather  than  the  commandments 
of  men.  They  then  prayed  for  their  enemies,  and 
commended  their  spirits  to  Heaven.  With  their 
hands  and  feet  bound  together,  they  were  conveyed 
in  boats  to  the  middle  of  the  river  and  then  cast 
into  the  stream.  Lest  any  should  escape,  the  banks 
were  lined  with  executioner  armed  with  pikes,  who 
stood  ready  to  stab  and  force  back  any  that  floated 
toward  the  shore.  All  perished.  The  burgomaster's 
daughter,  after  a  vain  struggle  to  save  her  husband, 
perished  with  him.  The  next  day  both  were  found, 
clasped  in  one  another's  arms,  and  buried  in  the  same 
grave. 

Such  ^^olence  produced  a  powerful  reaction.  At 
Prague  it  was  like  a  spark  falling  on  tinder.  The 
passions  of  the  Calixtines  as  well  as  the  Taborites  were 
inflamed  anew.  A  violent  leader,  John,  a  Premon- 
strant  priest  of  the  Monastery  of  St.  Mary,  formerly 
a  monk  of  Zelew,  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the 
popular  movement.  He  harangued  the  citizens, 
taking  for  his  text  the  barbarous  cruelty  of  the  im- 
perialists. He  pronounced  Sigismund  the  red  horse 
of  Apocalyptic  vision — the  sworn  enemy  of  the  cup 
— the  author  of  the  terril)le  excommunication  which 
had  overtaken  the  great  body  of  the  nation.*    "  Will 

'Diar.  Bel.  IIus.,  161. 


404  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.         [Cu.  XIV. 

he  treat  you  better,"  lie  asked,  "  than  lie  has  those 
of  Breslau?" 

The  excitement  produced  was  intense.  The  pop- 
ulace swore  never  to  receive  Sigismund  as  their  king. 
Circular  letters  were  sent  out  to  the  several  cities 
which  the  convention  had  agreed  to  give  up  to  Sigis- 
mund, exhorting  them  never  to  admit  him  or  his 
forces.^  He  was  pronounced  an  enemy  of  the  Scla- 
vonian  language,  and  responsible  for  the  execution 
of  Huss.  He  was  charged  with  alienating  portions 
of  Bohemia  for  his  own  selfish  interests,  and  with 
laboring  for  the  excommunication  and  death  of  all 
the  Hussite  teachers.' 

In  such  circumstances,  any  further  attempt  to  ful- 
fil the  terms  of  the  convention  was  scarcely  to  be  ex- 
pected. Many  of  the  Taborites  of  Prague,  apprehen- 
sive of  the  result  of  the  measure  agreed  upon  at 
Beraun,  had  already  left  the  city,  and  indignantly 
withdrawn  to  Tabor,  or  joined  the  forces  under  the 
command  of  John  of  Hussinitz.  Wherever  they 
went,  they  imparted  to  others  their  own  indignation, 
and  encouraged  an  open  violation  of  the  terms  of  the 
convention. 

Zisca  saw  no  prospect  of  peace  for  the  kingdom  if 
Sigismund  was  allowed  the  undisputed  succession  to 
the  crown.  With  several  Hussite  knights,  he  fore- 
swore obedience  to  a  man  who  had  allowed  his  safe- 
conduct  to  be  violated  with  impunity  in  the  case  of 
Huss,  and  who  already  was  appearing  at  the  head  of 
armies  to  subdue  the  kingdom,  and  trample  upon 
its   freedom   of  worship.      This   league,   thus   com 

*  iEneas  Sylvius,  ch.  xxxlx.  '  Guerre  des  Hus.,  i.  120 


Cn.  XTV.]  ZISCA    AT    TILSEN.  405 

menced,  grew  rapidly.  Barons,  kniglits,  and  cities 
joined  it.  They  swore  never  to  receive  Sigismnnd 
as  tlieir  king.  With  the  increasing  danger  from 
abroad,  the  prospects  of  a  fierce  resistance  from  the 
union  of  the  Hussites  against  the  emperor  brightened. 
His  own  cruelties,  and  the  perfidy  and  violence  of  the 
royal  party,  were  taking  effect. 

The  Taborite  preachers  had  been  instrumental  in 
filling  the  five  "  cities  of  refuge,"  but  especially  Pil- 
sen,  full  to  overflowing.^  It  became  therefore  an  ob- 
ject for  the  enemy  to  gain  possession  of  it.  Indeed, 
it  had  been  pledged  to  the  emperor  by  the  terms 
agreed  upon  by  the  convention  ;  but  to  defeat  them 
in  this  purpose,  Zisca  threw  himself  with  his  forces 
into  the  place,  and  held  it  for  a  time,  refusing  all 
conditions  of  surrender.  He  declined  all  negotiation 
with  an  enemy  whom  he  dared  not  trust.  He  had 
with  him  in  the  city  several  eminent  barons  of  the 
kingdom ;  among  them  Brzenko  de  Sswihow  and 
Walkun  de  Adlar.  Of  the  party  opposed  to  the 
communion  of  the  cup,  many  were  driven  without 
the  walls.  Several  monasteries  and  palaces  adjoining 
the  city  were  destroyed,  at  the  instance  of  Wenzel  de 
Coranda,  one  of  the  Hussite  priests. 

But  Zisca  was  not  suffered  to  remain  unmolested. 
The  royal  party,  led  by  Bohwslaus  de  Swamberg, 
made  an  assault  with  a  view  to  recover  the  city.  He 
was  defeated  in  his  attempt,  and  put  to  flight,  though 
the  loss  was  considerable  upon  both  sides.^  But  the 
anxiety  of  the  queen  and  the  royal  party  to  regain 
the  place,  led  them  promptly  to  reinforce  the  army 

*  Dmr.  BeL  Hus.,  155.     Guerre  des  Hub.,  i.  119.         '  Diar.  Bel.  Hu3.,  150. 


406  LIFE    AND    TlilES    OF   JOIIX   IICSS.         [Ch.  XIV. 

of  the  siege.  Skirmishes  between  the  hostile  armies 
were  frequent,  and  the  captives  on  both  sides  were 
treated  with  great  cruelty. 

Unable  to  make  much  progress,  the  royal  party 
proposed  to  negotiate  for  the  evacuation  of  the  city 
by  the  Hussites.  The  latter  declined  all  terms  with 
a  party  in  whose  pledges  they  could  place  no  confi- 
dence. At  length,  urged  by  a  deputation  sent  to  them 
from  Prague,  who  still  wished  to  conciliate  the  em- 
peror by  surrendering  this  as  one  of  the  cities  claimed, 
they  consented  to  treat  for  an  evacuation  of  the 
place.  The  conditions  were,  that  the  city  should 
enjoy  the  freedom  of  the  communion  of  the  cup,  and 
that  such  as  wished  to  leave  the  city  might  with- 
draw unmolested  to  Hradisch,  with  their  wives  and 
children.  To  these  conditions  the  royal  party  obli- 
gated themselves,  under  severe  penalties.  But,  like 
the  members  of  the  council  of  Constance  in  the  case 
of  Huss,  they  seem  to  have  fully  imbibed  the  doc- 
trine that  no  faith  is  to  be  kept  with  heretics.  Seve- 
ral of  their  generals  with  a  large  force  of  cavaliy  lay 
at  Pisek,  to  whom  information  of  the  capitulation  of 
the  city  was  dispatched,  with  directions  to  attack 
the  Hussites  on  their  march  to  Hradisch,  or  Tabor. 
The  necessary  march  of  twenty  miles  in  order  to 
reach  the  latter  place,  would  naturally  afford  the 
enemy  many  opportunities  for  assaulting  them  by  a 
sudden  and  unexpected  attack. 

The  advice  was  not  neglected.  The  royal  party 
overtook  the  Hussites  near  Sudomertz,  and  a  battle 
was  there  fought.  The  Taborites,  destitute  of  cav 
airy,  were  in  danger  of  being  surrounded.     They 


CH.XIV.]  INFLAMMATORY    DISCOURSE.  407 

protected  tlielr  flanks  by  drawing  their  l)aggage- 
wagons  in  a  circle  around  them,  and  thus  were  ena- 
bled for  several  hours  to  repel  assault.  The  enemy, 
foiled  in  their  purpose,  at  length  withdrew  from  the 
field,  bearing  off  thirty  of  the  Taborites  prisoners. 
The  army  of  Zisca,  leaving  its  wounded  to  the  care 
of  the  villagers,  resumed  its  march  unmolested  to 
Tabor,  where  they  received  a  hearty  welcome,  with 
rejoicings  over  their  escape.  The  battle  of  Sudo- 
mertz  was  fought  on  March  25,  1420. 

While  these  events  were  occurring  at  Pilsen,  af- 
fairs were  assuming  at  Prague  a  more  threatening 
aspect.  The  Hussites  became  alarmed  at  the  denun- 
ciations and  threats  of  the  royal  party.  Pilsen  had 
been  surrendered  at  their  suggestion,  partly,  doubt- 
less, in  order  to  fulfil  their  promise  to  the  empei-or, 
as  well  as  that  Zisca  might  be  left  free  to  march, 
when  necessity  should  require  it,  to  their  rescue. 
The  zeal  of  the  Hussite  preachers  was  enkindled  as 
their  fears  were  excited.  John,  the  Premonstrant 
priest,  distinguished  himself  by  his  fervid  declama- 
tions. Though  possessed  of  no  great  learning,  his 
eloquence  w\as  most  effective.  He  was  at  this  time 
expounding  the  revelation  of  St.  John,  and  took 
occasion  to  apply  its  predictions  to  the  events  of  the 
day.  He  was  especially  severe  upon  the  emperor — 
the  great  red  dragon  of  the  Apocalyptic  vision. 
The  fact  that  he  had  allowed  his  courtiers  to 
wear  as  a  badge  upon  their  breasts  a  dragon  of 
gold,  made  the  application  more  striking.  The 
ardor  of  the  people  was  aroused  to  a  higher  pitch, 
than  ever.     In  the  cause  which  they  had  espoused 


408  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XIV. 

many  of  them  were  ready  to  risk  at  once  property 
and  life. 

Other  causes,  however,  beside  the  fervid  eloquence 
of  their  preachers,  contributed  to  animate  the  spirit 
of  the  Hussites,  and  rouse  them  from  their  despond- 
ing submission  to  Sigismund  to  an  attitude  of  bold 
defiance.  The  emperor's  violence  at  Breslau  in  Silesia, 
whither  he  had  withdrawn  from  Beraun,  was  a  great 
political  1)1  under  as  well  as  crime.  The  cruel  treat- 
ment of  Krasa  furnished  an  inexhaustible  theme  for 
fervid  declamation.  The  emperor  had  consented  to  his 
execution.  The  grounds  of  his  condemnation  were,^ 
"that  he  would  not  hold,  believe,  affirm,  and  approve 
the  following  articles :  that  the  council  of  Constance 
was  legitimately  congregated  in  the  Holy  Spirit; 
that  whatsoever  the  aforesaid  council  enacted,  de- 
creed, and  defined,  was  just,  holy,  and  to  be  held 
by  all  Christian  believers,  under  pain  of  mortal  sin ; 
that  in  whatever  it  reprobated  and  condemned,  it 
acted  justly,  holily,  and  well;  that  the  aforesaid 
council,  in  condemning  John  Huss  to  a  most  cruel 
death,  proceeded  in  accordance  with  justice  and  holi- 
ness ;  and  that  its  condemnation  of  the  communing 
of  the  people  under  both  kinds  was  just."  These 
articles  Krasa  refused  to  approve,  and  his  cruel  death 
renewed  and  aggravated  among  the  Hussites  the 
bitter  memories  of  Constance,  and  stimulated  the 
thirst  for  vengeance. 

This  execution  took  place  on  the  fifteenth  of  March, 
1420.  On  the  seventeenth,  a  crusade  against  the 
Bohemians  who  favored  the  communion  of  the  cup 

»  Diar.  Bel.  Hus.,  158. 


Ch.  XIV.]  THE    BULL    OF    CKUSADE.  409 

was  published  by  tlie  papal  legate.*  On  his  ill-suc- 
cess in  attempting  to  bring  l)ack  Bohemia  to  the 
obedience  of  the  pope,  he  had  withdrawn  to  Hun- 
gary. Soured  with  disappointment  and  disgust,  he 
declared  that  nothing  but  force  would  subdue  the 
spirit  of  the  rebels.  His  representations,  undoubt- 
edly enforced  by  Sigismund,  had  so  much  weight 
with  Martin  V.,  that  the  latter  was  induced  to  pro- 
claim throughout  Christendom  (March  1,  1420)  a 
crusade  against  the  heretics  of  Bohemia.^  They  were 
to  be  proceeded  against  as  "  rebels  against  the  Roman 
church,  and  as  heretics."  The  crusade  was  announced 
in  the  cathedral  of  Breslau,  at  the  preaching  of  the 
sermon,  while  the  emperor  was  present;  and  he  ex- 
erted himself  for  the  publication  of  the  bull  through- 
out the  whole  of  his  dominions. 

This  Bull  of  the  crusade  is  a  most  remarkable 
document  for  the  age  in  which  it  was  published.^  It 
shows  the  same  blind  zeal  and  persecuting  bigotry 
which  charactei'ized  similar  measures  of  preceding 
centuries.  A  Christian  instead  of  a  Mohammedan 
people  were  now,  however,  the  objects  of  its  ven- 
geance— a  people  whose  great  heresy  was,  that  they 
made  the  word  of  God  their  supreme  authority, 
and  contended  for  the  institutions  of  the  gospel 
in  their  primitive  simplicity  and  integrity. 

The  pope  addresses  the  bull  "To  the  venerable 
brethren,  patriarchs,  archbishops,  bishops;  to  his  be- 
loved children  the  administrators,  abbots,  priors,  and 
other  officers  of  churches  and  of  monasteries,  as  well 

*  Cochleii.  Hist  Hus.,  p.  187.  '  Godeau,  xxxvii.  23.     Fleury,  xxvl  289. 

'  Diar.  BeL  IIus.,  159. 


410  LIFE   AND   TniES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.         [Cn.  XIV. 

as  to  all  professing  the  Christian  religion,  in  what  place 
soever,  to  whom  these  presents  shall  come."  After 
speaking  of  his  duty  and  anxiety  to  recover  the 
wandering  sheep  of  the  fold  of  that  Lord  of  all,  whose 
vicar  he  is  on  earth,  he  declares  his  purpose,  "by  the 
cooperating  grace  of  God,"  to  restrain,  by  due  sever- 
ity, the  minds  of  those  who  had  cast  off  the  divine 
fear.  By  the  counsel  of  his  venerable  brethi-en,  the 
cardinals  of  the  holy  Roman  church,  he  had  resolved, 
"  by  the  treasures  of  the  mystic  dispensation,"  to  ex- 
cite the  soldiers  and  athletes  of  Christ  more  fervently 
to  pursue  this  object.  He  praises  the  celebrated 
faith  of  his  most  dearly  beloved  son  in  Chi'ist,  the 
Emperor  Sigismund,  who,  as  it  were  by  a  divine  in- 
spiration, strove  with  great  effort,  and  at  great  cost, 
to  restore  the  church  to  its  integrity.  The  zeal  of 
his  faith,  the  ardor  of  his  devotion,  the  gentleness  of 
his  compassion,  had  led  him  to  seek  the  wider  diffu- 
sion of  the  Christian  religion,  in  opposition  to  those 
reprobate  men  of  profane  malignity  and  iniquity,  the 
followers  of  Wickliffe  and  Huss,  as  well  as  others, 
the  eyes  of  whose  understanding  had  been  blinded  ; 
children  of  darkness,  who  by  their  superstitious  doc- 
trines and  crude  dogmas  would  put  the  Catholic 
church  under  restraint,  overthrow  the  orthodox  fiiith, 
and  give  over  the  flock,  led  astray  by  error,  to  the 
bondage  of  hell.  These  men,  their  favorei's,  abettoi's, 
and  defenders,  unless  they  give  up  their  errors,  and 
submit  themselves  to  the  traditions  of  tlie  holy  fa- 
thers, were  to  be  exterminated  from  among  the  faith- 
ful, and  the  deadly  virus  of  souls  was  to  be  eradicated 
even  by  the  destruction  of  the  body.     So  happy  a 


Cii.  XIV.]  THE    BULL    OF   CRL'SADE.  411 

consiiniiiKition  is  earnestly  hesought  l)y  tlie  emperor, 
of  tlie  |)<»j)e  and  of  the  Catholic  church.  Extolling 
the  ])urj)i)se  of  the  emperor  with  the  most  em|)liatic 
eulogy,  with  eyes  directed  to  heaven  in  prayer  for 
his  success,  he  exhorts  "all  kings,  dukes,  mai-graves, 
princes,  barons,  counts,  lords,  captains,  magistrates, 
and  all  officials;  states,  free  cities,  universities,  and 
villages,  l)y  the  sprinkling  of  the  blood  of  tlieir  most 
glorious  Redeemer,  and  in  hope  of  the  remission  of 
tlieir  sins,  to  the  extermination  of  the  followers  of 
Wicklifire,  Huss,  and  other  heretics,  wdth  their  favorers 
and  abettors;  and  to  this  end  they  should  mightily 
exert  themselves  in  whatever  should  be  necessary  to 
the  pi'osecution  of  this  work."  He  therefore  charges 
and  commands  all  ecclesiastical  officers  to  whom  the 
bull  is  directed,  "to  contribute  all  their  power  and  in- 
fluence to  promote  the  purpose  of  the  emperor,  even  to 
the  raising  and  equi|>ping  of  armies,  if  they  are  called 
upon  to  do  it,  in  order  to  proceed  against  heretics  and 
all  who  favor  them."  They  were  to  act  as  valiant 
hei'alds,  lifting  their  voices  loud  in  all  states,  dioceses, 
and  regions  where  it  should  be  found  fit.  They  were 
to  select  such  persons  as  they  should  deem  proper,  to 
extend  the  proclamation  to  all  Christian  believers  as 
they  might  chance  to  be  met,  and  who  could  be  led 
to  volunteer  in  the  crusade.  These  were  to  be  al- 
lowed, by  the  apostolic  authority,  relaxation  for  a 
hundred  days  of  imi)osed  penance,  in  considei'ation 
of  their  enlistment.  By  the  preaching  of  the  word 
of  the  cross,  and  by  setting  forth  the  symbol  pub- 
licly, by  exhortations  and  fitting  admonitions,  they 
were  to  be  ui-ged  to  put  forth  all  their  efforts  for  the 


412  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Cn.  XIV. 

overthrow  of  the  heretics.  The  ecclesiastics  were 
themselves  to  bestow  the  cross  freely  upon  those  who 
volunteered,  and  were  to  fasten  it  to  their  shoulders 
with  their  own  hands.  To  animate  them  to  greater 
fervor,  the  pope  himself,  "  by  the  mercy  of  Almighty 
God,  and  the  authority  of  the  holy  apostles  St.  Peter 
and  St.  Paul,  as  well  as  by  the  power  of  binding  and 
loosing  bestowed  by  God  upon  himself,  grants  to 
those  who  shall  enter  upon  the  crusade,  or  to  such 
even  as  should  die  upon  the  road,  plenary  pardon  of 
their  sins,  if  repented  of  and  confessed,  and,  in  the  ret- 
ribution of  the  just,  eternal  salvation.  Such  as  could 
not  go  in  person,  but  contributed  to  the  cause  by 
sending  others,  and  equipping  them  according  to 
their  ability,  should  have  full  remission  of  their  sins. 
Even  such  as  had  laid  violent  hands  upon  the  clergy, 
or  had  been  guilty  of  arson  or  sacrilege,  might  hope 
to  fight  their  way  to  heaven  by  warring  against  the 
followers  of  Wickliffe  and  Huss."  The  ecclesiastics 
were  to  take  special  care  to  have  this  bull  circulated 
as  widely  as  possible. 

The  long  dreaded  blow  was  thus  struck  at  last. 
All  Christendom,  with  its  generals  and  armies,  was 
summoned  to  crush  out  the  heresies  of  men  whom 
the  council  chose  to  burn  rather  than  refute.  The 
affaii^s  of  the  Bohemians  presented  indeed  an  omi- 
nous aspect.  The  imperial  and  papal  powers  leagued 
together,  and  summoned  all  bearing  the  Christian 
name  to  aid  them  in  suppressing  and  exterminating 
a  people,  numbering  at  the  most  not  more  than  three 
or  four  millions,  who  were  at  the  same  time  beset  by 
domestic  foes,  and  who  were   far   from  unanimous 


Cu.  XIV.]  ZISCA'S   LEAGUE.  413 

among  themselves  in  religious  and  political  views. 
But  the  result  disappointed  all  human  expectations. 
The  forces  of  the  empire  dashed  and  shattered  them- 
selves against  the  invincible  resolution  and  desperate 
courage  of  a  band  of  men  sustained  by  religious 
enthusiasm,  and  conducted  by  able  generals. 

In  fiict,  previous  to  the  publication  of  the  cnisade, 
the  tide  had  begun  to  set  strongly  in  Bohemia  against 
the  pretensions  of  Sigismund.  He  had  himself  an- 
ticipated its  fuller  announcement,  by  an  edict  charac- 
terized by  cruelty  and  injustice.  He  sent  written 
orders  through  the  land  to  all  barons,  and  to  all  the 
magistrates,  to  the  chief  governor  of  the  nation, 
(Czenko,)  to  the  governors  of  royal  towns,  the  officers 
and  judges,  to  drive  out,  persecute,  and  as  far  as 
possible  utterly  exterminate  the  followers  of  Wick- 
liffe  and  Huss,  as  well  as  the  adherents  to  the  com- 
munion of  the  cup.^ 

This  was  enough  to  satisfy  any  that  had  hitherto 
been  hesitatinof  and  doubtfid  in  their  alleo-iance,  that 
Sisfismund  was  the  last  man  that  should  be  allowed 
to  ascend  the  vacant  throne.  Zisca's  leao;ue  as^ainst 
him  grew  rapidly.  Zatec,  Slany,  Launy,  and  other 
cities  formed  a  mutual  alliance  to  resist  him.^  Multi- 
tudes, driven  to  desperation,  banded  themselves  to- 
gether for  security,  or  aggression  in  their  own  neigh- 
borhood. 

It  was  in  this  way  that  the  city  of  Ausch  was 
taken.  The  governors  had  driven  out  of  it  all  the 
Hussite  citizens.  A  band  of  men  composed  of  these, 
with  Taborites  and  rustics  from  the  villages,  and  led 

*  Diar.  Bel.  Hus.,  157.  '  Guerre  des  Hub.,  i.  123. 


414  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XIV. 

on  by  Zisca,  lay  hid  in  ambusli  in  tLe  woods  for 
several  days  and  nights,  till,  aided  by  friends  within 
the  walls,  they  seized  upon  an  occasion  when  the  city 
was  given  up  to  feasting  and  drunkenness,  and  were 
enabled  successfully  to  assault  it.  (Feb.  2,  1420.) 
Driving  out  their  enemies,  they  took  possession  of 
the  city,  and  were  at  once  rendered  secure  in  retain- 
ing it  by  the  crowd  of  their  friends  who  rushed 
thither  as  to  a  place  of  safety.  It  was  shortly  after 
this  that  the  foi'tified  town  of  Hradisch,  in  the  im- 
mediate vicinity  of  Tabor,  fell  into  their  hands,  and 
was  delivered  over  into  the  charge  of  Procopius  of 
Kamenitz,  one  of  the  ablest  of  the  Hussite  generals. 
On  the  destruction  of  Ausch  by  fire  shortly  after- 
ward, its  inhabitants  transferred  themselves  with 
their  wives  and  children  to  Hradisch  of  Tabor, 
whither  Zisca  and  his  forces  directed  their  steps  on 
withdrawing  from  Pilsen.^ 

But  at  Prasfue  the  announcement  of  the  crusade 
produced  a  most  marked  effect.  Men  could  not  but 
tremble  at  the  thought  of  what  that  teiTible  word 
meant — with  its  signification  written  out  in  the  havoc 
and  carnage  of  past  centuries,  when  the  innocent 
and  guilty.  Catholic  and  heretic,  were  swept  indis- 
criminately to  one  common  doom.  Indecision  was 
allowable  no  longer.  Even  the  moderate  and  non- 
committal must  take  their  side,  and  choose  the  party 
by  which  they  would  abide.  The  enemies  of  the 
Hussites  were  full  of  exultation.  "  These  heretical 
wretches,"  said  they,  "  will  now  be  burned  at  last,  or 
they,  with  their  wives  and  children,  will  perish  by 

'  Diar.  Bel.  Hus.,  162. 


Cii.  XIV.]  ALARM    AT    TKAGUE.  415 

the  sword  of  tlie  emperor.  Let  us  fly  fi'orn  among 
them,  to  the  most  secure  places,  lest  we  miserably 
perish  along  with  them,"  ^ 

This  was  a  wise  precaution.  There  was  cei-tainly 
danger  of  indiscriminate  massacre,  when  all  alike 
were  exposed  to  the  blind  fanaticism  of  a  crusading 
army — at  least  judging  by  the  precedent  of  the  last 
crusade  against  the  Albigenses ;  and  however  consol- 
atory to  the  blind  actor  in  the  tragedy  it  might  be 
to  know  that  in  slaying  all  "  God  would  know  his 
own,"  it  did  not  present  to  the  one  in  danger  of  be- 
coming a  victim,  any  very  soothing  reflections.  The 
enemies  of  the  Hussites  in  Prague  were  able  fully 
to  appreciate  such  considerations  as  these,  and  fearful 
of  losing  life  and  2:)ro2^erty  together,  they  took  refuge 
with  their  families  and  eflects  in  the  castle  and  Vis- 
schrad.  Seven  hundred  of  the  wealthiest  citizens 
of  Old  Prague,  and  as  many  more  of  the  New  city — 
a  large  number  of  them  Germans,  and  cherishing  a 
national  hostility  against  the  Bohemians — were  re- 
ceived within  the  fortified  district,  on  condition  of 
obligating  themselves,  under  oath,  on  the  ex2:>iration 
of  the  truce,  (Apr.  23,)  to  render  then-  assistance  in 
subduing  the  city,  and,  on  the  destruction  or  extirpa- 
tion of  the  adherents  of  the  cup,  to  return  to  their 
dwellings.^ 

The  citizens,  alaiTned  at  the  intelligence  of  the 
crusade,  and  the  measures  and  vaunts  of  their  ene- 
mies, were  not  idle.  Incited  Tjy  their  preachers,  and 
especially  by  John,  the  Premonstrant  monk,  of  whom 
mention  has  been  already  made,  they  assembled  at 

>  Diar.  Bel.  Hus.,  160.  *  lb.,  161. 


416  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Cn.  XIV. 

the  council-liouse  of  the  Old  city  in  order  to  deliber- 
ate on  what  it  was  most  expedient  for  them  to  do. 
The  assembly  was  large,  and  their  priests  and  magis- 
trates were  present.  They  bomid  themselves  together, 
in  a  covenant  or  league  of  mutual  defence,  against  all 
persons  whomsoever  who  should  presume  to  impugn 
the  communion  of  the  cup.  They  swore  to  be  faith- 
ful in  defence  of  the  truth,  and  the  oath  was  adminis- 
tered to  them  by  the  magistrates  who  still  remained 
in  office. 

Four  captains  were  elected  for  the  Old,  and  four 
for  the  New  city,  ^  to  whose  charge  the  keys  of  the 
council-house  and  gates  were  entrusted,  and  to  whom 
an  authority  was  committed,  limited  only  by  their 
discretion,  for  promoting  or  devising  measures  of 
defence.  Beside  these,  forty  persons  were  appointed 
from  the  Old,  and  forty  from  the  New  city,  who  were 
to  act  as  officers  or  leaders,  upon  any  emergency 
that  might  arise.  After  drawing  up  in  a  public  act 
the  doings  of  their  assembly,  and  depositing  the 
written  document  in  safe  hands,  the  people  withdrew 
peaceably  to  their  dwellings.  Calixtine  and  Tabor- 
ite  were  ready  to  join  hands  in  a  league  of  mutual 
defence.  The  Old  city  and  the  New  forgot  tempora- 
rily their  aversions,  and  united  to  resist  a  common 
foe. 

The  prospects  of  the  Hussites  were  dark  indeed. 
Sigismund  had  already  gathered  a  large  army,  con- 
stantly recruited  from  all  parts  of  the  empire.  It 
was  said  to  amount  from  140,000  to  150,000  men. 
He  moved  on  somewhat  slowly,  allowing  the  differ- 

»  Diar.  Bel.  Hus.,  162, 


Cn.  XIV.]  TABOR    FORTIFIED.  417 

ent  reinforcements  to  overtake  liim,  and  endeavoring 
to  make  sure  of  tlie  fortified  places  wliick  lie  passed. 
Zisca  was  not  unmindful  of  the  threateninc:  danorer. 
He  saw  the  necessity  of  having  some  secure  place 
upon  which  he  might  Ml  back  in  case  of  reverse. 
None  appeared  more  favorable  for  his  project  than 
Tabor  itself.  Its  natural  position  was  such  as  to 
render  it  almost  impregnable  to  the  foe.  It  was 
ahnost  a  peninsula  in  shape,  bounded  on  one  side 
by  the  river  Luznice,  and  on  the  other  by  a  tribu- 
tary stream  of  deep  and  rapid  cmTcnt.  The  place 
itself  was  lofty  and  precipitous.  It  was  girt  about 
by  steep  and  almost  inaccessible  rocks.  The  only 
passage  to  it  was  by  a  narrow  neck  of  land,  which  a 
few  valiant  men  could  make  a  posse  of  Thermopylae. 
Even  this  was  defended  by  a  deep  fosse  which  Zisca 
caused  to  be  dug,  and  by  a  triple  wall,  of  such 
streng-th  as  to  defy  the  assault  of  the  most  powerful 
engines.  The  walls  were  protected  by  numerous 
towers  fitly  located,  and  means  of  defence  were  de- 
vised by  men  who  had  rendered  themselves  already 
masters  in  the  art  of  takinc;  cities.^  Here  Zisca 
directed  his  followei's  to  build  houses  on  the  place 
where  their  tents  stood,  and  at  once  the  camp  of  the 
Taborites  became  a  fortified  city. 

These  precautions  taken,  Zisca  listened  to  the  urgent 
request  of  the  citizens  of  Prague  to  aid  them  in  the 
siege  of  the  royal  castle.  Leaving  Tabor  itself  to 
the  hazard  of  an  attack,  he  hastened  to  their  aid. 
The  Vissehrad  was  closely  besieged,  and  sulijected 
to  great  extremity.     The  garrison  wei-e  reduced  to 

.^neas  Sylvius,  ch.  xL 
VOL.  II.  27 


418  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOIIISr   IIUSS.  [Cu.  XIV. 

the  necessity  of  subsisting  on  the  most  loathsome 
food.  Dogs,  cats,  and  rats  were  ravenously  devoured. 
At  last  the  garrison  agreed  to  surrender  unless  they 
were  relieved  by  the  emperor  within  fifteen  days. 

Meanwhile,  the  emperor  was  making  his  way  to 
Prague.  Czenko  had  sent  him  word  of  the  danger 
to  which  the  Vissehrad  was  exposed.  He  despatched 
at  once  a  force  of  cavalry,  in  order  to  raise  the  siege. 
Nor  did  he  neglect  other  means  for  the  relief  of  his 
friends  at  Prague.  In  order  to  draw  off  a  portion  of 
the  besieging  army,  an  attack  upon  Tabor  was  re- 
solved upon.  The  Lord  of  Rosenberg,  who  had  em- 
braced the  party  of  the  Hussites,  but  who  was  now 
inspired  by  terror  at  the  report  of  the  invading 
army,  was  wilUng  to  make  his  peace  with  the  empe- 
ror by  turning  his  arms  against  his  late  allies.  In 
proof  of  his  sincerity,  he  prohibited,  in  his  own  dis- 
trict, the  communion  of  the  cup,  and  declared  his 
readiness  to  assist  the  emperor  in  the  prosecution  of 
the  war.  To  him,  therefore,  the  attack  upon  Tabor 
was  entrusted.  The  occasion  was  the  most  favorable, 
while  so  many  of  its  inhabitants  were  absent  at 
Prague.  Accompanied  by  a  powerful  force,  he  ad- 
vanced to  the  assault. 

But  intelligence  of  his  movements  was  communi- 
cated to  Zisca,  who  at  once  despatched  a  force  of 
three  hundred  and  fifty  cavalry,  under  Nicholas  de 
Hussinitz,  to  the  relief  of  Tabor.  This  force  left 
Prague  on  the  night  of  June  25,  (1420.)  On  the 
thirtieth  of  the  month  a  severe  and  decisive  battle 
was  fought.  The  Taborites  came  down  from  the 
mountain,  and  made  an  attack  upon  the  enemy  on 


Cii.  XIV.]  IMPERIALISTS    DEFEATED.  410 

one  side,  while  Nicholas  de  Hussinitz,  of  whose  com- 
ing the  Taborites  had  been  made  aware,  assaulted 
them  upon  the  other.  The  terror  of  the  enemy  was 
such  that,  after  standing  their  ground  for  a  short 
time,  they  turned  and  fled.  Never  was  there  a  more 
signal  rout.  The  imperial  forces  outnumbered  those 
of  the  Taborites,  it  is  said,^  twenty  to  one.  They 
■were  pursued  in  their  flight,  and  large  numbers  were 
slain  or  taken  captive.  An  immense  booty  was  left 
behind.  Gold  and  silver  goblets,  ornaments  and 
vestures  of  the  most  costly  kind,  warlike  weapons 
and  engines,  provisions  for  the  sustenance  of  the 
army,  in  great  abundance  and  variety,  rewarded  the 
valor  of  the  Taborites.  Songs  of  thanksgiving  to 
the  God  who  had  given  them  the  victory,  succeeded 
to  the  clasli  of  resounding  arms,  and  the  conquering 
host,  laden  with  spoil,  exulted,  as  they  retraced  their 
steps,  over  the  enemies  of  their  faith. 

The  result  of  this  attack  was  sadly  ominous  of  the 
fate  of  the  whole  campaign.  The  Lord  of  Rosen- 
berg was  stung  with  shame  at  his  ignominious  defeat. 
In  his  resentment  he  sought  to  wreak  a  weak  and 
unmanly  vengeance  upon  the  adhei'ents  of  the  cup. 
He  hunted  them  out  wherever  they  could  be  found, 
took  them  captive,  and,  shutting  them  up  in  prison, 
vainly  endeavored  to  force  them  to  abjure  the  doc- 
trine which  he  himself  had  once  avowed.  Several 
of  his  castles  were  filled  with  these  unfortunate  men. 
Most  of  them  were  subjected  to  the  severest  and  harsh- 
est treatment  for  many  months.  Some  of  them  were 
put  to  death.     But  the  Hussites  did  not  foi'get  the 

'  Dial-.  Bel.  Uus.,  163. 


420  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN'   HUSS.         [Cn.  XI Y. 

traitor.  They  exacted  a  severe  penalty  for  his  treason 
and  his  cruelty,  in  the  ravage  of  his  estates. 

Other  victories  were  won  by  the  Hussites.  At 
Voticz,  between  Tabor  and  Prague,  a  battle  was 
fought,  in  which  an  imperial  army  of  four  thousand 
cavalry  was  routed.^  The  walled  town  of  Hradisch 
had  been  taken  by  surprise.  A  band  of  rustics  and 
colliei's,  led  by  three  zealous  Hussites,  and  accom- 
panied by  a  priest  who  encouraged  them,  secured 
possession  of  it  on  the  night  of  June  25.  The  ene- 
mies of  the  communion  of  the  cup  were  driven  out 
of  the  city,  of  which  the  Hussites  maintained  pos- 
session, forming  themselves  at  the  same  time  into  a 
military  organization,  and  choosing  themselves  leaders. 

The  fall  of  Hradisch  was  a  sore  blow  to  the  im- 
perial cause.  Sigismund  sent  at  once  an  ai-my  of 
ten  thousand  men  to  retake  the  place.  These  were 
composed  of  the  elite  of  his  army.  But  they  did 
not  choose  to  make  any  assault.  They  contented 
themselves  with  seeking  to  regain  the  city  under 
false  pretences  of  negotiation ;  but  the  Hussites  were 
not  to  be  duped  by  them,  and  they  were  forced  to 
return  without  accomplishing  their  object. 

But  all  eyes  were  now  directed  anxiously  toward 
Prague.  As  the  capital  of  the  kingdom,  its  posses- 
sion was  of  the  greatest  importance  to  each  party. 
On  the  twelfth  of  June  the  news  arrived  that  the 
eniperor  was  on  his  march,  accompanied  with  an 
overwhelming  force  of  more  than  100,000  men.  The 
citizens  of  Prague  pressed  the  siege  of  the  Vissehrad, 
and   endeavored  to  increase    the   number  of  their 

^  Guerre  des  Hus.,  i.  121, 


Cn.  XIV]  KRUSSINA    AND   HIS    HOREBITES.  421 

allies.  Among  these  came  Hinko  Krussina,  with  his 
Horebites.^  These  were  the  most  fierce  and  cruel  of 
all  the  Hussite  forces.  They  breathed  vengeance 
against  all  priests  and  monks,  and  seemed  to  find 
no  satisfaction  equal  to  that  of  torturing,  mangling, 
insulting,  and  murdering  them.  Merciless  as  they 
were  desperate,  Prague  needed  them,  with  all  their 
fanatic  thirst  of  blood,  to  defend  her  against  the 
hosts  of  the  crusading  army.  They  were  received 
with  congi-atulations  and  shouts  of  welcome.  Krus- 
sina was  made  one  of  the  chief  commanders  of  the 
city. 

The  emperor  had  sent  forward  a  body  of  eleven 
thousand  men  to  the  relief  of  hi»  party  in  Prague. 
He  stopped  himself  for  a  short  time  at  Koniggratz,* 
where  he  had  met  a  friendly  reception,  and  sent  an 
embassy  to  Prague,  reminding  the  city  of  its  promise 
of  fealty,  and  requiring  it  to  keep  its  word.  He  de- 
manded that  the  citizens  should  give  up  their  arms, 
and  deposit  them  in  the  Vissehrad. 

This  message  was  delivered  on  the  twenty-fourth 
of  June,  the  emperor  meanwhile  resuming  his  march, 
and  advancing  toward  Prague.  His  conduct  was 
marked  by  a  vindictive  cruelty.  Under  pretence  of 
retaliation,  he  drowned  twenty-four  Hussites  in  the 
Elbe.'  The  monasteries  fared  little  better  in  his 
hands  than  in  those  of  Zisca.  He  plundered  them  to 
pay  his  troops.  Some  of  them  were  immensely 
wealthy,  and  invited  spoliation.  The  Hussites  might 
rob  them   as  enemies,  but  it  was   hard  that  they 

'  Godeau,  xxxvii.  31.  '  Godeau  (xxxviii.  83)  says  seven- 

'  Guerre  des  Hus.,  i.  126.  teen  were  drowned. 


422  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ca.  XIV. 

stould  experience  the  same  fiite  from  the  hands  of 
one  wlio  came  as  their  avenger.  Yet  the  pillage  of 
churches  and  convents  was  the  resource  of  both 
parties,  and  the  immense  wealth  of  the  church  fur- 
nished fuel  for  the  fire  that  consumed  it. 

The  number  of  monasteries  destroyed  by  Zisca 
Las   been  reckoned  by  historians  at  more  than  five 
hundred.^      None    had   manifested  a  more   bigoted 
hostility  to  reform  and  to   the   communion  of  the 
cup,  no  class   had  become   more  corrupt,  and  none 
could  be  more  properly  regarded  as  implicated  in 
compassing  the  death  of  Huss,  by  invective  and  false 
accusation,  than  the  monks ;  and  Zisca's  memory  treas- 
ured the  affront*  that  had  been  offered  to  his  own 
sister — an    affront  to  be   expiated  by  blood  alone. 
His  vengeance  was  terrible.     By  flying  marches  he 
swept  the  country,  and  spread  on  every  side   the 
terror  of  his  name.     Convents  and  monasteries  were 
sacked  and  burned,  sometimes  with  all  who  resided 
within  the  walls.     Krussina,  with  his  Horebites,  did 
not  yield  to  Zisca  in  tlie  promptitude  and  energy  of 
a  cruel   vengeance.      The   Cistei'cian  monastery  of 
Graditz  fell   into  their  hands,  and  was  utterly  de- 
stroyed.    The  monastery  of  Cromau  was  possessed  of 
such   wealth   and    splendor  as  to  be  an    object  of 
attractive  curiosity  to  travellers.     They  turned  aside 
to  behold  it.     The  Taborites  paid  it  a  visit — curious 
also  in  their  way  to  see  what  it  contained — and  only 
its  ruins  were  left  to  invite  the  curiosity  of  the  pil- 
grim.    At  Prague,  the  Cistercian  monastery  of  the 
royal  court  was  doomed  to  a  similar  fate.     One  of  its 

*  Gaerre  des  Hus.,  i.  12*7. 


Ch.  XIV.]  A    MOTLEY    HOST.  423 

inmates,  James,  a  scholastic  of  wonderful  eloquence, 
and  former  rector  of  the  university,  was  spared  by 
Zisca  only  at  the  earnest  intercession  of  the  senate. 
Truly  it  might  be  still  said,  as  it  had  been  months 
before,  that  "  the  cart  drew  the  horse."  Laws  were 
silent  in  the  midst  of  arms.  Zisca  was  the  dictator 
of  Prague. 

The  emperor's  army  in  all  recklessness  and  cruelty 
was  fully  equal  to  that  of  Zisca.  It  was  only  infe- 
rior in  strong  religious  conviction,  fanatic  feeling, 
and  desperate  courage.  It  was  a  conglomerate  of 
all  the  refuse  of  Christendom,  though  led  by  kings, 
margi'aves,  dukes,  barons,  princes,  and  knights,  and 
accompanied  by  archbishops,  bishops,  doctoi's,  pre- 
lates, and  a  host  of  ecclesiastics.  Some  twenty  years 
before.  Cardinal  D'Aill)^  had  expressed  his  wish  that 
the  pope  would  proclaim  a  crusade  as  a  means  of 
drawing  ojff  the  festering  masses  of  corruption,  and 
relieving  the  church  by  the  Sangrado  prescription 
of  letting  of  blood.  His  wish  was  now  realized. 
With  all  the  splendor  of  the  empire,  the  scum  of  the 
nations  accompanied  and  mainly  composed  the  im- 
perial armies.  Almost  eveiy  tril^e  and  nation  of 
Europe  was  represented  in  the  motley  host.  *  Bohe- 
mians and  Moravians  in  arms  against  their  country- 
men, Hungarians  and  Croatians,  Dalmatians  and 
Bulgarians,  Wallachians  and  Servians,  Sclavonians 
and  Thuringians,  Bavarians  and  Austrians,  met  in 

*  Ibi   diversarum    nationum    fuere  Aust.rales,  Franci,  Franconcs,  Ani;li, 

trihiis  et  linguaj,  Boliemi  et  Moravi,  Brahanti,    Ve?tpliali,    Holaiidi,    Hel- 

Hungari  et  Croati,  Dalmati   et   Bui-  vetii,  Liisatii,  Silesii,  Carintliii,  Arra- 

gari,    Walaehi    et    Siculi,  Ciini    lasi,  gonii,  Hispani,   Poloni,  Tculonici,  de 

Ruteni,  Rasi,  Slavi,  Pruteni,   Suevi,  Rheno,  et  alii  quam  plurimi. — Diar. 

Turingi,   St^rii,    Misnenses,    Bavari,  £el.  Hus.,  161. 


424  LIFE   AND   TDEES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  XIV. 

tie  same  host  witli  inhabitants  of  England,  France, 
Brabant,  Westphalia,  Holland,  Switzerland,  Aragon, 
Spain,  Portugal,  Poland,  and  Italy.  The  East  and 
West  joined  hands  for  the  plunder  and  the  vengeance 
of  a  crusade.  There  was  a  Babel  of  nations  and  of 
tongues.  If  the  council  of  Constance  could  claim  to 
be  Oecumenical,  much  more  might  Sigismund's  army. 
Such  was  the  host  which  had  been  marshalled  to 
maintain  the  cause  of  the  papacy,  and  put  down  a 
cause  that  vainly  had  challenged  the  council  to  con- 
fute it  from  scripture.  How  well  it  performed  its 
task  the  sequel  will  show. 

,  Bohemia  presented,  certainly,  between  the  two 
contending  parties,  a  strange  picture  of  anarchy, 
rapine,  cruelty,  and  sacrilege.  Here  we  shall  find 
the  tombs  of  kings  profaned,  their  dust  no  longer 
protected  by  coffins,  the  golden  plates  of  which  could 
pay  the  wages  of  a  ruffian  soldiery.  There  the  frag- 
ments of  marble  altars,  and  pavements  on  which  the 
knees  of  devout  pilgrims  had  rested,  are  used  to 
charge  the  catapults  of  the  invading  host.  The  car- 
casses of  the  slain  putrefy  and  poison  the  air,  or  are 
flung  piecemeal  into  besieged  towns,  till  pestilence 
helps  famine  to  do  its  work.  Indiscriminate  mas- 
sacre involves  the  innocent  and  guilty,  friend  and 
foe,  in  one  common  doom.  Retaliation  and  ven- 
geance, sometimes,  though  rarely,  conducted  under 
legal  forms,  supply  each  party  with  its  hosts  of  mar- 
tyrs. "  Dreadful  traditions  have  perpetuated  the 
memory  of  so  many  frightful  scenes :  near  Toplitz,  it 
was  said,  might  be  seen  a  pear-tree,  which  blossomed 
every  year,  and  never  yielded  fruit — a  tree  accursed 


Cn.  XIV.]  THE  E:\rrEr.o  li's  appro  a  on.  425 

from  tlie  streams  of  blood  that  had  saturated  its 
roots.  At  Commotau,  near  a  church  where  thou- 
sands of  victims  perished,  slaughtered  by  Zisca,  it 
was  asserted  that  the  soil  was  formed  of  the  remains 
of  bones,  and  that  at  whatever  depth  search  was 
made,  nothing  could  be  found  but  human  teeth."  ^ 

Sigismund  himself  acted  as  if  he  considered  Bo- 
hemia a  land  doomed  and  accursed.  The  progress 
of  his  march  was  signalized  by  new  atrocities,  and 
deeds  of  reckless  cruelty.  He,  as  well  as  Zisca, 
would  inspire  terror.  But  in  his  case  the  project 
failed.  There  was  alarm,  but  there  was  resentment 
and  desperation  also.  The  soldiei-s  of  Zisca  were 
ready  to  be  martyrs.  The  soldiers  of  Sigismund 
showed  but  a  feeble  faith,  and  a  weak  desire  for  that 
eternal  glory  awarded  to  those  that  fell,  by  the  bull 
of  the  pope.  The  heterogeneous  mass  of  plunderers 
and  rol)bers  lacked  the  spirit  that  animated  the  ter- 
rible soldiers  wlio  took  the  cup  for  a  banner. 

It  was  on  the  thirtieth  of  June,  that  the  emperor 
with  the  body  of  his  army  approached  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Pracrue.^  He  was  fortunate  in  findins: 
any  part  of  the  city  still  retaining  its  allegiance. 
Czenko,  by  a  double  treason — or  perhaps,  and  more 
probably,  by  stratagem — had  preserved  for  him  the 
castle  of  Wenzel.  He  had  pretended  to  surrender 
it  to  the  demands  of  the  citizens  who  closely  besieged 
it,  and  who  offered  him  his  choice,  to  proclaim  the 
freedom  of  the  communion  of  the  cup,  or  witlidraw 
from  the  castle.  He  assumed  to  yield  to  the  last 
demand,  and,  it  was  said,  withdrew  with  a  large  treas- 

'Bonnecboee.  *  Guerre  des  Hus.,  i.  123. 


426  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF    JOHN   HUSS,         [Cii.  XIV. 

ure  to  his  own  chateau.  He  had  however  secretly 
informed  the  emperor  of  the  step  which  he  had 
taken,  ui'ging  his  speedy  advance,  and  by  his  conniv- 
ance or  treachery  the  castle  was  still  held ;  or,  if  it 
had  been  surrendered,  was  regained  for  the  emperor. 
The  first  step  therefore  of  the  latter  was,  if  possible, 
to  raise  the  siege  of  the  Vissehrad.  A  single  day 
only  remained  for  the  term  of  its  surrender  to  ex- 
pire. The  approach  of  the  imperial  army  to  its  re- 
lief was  announced  by  drums  and  trumpets  and 
bells,  while  strains  of  martial  music  mingled  with 
the  hymns  and  songs  of  the  clergy,  as  they  accom- 
panied the  emperor  in  grand  procession  to  the  royal 
castle.^  The  army  itself  encamped  on  the  wide 
plain  about  Bruska  and  Owenecz,  ready  to  commence 
the  siege  of  the  city.  Its  numbers,  if  not  its  strength, 
received  continually  new  accevssions,  till  the  pride  of 
superiority,  and  the  taunts  of  bigotry,  found  vent  in 
insults  that  would  more  wisely  have  been  reserved 
for  a  vanquished  foe. 

From  day  to  day  the  soldiers  of  the  imperial  army, 
from  a  height  on  the  bank  of  the  river  overlooking 
the  city,  and  over  against  the  Monastery  of  the  Holy 
Cross  and  the  Church  of  St.  Valentine,  uttered  their 
bowls  and  barkings  like  dogs,  accompanied  by  sneers 
and  taunting  words,  and  cries  of  "  Huss,  Huss  !  Here- 
tic, Heretic  !  "  ^  If  a  Bohemian  fell  into  their  hands, 
unless  speedily  rescued  by  parties  of  his  friends  who 
still  maintained  themselves  in  roving  about  the  pre- 
cincts of  the  imperial  army,  he  was  mercilessly 
burned,  Avithout  regard  to  the  fact  of  his  favoring 

»Diar.  Bel  Hus.,  166.  '  lb.,  168. 


Cu.  XIV.]  rnAGUE  to  de  invested.  427 

tlie  (Inctriiie  of  tlir  cominuuioii  of  tlie  cii}>.  His 
nationality  was  accounted  a  sufficient  crime.  Skii*- 
niislies  were  of  frequent  occurrence.  Small  bands 
of  Tahoiites,  issuing  from  the  city,  would  sometimes 
rout  great  numbers  of  the  foe.  With  their  favorite 
weapon,  an  iron  flail,  they  threshed  down  the  invad- 
ei's,  armed  in  all  the  ])ride  and  pomj)  of  wai'.  The 
enemy  attempted  to  take  or  ])ui"n  the  machines  l)y 
which  the  citizens  hurled  masses  of  stone  upon  those 
who  approached  the  walls,  but  all  their  attempts 
w^ere  vain.  They  were  repulsed  with  loss  upon  all 
occasions. 

Sigismund  soon  perceived  that  in  order  to  re- 
duce the  city,  the  c)nly  method  which  promised  suc- 
cess was  to  starve  it  to  surrender.  For  this  purpose 
it  was  necessary  for  him  to  occupy  some  position 
which  would  command  the  Moldau,  by  which  pro- 
visions were  still  brought  into  the  city.  He  deter- 
mined therefore  to  take  possession  with  a  strong 
force  of  the  high  steep  hill  Witkow^,  or  Galgen- 
berg,^  (Gibl)et-hill,)  as  it  is  called.  Zisca  had  either 
had  some  intimation  of  his  purpose,  or  discerned  the 
danger  to  which  the  city  was  evidently  exposed. 
Sigismund  in  possession  of  Witkow  would  moreover 
be  able  to  invest  Prague  upon  three  sides  at  once. 

Anticipating  his  movements,  the  Hussite  general 
promptly  seized  upon  the  height,  and  fortified  it,  by 
wooden  entrenchments,  a  fosse,  and  walls  of  stone 
and  earth.'^  The  extreme  promptitude  with  which 
Zisca  acted,  prevented  any  measures  of  opposition 
from  the  imperial  forces  being  taken   till    his   en- 

'  Qodeau,  xxxvii.  35.  *  Guerre  des  ilus.,  i.  129. 


428  LIFE  a:nd  temes  of  jonisr  iiuss.      [Cn.  xiv. 

trencTiments  were  nearly  complete.  An  cassault  was 
made  upon  the  city,  (July  13,)  in  which  the  citizens, 
although  they  repulsed  the  eneni)^,  suffered  some 
loss.  But  on  the  next  day  (July  14)  preparations 
were  made  for  an  attack  upon  the  Galgenberg,  which 
it  was  determined  to  carry  by  storm.  The  city, 
moreover,  was  to  be  assaulted  at  the  same  time  from 
three  different  directions,  mainly  with  the  purpose 
of  rendering  any  measure  of  sending  aid  from  the 
city  to  Zisca  impracticable.  From  the  castle  it  was 
ordered  that  there  should  be  a  sortie  against  the 
palace  of  the  Duke  of  Saxony,  which  the  citizens 
had  strongly  fortified,  and  16,000  men  were  detailed 
for  this  purpose.  From  the  Vissehrad  a  like  sortie 
was  to  be  made  against  the  New  city,  while  from  the 
plain  on  which  the  army  lay  encamped,  a  force  was 
to  march  to  the  assault  of  the  Old  city. 

Wldle  these  arrangements  were  taking  effect,  eight 
thousand  calvary  of  Misnia,  led  by  their  margrave, 
and  strengthened  by  a  large  force  from  the  imperial 
army,  marched  to  storm  the  Galgenberg.  They  ascend- 
ed the  hill  at  quick  step  and  with  sound  of  trumpets, 
and  took  possession  of  some  of  tlie  advanced  works. 
A  defensive  roofed  tower  was  taken,  which  was  aban- 
doned by  all  but  twenty-six  men  and  three  women, 
who  emulated  one  another  in  the  courage  and  energy 
with  which  for  a  time  they  repelled  the  assailants. 
They  defended  themselves  with  stones  and  pikes. 
One  of  the  women,  thouirh  herself  destitute  of  defen- 
sive  armor,  encouraged  her  associates  by  refusing 
to  fly,  and  exhorting  them  not  to  yield.  "  A  Chris- 
tian believer,"  she  said,  "  ought  not  to  give  ground 


Ch.  XIV.]  THE    IMPERIALISTS    DEFEATED.  429 

to  Autlclirist."  Slie  fell  fighting  at  her  post.  Zisca 
himself  was  at  one  time  in  great  danger.  He  had 
lost  his  footinjx  and  had  ftdlen  to  the  g-round,  when 
his  fi-iends  with  their  flails  rushed  to  his  rescue,  and 
saved  him  from  being  captured  by  the  enemy. 

The  cit}-  itself  was  meanwhile  full  of  alarm.  All 
human  help  seemed  vain,  and  the  greatest  apprehen- 
sion was  felt  lest  the  combined  assault  should  prove 
successful.  At  this  moment  a  strange  sight  presented 
itself  The  citizens  gathered  with  the  women  and 
children  in  sad  groups,  and  with  teal's  and  groans 
supplicated  aid  from  Heaven.  While  fathers  and 
brothers  stood  by  the  walls  or  marched  to  the  terri- 
ble encounter,  those  who  were  left  behind  commend- 
ed them  to  the  God  of  annies.  The  voice  of  prayer 
mingled  with  the  clash  of  anns,  and  at  the  critical 
moment  a  priest,  filled  with  enthusiastic  courage, 
and  bearing  with  him  the  holy  sacrament,  rushed 
forth  from  the  gates,  followed  by  only  fifty  bowmen 
and  a  crowd  of  peasants  armed  with  flails.  The 
bells  rang,  and  the  shouts  of  the  people  echoed  far 
beyond  the  walls,  as  the  little  band  issued  fi'om  the 
gate  of  the  city  to  face  thousands  of  the  invading 
host.  A  sudden  panic  seized  the  imperialists,  who 
probably  imagined  that  the  whole  force  of  the  city 
was  marching  out  against  them.  Zisca  and  his  sol- 
diers were  inspirited  by  this  opportune  aid.  The 
enemy  were  driven  back  from  the  entrenchments, 
and  hurled  headlong  down  the  steep  rocks.  Horse 
and  rider  perished  alike  by  the  fall,  and  in  a  sinole 
hour  several  hundred  were  slain,  beside  many  fiitally 
wounded,  or  carried  oflf  as  captives.     The  rout  was 


430  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XIV. 

complete.  The  emperor,  from  a  lilgli  point  on  tlie 
banks  of  the  Molclau,  witnessed  the  defeat  of  his 
most  cherished  hopes.  Overwhelmed  with  grief,  in- 
dignation, and  shame,  he  withdrew  fi'om  the  field, 
and  led  the  army  back  to  the  camp. 

The  citizens  regarded  their  success  as  a  deliverance 
wrought  out  for  them  by  the  hand  of  God.  They 
knelt  down  upon  the  field  of  battle,  and  sang  their  Te 
Deum  with  grateful  joy.  In  long  processions  they 
marched  through  the  streets  of  the  city,  ascribing 
their  success  to  the  interposition  of  Heaven.  It  was 
not  by  their  own  strength,  but  by  the  wonderful 
power  of  God,  (iniraculo-se^)  that  a  small  band  had 
won  such  a  victory  over  a  numerous  host.  Hymns 
and  songs  filled  the  air  with  the  music  of  triumph. 
Grief  was  turned  into  joy,  and  the  whole  city  echoed. 
with  exultant  praise.  The  little  children  sang  hymns 
which  were  composed  on  the  occasion,  and  which 
breathed  the  spirit  of  the  song  of  Moses  over  the 
defeat  of  the  Egy|)tian  host.  The  scene  of  the  battle 
was  made  memorable  by  the  name  of  the  great 
general  whose  skill  and  courage  had  foiled  the  power 
and  designs  of  the  emperor.  The  hill,  formerly 
known  as  Galgenberg,  or  Witkow,  was  now  known 
as  Ziscaberg. 

The  results  of  the  battle  were  made  more  manifest 
in  the  imperial  camp  than  in  the  rout  of  the  army. 
National  animosities  were  awakened  among  the  sol- 
diers, composed  in  large  part  of  Bohemians  and  Ger- 
mans. Many  things  conspired  to  aggravate  these 
dissensions.  The  very  name  of  Bohemia  became  a 
term  of  reproach.    If  a  Bohemian  fell  into  the  hands 


Ch.  XIV.]  HUSSITES    BURNED    AS    HERETICS.  431 

of  the  Germans,  it  made  little  difference  whether  he 
was  Hussite,  Calixtine,  or  Catholic,  so  far  as  the  treat- 
ment which  he  received  was  concerned.  The  cruelties 
which  were  perpetrated  upon  their  countrymen  arous- 
ed the  indio-nation  of  those  Bohemians  in  whose 
bosoms  a  spark  of  nationality  yet  glowed.  Deeds 
of  atrocity  were  committed,  the  recital  of  w^hich 
could  awaken  only  horror  or  a  spirit  of  vengeance — • 
such  vengeance  as  Zisca  took,  in  ample  measure. 

On  the  sixth  of  July,  a  few  days  previous  to  the 
assault  upon  the  city,  while  the  Duke  of  Austria 
with  a  large  reinforcement  for  the  imperial  army  was 
on  his  march  from  Militcz  to  Prague,  a  band  of 
sixty  calvary  turned  aside  to  the  neighboring  village 
of  Arnosstowitsch,  and  at  the  treacherous  suggestion 
of  certain  priests,  seized  upon  the  Calixtine  preacher 
of  the  place,  and  his  vicar,  and  placing  both  upon 
one  horse,  brought  them  to  the  Duke  at  Bystizitsch,^ 
presenting  them  as  heretics  to  be  punished  for  their 
stul'>born  pertinacity.  The  preacher,  whose  name  was 
Weuzel,  was  a  man  greatly  respected  and  beloved.  He 
and  his  vicar  had  become  known  as  decided  Calixtines. 
The  duke  sent  them  to  the  bishop  of  the  place,  that 
he  might  determine  how  they  should  be  dealt  with. 
The  bishop  sent  them  back  again  to  the  duke — thus 
from  Caiaphas  to  Pilate,  says  the  old  historian. 
They  were  insulted  and  abused,  and  threatened  witli 
the  flames  unless  they  would  recant.  Calmly  but 
firmly  they  resisted  all  the  efforts  made  to  induce 
them  to  yield.  "  It  is  the  gospel,"  ^  said  Wenzel, 
"  and  the  practice  of  the  primitive  church,  and  thus 

•  Pescheck,  1.  16.  "  Diar.  Bel.  Hus.,  169. 


432  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    IIUSS.         [Cu.  XIV 

it  is  in  your  missal :  blot  out  the  scripture,  and  de- 
stroy this  gospel."  At  this,  one  of  the  knights  who 
stood  by,  struck  Wenzel  with  his  iron  glove.  The 
blood  flowed  in  streams  from  his  face.  At  last,  as 
night  wore  on,  the  soldiers,  wearied  in  their  insults, 
left  them.  The  next  morning  they  were  led  out  to 
be  burned.  But  the  nmnber  of  the  victims  was  now 
increased  by  three  old  men,  peasants  of  the  neighbor- 
hood, and  four  children, — one  of  seven,  one  of  eight, 
and  aiiother  of  eleven  years, — who  had  been  found 
guilty  of  the  same  crime  of  holding  the  doctrine  of 
the  cup.  When  all  had  been  broyight  near  to  the 
funeral  pile,  they  were  urged,  if  they  had  any  wish 
to  live,  to  abjure.  "  Far  be  it  from  us,"  replied  Wen- 
zel,— "  far  be  it  from  us  to  yield  to  your  persuasions  ; 
sooner  would  we  undergo  not  one,  but  a  hundi-ed 
deaths,  rather  than  deny  so  plain  a  doctrine  of  the 
gospel."  Upon  this  the  executioners  lighted  the 
fagots.  The  children,  leaning  upon  Wenzel's  bosom, 
sang  aloud  as  the  flames  rose  around  them.  One 
after  another  yielded  up  his  life,  and  at  last  Wenzel 
himself  expired. 

At  Budweis  a  similar  scene  was  witnessed.  Two 
Hussite  preachers,  after  a  harsh  and  tedious  imprison- 
ment, were  burned,  on  their  refusal  to  abjure  the 
communion  of  the  cup.^  Similar  occurrences,  which 
took  place  in  various  parts  of  the  kingdom,  could 
only  aggravate  the  existing  divisions,  and  excite  anew 
the  thirst  for  vengeance.  Their  frequency,  and  the 
odium  wliich  at  the  same  time  rested  upon  all  that 
bore  the  Bohemian  name,  or  whose  national  spirit 

'Diar,  BeL  Hus,,  110. 


Cn.  XIV.]  VIOLENT   OUTBREAK.  433 

resented  the  barbarous  cruelties  and  unjust  preju- 
dice of  the  Germans,  aroused  the  most  excited  pas- 
sions in  the  camp  of  the  imperial  army.  There  was 
great  danger  that  the  mighty  host  would  dissolve 
and  melt  away.  It  was  evident  that  further  as- 
sault upon  the  city  would  be  for  the  present  utterly 
futile. 

It  was  at  this  moment,  in  itself  critical,  that  an- 
other event  came  to  fill  to  overflowing  the  cup  of  the 
emperor's  disappointment  and  humiliation.  On  the 
nineteenth  of  July  the  tents  of  the  imperial  army 
caught  fire  and  were  utterly  consumed.  The  loss  in 
other  respects  was  great.  The  high  wind  which  pre- 
vailed prevented  the  success  of  all  the  efforts  made 
to  quench  the  conflagration.  The  fire  was  attributed, 
although  there  seems  no  valid  ground  for  the  charge, 
to  the  malice  of  a  Hussite.^ 

The  Taborites,  envenomed  against  the  Germans, 
who  slew  all  the  Bohemians  indiscriminately  that 
fell  into  their  hands,  insisted  that  such  of  them  as 
had  been  taken  captive  should  be  dealt  with  as  they 
had  dealt  with  others.  National  animosity  strength- 
ened, or  at  least  combined  with  fanatic  passions,  to 
demand  these  victims.  A  rush  was  made  upon  the 
council-house  where  the  prisoners  were  confined,  and 
the  demand  was  made  that  they  should  be  given  up 
to  be  burned.^  The  authorities  unwillingly  yielded, 
for  they  had  no  power  to  resist.     Sixteen  prisoners 

*  Godeau    (xxxvii.  85)  states  that  the  time,  and  it  was  found  impossible 

the  camp  of  the  imperial  army  was  to  stay  the  progress  of  the  flames, 

set  on  fire  at  the  instigation  of  tlie  L'Enfant  gives  the  story  as  a  mere 

Hussites,  by  a  woman  of  Prague,  who  rumor,  but  seems  not  to  put  much 

found  the  opportunity  to  apply  the  failli  in  it. 

brand.     A  strong  wind  prevailed  at  '  Diar.  BeL  Hus.,  184. 

VOL.  II.  28 


434  LITE   AND    TIMES    OE   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XIV. 

were  led  forth  without  the  walls,  and  all,  with  one 
exception,  were  burned  in  sight  of  the  Germans  of 
the  imperial  army.  The  one  who  was  spared  was  a 
monk,  who  promised  that  he  would  administer  the 
communion  to  the  people  under  both  kinds. 

The  citizens  of  Prague,  exulting  in  their  present 
deliverance,  were  not  unmindful  of  future  danger, 
when  the  imperial  army  might  be  reinforced  or 
equipped  anew.  They  were  ready  to  treat  with  the 
emperor  on  the  basis  of  the  four  famous  articles, 
which  may  be  said  to  have  composed  their  creed. 
They  were  the  more  ready  to  do  it  from  the  aversion 
,  which  was  generally  felt  toward  the  Taborites, 
and  their  peculiar  opinions  and  practices.  The  fol- 
lowers of  Zisca  had  little  taste  for  hierarchical  pomp. 
The  simple  letter  of  the  gospel  was  their  supreme 
authority.  Traditions  and  ceremonies  were  with 
them  like  images  and  statues — only  the  rags  of  super- 
stition, the  flaunting  robes  of  Rome's  harlotry.  The 
splendor  and  magnificence  of  churches  and  monas- 
teries they  deemed  to  be  libels  upon  the  simplicity 
of  the  gospel.  Scarcely  had  the  imperial  army  fall- 
en back  from  the  walls  of  the  city,  when  the  priest 
Coranda,  accompanied  by  a  multitude  of  Taborites, 
many  of  them  women,  among  whom  were  "  the  sis- 
ters of  Pilsen,"  rushed  into  the  Church  of  St.  Michael, 
xmd  tore  up  the  seats  of  the  priests  as  well  as  the  laity, 
asserting  that  their  best  use  and  true  value  was  to 
strengthen  the  entrenchments  and  fortifications  of 
Zisca  on  the  Galgenberg.  The  issue  showed,  how- 
ever, that  his  aim  was  more  to  rebuke  the  vanity 
of  superstitious  worship,  as  he  would  undoubtedly 


Cn.  XIV.]  DISPOSITION   TO    NEGOTIATE.  435 

have  pbrased  it,  than  use  the  phindered  materials 
for  the  purpose  which  he  avowed.  Most  of  them 
were  carried  off  and  burned.  Few  at  least  ever 
reached  the  Galgenberg,  although  Zisca  did  not  neg- 
lect to  provide  for  the  defence  of  a  fortress  that  now 
bore  his  name — though  by  some  it  was  called  "  the 
mountain  of  the  cup." 

The  well-known  disposition  of  the  Taborites, 
which  threatened  ruin  to  some  of  the  most  splendid 
structures  of  the  city,  combined  with  the  daily 
ravages  of  the  enemy  to  urge  the  barons  of  the 
kingdom,  most  of  whom  were  Calixtines,  to  propose 
negotiations  for  peace.  The  emperor  showed  him- 
self not  altogether  disinclined  to  see  what  could  be 
done  by  treaty,  now  that  force  had  failed.  He  saw 
the  sad  divisions  and  dissensions  of  his  army,  which 
had  now  risen  to  such  a  pitch  that  there  were  con- 
tinual broils  between  the  Bohemian  and  the  German 
soldiers,  the  latter  charging  the  former  with  treason, 
and  declaring  that  if  they  had  been  left  alone  to 
fight  the  battle,  they  would  have  won  the  victory. 
The  German  soldiers  had,  moreover,  learned  of 
their  superiors  at  Constance  the  art  of  burning  hu- 
man beings,  and  their  taste  for  it  had  become  so 
strong  that  it  was  difficult  to  restrain  its  indulgence. 
The  whole  region  about  Prague  was  ravaged  with  a 
merciless  ferocity.  Villages  and  castles  were  sacked 
and  burned.  Women  and  children,  with  indisci'imi- 
nate  cruelty,  were  thrown  into  the  flames. 

In  such  a  work  of  desolation  and  atrocious  crime, 
the  pride  and  ferocity  found  vent  which  had  at  first 
insulted  the  citizens,  but  now,  leaving  them  unmo- 


436  LIFE   AISTD   TEVEES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XIV. 

lested,  turned  to  wreak  their  vengeance  upon  the 
helpless  and  unoffending.  The  barons  sighed  for 
peace.  The  citizens  of  Prague  were  equally  anxious 
to  be  relieved  of  the  presence  of  the  imperialists  and 
Taborites — the  first,  terrible  enemies,  the  last,  unwel- 
come guests.  But  these  could  not  be  dismissed  till 
those  had  withdrawn. 

The  Bohemian  barons,  Calixtines  and  Catholics, 
held  a  conference  to  consider  what  measures  could 
be  taken  in  order  to  secure  a  cessation  of  hostilities. 
Those  who  represented  Prague  declined  to  enter 
into  any  compact,  v/ithout  the  knowledge  and  con- 
sent of  other  cities  with  which  they  were  in  league. 
Anxious,  however,  for  peace,  they  besought,  for  their 
own  sake  and  for  that  of  the  kingdom,  that  with 
their  teachers  and  priests  they  might  obtain  an  au- 
dience of  the  king,  at  which  they  might  in  the  four 
languages, — Bohemian,  Hungarian,  German,  and  Lat- 
in,— publicly  declare  the  truth  of  their  four  articles, 
which  were  the  ground  of  dispute — might  be  allowed 
to  sustain  them  clearly  by  scripture  before  the  whole 
army,  and  thus  vindicate  the  nation  from  the  slan- 
ders which  had  covered  it  with  inftimy.  If  it  was 
thought  necessary,  the  doctors  on  the  emperor's  side 
might  answer,  as  they  saw  fit,  whatever  was  pre- 
sented. These  terms  seem  at  first  to  have  proved 
acceptable,  as  a  basis  for  initating  negotiation,  to  the 
Bohemian  barons  of  the  imperial  party.  A  question 
was  raised  at  this  point  in  regard  to  an  exchange  of 
hostages  pending  the  negotiation,  in  which  the  impe- 
rial party  were  allowed  their  own  terms.  But  when 
the  whole  matter  was  submitted  to  Sigismund,  he 


Cu.  XIY.]  CALIXTINE   ARTICLES.  437 

refused  to  approve  the  proposed  measures.  His  dis- 
incliuation  to  do  so  was  doubtless  strengthened  by 
the  bigoted  refusal  of  the  papal  legate,  Ferdinand 
of  Lucca,  to  sanction  any  such  step  as  the  one  which 
the  citizens  of  Prasrue  desired  to  have  taken. 

O 

Foiled  in  their  purpose  therefore,  the  latter  re- 
solved to  publish,  in  their  defence,  the  four  articles 
on  which  they  mainly  insisted,  and  with  this  end  in 
view  drew  them  up,  and  addressed  them  "to  all 
Cliristian  believers,"  prefacing  them  with  the  expres- 
sion of  their  purpose  to  abide  by  them,  living  or 
dying,  and  to  maintain  them  to  the  utmost  of  their 
power.  The  four  articles  as  thus  drawn  up  were, 
(1)  The  full  and  unrestricted  fi'eedom  of  the  preach- 
ing of  the  gospel  throughout  Bohemia;  (2)  the 
freedom  of  the  communion  of  the  cup ;  (3)  the  ex- 
clusion of  the  clergy  from  large  temporal  possessions 
or  civil  authority ;  and  (4)  the  strict  repression  and 
punishment  of  gross  public  sins,  whether  in  clergy 
or  laity .^ 

Embodied  in  the  articles  are  the  complaints  which 
the  Calixtine  party,  represented  b}^  the  citizens, 
have  to  make  of  the  more  reprehensible  abuses  of  the 
church,  and  of  the  more  grievous  corruptions  of  the 
clergy — their  pride,  sensuality,  tyranny,  the  sale  of  in- 
dulgences, simony  in  the  disposal  of  ecclesiastical  ben- 
efices, etc.  Each  article  is  fortified  with  a  mass  of 
scriptural  quotations,  and  under  the  one  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  communion  of  the  cup,  figure  the  names 
of  popes,  councils,  and  fathers.     We  shall  soon  have 

'  Godeau,  xxxvil  36.    They  are  to  be  found  in  full  in  Diar.  Bel.  Hus.,  176, 
180. 


438  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.         [Cji.  XIV. 

occasion  to  notice  these  articles — the  formal  manifesto 
of  the  Calixtine  party — more  at  length,  and  pause 
here  only  to  remark,  that  any  compromise  which  did 
not  concede  them  freely,  on  the  part  of  the  emperor, 
was  out  of  the  question. 

His  whole  course,  from  the  outset,  Avas  one  continu- 
ous blunder.  The  very  measures  adopted  by  him  to 
regain  his  authority  in  Bohemia,  led  to  results  the  di- 
rect reverse  of  what  he  had  intended  and  expected. 
He  had  forced  those  who  had  hitherto  wavered,  to  a 
decision.  The  invading  army  must  be  welcomed,  or 
resisted ;  and  many,  who  would  have  preferred  to 
have  remained  in  the  old  communion,  were  under 
the  necessity  of  doing  so,  if  at  all,  at  the  expense  of 
their  patriotism,  and  in  face  of  the  manifest  injustice 
and  horrors  of  the  crusade. 

In  these  circumstances,  it  is  not  surprising  that  the 
more  moderate  portion  of  the  nation,  averse  alike  to 
the  excesses  of  the  Taborites  and  the  atrocities  of 
the  imperialists,  should  incline  to  take  sides  with  the 
Calixtines.  We  shall  soon  see  Czenko,  governor  of 
the  castle,  as  well  as  Archbishop  Conrad  himself,^  open 
and  avowed  advocates  of  the  communion  of  the  cup. 

Sigismund's  present  campaign,  notwithstanding  the 
mighty  host  which  the  publication  of  the  crusade  had 
ranged  under  his  banner,  had  proved  a  total  failure. 
The  only  object  for  which  he  still  lingered  at  Prague, 
after  all  hope  of  conciliation  had  vanished,  was  his 
coronation.     This  took  place  at  mid-day,  July  28,  in 

'  The  letter  of  Archbishop  Conrad  cles,  is  to  be  found  in  Jlon.  Hus.,  i. 

to  Sigisnumd,  in  which  he  ronouiices  84.     His  adherence  to  the  cup  dates 

allegiance  to  him,  and   declares  his  July  7,  1420. — Fcschcck. 
adlieronce  to  the  four  Calixtine  arti- 


Ce,  XIV.]  CORONATION   OF   SIGISMUND.  439 

the  castle  of  Wenzel.^  Few  of  the  barons  of  the 
kingdom  were  present ;  and  the  knights  whom  he 
created  upon  the  occasion  only  disgraced  the  cere- 
monial by  which  it  was  attem]-)ted  to  honor  them.^ 
Most  of  them  were  unacquainted  with  war.  Some  had 
never  shared  in  a  battle.  The  coronation  scene  was 
a  mockery.  Those  who  should  have  been  present 
were  regarded  as  rebels,  and  Sigismund  only  assumed 
the  crown  to  fly  before  the  terror  of  their  trium- 
phant arms. 

*  jEneas  Sylvius,  ch.  xlii,  "  Diar.  Bel.  Hus,.  181. 


CHAPTER    XV. 

TABORITES    AND    CALIXTINES.' 

The  Taborites  and  Calixtines.  —  Diverse  Views  of  Civil  Polity.  —  Articles 
OP  THE  Calixtines.  —  Articles  of  the  Taborites.  —  Rejected  by  the  Calix- 
tines. —  Violence  of  the  Taborites.  —  Their  Character.  —  Their  Assemblies. 
—  Primitive  SniPLiciTY.  —  Tabor.  —  Scriptural  Authority.  —  Rejection  of 
THE  Ceremonial  of  the  Roman  Church.  —  The  Articles  Scandalize  the  Calix- 
tines.—  Martin  Loqui. — Views  op  Prophecy.  —  Hatred  of  Monasteries. — 
Idolatry,  Superstition,  and  Traditions.  —  Views  on  Various  Subjects.  — 
Letter  op  .iEneas  Sylvius.  —  Diversity  of  Opinion. — Valor  of  the  Tabor- 
ites.—  The  Calixtines.  —  Their  Conservative  Attachment  to  the  Roman 
Church. — Balance  of  Parties  at  Prague. — The  Barons  of  the  Kingdom 
Calixtines. 

July  28,  1420-Aug.  5,  1420. 

The  retreat  of  the  imperial  army  from  Prague 
withdrew  that  external  pressure  which  had  con- 
strained the  Calixtines  and  the  Taborites,  notwith- 
standing their  mutual  repugnance,  and  diversity  of 
taste  and  opinion,  to  unite  in  league  against  a  com- 
mon foe.  With  the  proposal  for  a  truce,  by  the 
barons  of  the  kingdom,  one  of  the  conditions  of 
which,  of  course,  was,  that   Sigismund   should   be 

'  As   the  differences  wliich  arose  have  given    their  articles  and    their 

among  the  followers  of  IIuss  after  liis  practice,  as  noted  bj'  those  who  were 

death,  and  which  divided  them  into  eye-witnesses  and  capable  observers. 

two  ultimately  distinct  parties,  have  The   substance   of    the  cliapter  was 

been  passed  over  so  lightly  by  the  first  published  in  an  article  in  the 

general    church    historians,    I    have  columns  of  the  "Presbyterian  Quar- 

thought  it  important  to  present  them  terly  Review"  for  June,  1856. 
here  somewhat  more  in   detail.     I 

(440) 


Cn  XV.]  ARTICLES    OF   THE    CALIXTINES.  441 

acknowledged  as  king,  Zisca  had  nothing  to  do.  The 
Tiiborites  almost  unanimously  preferi-ed  a  republic, 
at  least  an  elected  king ;  the  citizens  of  Prague,  with 
the  barons  of  the  kingdom,  were  willing,  and  even 
anxious,  to  receive  Sigismund  as  their  monarch,  on 
the  sole  condition  tbat  their  demands  in  regard  to 
the  four  articles  should  be  granted. 

These  diverse  views  of  public  policy,  although 
held  by  some  on  the  bare  ground  of  their  fitness  and 
expediency,  were  yet,  as  a  general  thing,  rooted  in  a 
diversity  of  religious  sentiment.  The  citizens  of  Old 
Prague,  and  the  Bohemian  barons,  were  mostly  Cal- 
ixtines,  and  they  were  confirmed  in  their  conserva- 
tism by  what  they  regarded  as  the  insane  fancies,  the 
barbarous  taste,  and  radical  views  of  the  Taborites. 
Although  there  was  unquestionably  great  diversity, 
even  among  them,  some  leaning  to  the  most  radical 
reformers,  and  others  scarcely  differing,  except  on 
the  single  point  of  the  cup,  from  the  Roman  Catholic 
church,  yet  as  a  body  they  stood,  from  the  first,  com- 
mitted to  the  four  articles  already  referred  to,  in 
which  the  peculiarities  of  their  creed  were  substan- 
tially embodied.  For  a  full  century  at  least,  these 
articles  were  uniformly  and  consistently  maintained. 

They  were  drawn  up  with  great  care  and  deliber- 
ation, and  after  full  conference  of  the  Calixtine 
nobles  and  citizens  of  Prague.  They  were  intro- 
duced by  the  declaration,  "  Be  it  known  to  all  Chris- 
tian believers,  that  the  faithful  in  the  kingdom  of 
Bohemia  insist,  and  by  the  help  of  God,  propose  to 
insist,  in  life  or  death,  as  far  as  may  be,  in  behalf  of 
the  following:  articles : 


442  LIFE   AKD   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  XV 

"  1.  That  the  word  of  God  be  preached  orderly, 
without  let  or  hinderance,  throughout  the  kingdom 
of  Bohemia,  by  the  priests  of  the  Lord,  according  the 
charge  of  Christ  in  the  last  of  Mark,  '  Go  ye  into  all 
the  world,  and  preach  the  gospel  to  every  creature ;' 
for,  according  to  the  apostle,  '  The  word  of  the  Lord 
is  not  bound,'  but  is  to  be  declared,  so  that  '  the 
word  of  the  Lord  shall  run  and  be  glorified.'  2  Thess. 
iii.  '  And  no  one  shall  be  prohibited  from  speaking 
with  tongues  in  the  church  of  God.'  1  Cor.  xiv. 

"  2.  That  the  sacrament  of  the  divine  eucharist 
under  each  kind,  viz.,  of  bread  and  wine,  be  freely 
administered  to  all  the  faithful  of  Christ,  not  dis- 
qualified to  receive  it  by  reason  of  mortal  sin,  ac- 
cording to  the  sentence  and  institution  of  the  Saviour, 
who  said,  '  Take,  eat ;  this  is  my  body,'  and  '  Drink 
ye  all,  from  this ;  for  this  is  my  blood  of  the  New 
Testament,  which  is  shed  for  many.' " 

This  article  is  sustained  at  length  by  large  cita- 
tions from  the  scriptures  and  the  Christian  fathers. 
The  council  of  Carthage,  the  twenty-sixth  canon,  and 
the  authorities  of  Gregory,  Augustine,  Jerome,  Dio- 
nysius,  Cyprian,  Ambrose,  Origen,  Beda,  Fulgentius, 
Remigius,  Innocent,  Paschasius,  Lyra,  and  Albertus 
Magnus,  are  adduced  in  support  of  this  article. 

"3.  That  the  secular  dominion  which  the  clergy 
exercise,  against  the  precept  of  Christ,  over  worldly 
goods  and  possessions,  to  the  prejudice  of  their  office 
and  the  damage  of  civil  rule,  be  taken  away  and 
withdrawn  from  them,  and  the  clergy  itself  be 
brought  back  to  the  evangelical  rule  and  the  apos- 
tolic practice,  as  Christ  lived  with  his  disciples,  ac- 


Cu.  XY]  CALIXTINE    ARTICLES.  443 

cording  to  tlie  charge  of  the  Saviour,  Mat.  x.,  saying, 
'Possess  neither  gold  nor  silver  nor  money  in  your 
puree.'  And  Mat.  xx.,  '  The  princes  of  the  Gentiles 
exercise  lordship  over  them,  and  they  who  have  au- 
thority over  them  are  called  benefactors ;  but  it  shall 
not  be  so  among  you  ;  but  whoever  is  greatest  among 
you,  let  him  be  your  servant;  and  w^hoever  is  pre- 
eminent, let  him  be  your  minister.'    So  also  Mark  x." 

Numerous  other  passages  from  scripture  are  cited 
to  the  same  purport,  beside  the  authority  of  Jerome, 
Augustine,  Ambrose,  and  Boniface,  in  his  letter  to 
Pope  Eugenius. 

"  4.  That  all  mortal  sins,  especially  such  as  are 
public,  and  other  disorders  contrary  to  the  law  of 
God,  in  each  estate  soever,  be  prohibited  and  pre- 
vented, by  those  to  whom  it  pertains.  For  not  only 
those  who  do  these  things,  but  those  who  consent  to 
them,  are  w^orthy  of  death,  occasioning  among  the 
people  fornications,  revels,  thefts,  homicides,  false- 
hoods, perjuries;  vain,  knavish,  or  suj^erstitious  arts; 
avaricious  gains,  usury,  and  the  like.  Among  the 
clergy,  moreover,  are  simoniacal  heresies,  exactions  of 
money  for  baptism,  confirmation,  confession,  the  sac- 
rament of  the  eucharist,  holy  oil,  marriage,  wafers, 
prayers  for  the  dead,  festivals,  preachings,  burials, 
consecrations  of  churches,  altars,  and  chapels,  pre- 
bends, benefices,  prelatic  dignities,  episcopal  acts,  sale 
of  indulgences,  beside  many  other  hei'esies  Avhich 
arise  from  these  and  pollute  the  church  of  Christ. 

"Moreover,  there  are  impious  and  unjust  practices, 
as  unchastity  of  concubinage,  and  other  fornications; 
anger,  sti-ife,  contentions ;  frivolous  citations,  and  vex- 


444  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  XV. 

ations  and  spoliations  of  simple  men,  according  to 
caprice ;  exactions  of  assessments,  and  innumerable 
deceptions  of  the  simple  by  false  promises.  Each 
and  all  of  these,  every  Christian  believer  and  true 
son  of  mother  church  is  bound  to  exterminate,  in 
himself  and  others,  even  as  he  should  hate  and  detest 
the  devil  himself,  the  order  and  estate  of  his  calling 
being  ever  observed. 

"  And  if  any  one  ascribe  to  us,  beyond  this  our  pious 
and  holy  intent,  any  thing  that  is  unchaste  and  scan- 
dalous, let  him  be  held  by  Christian  believers  as  a  false 
and  unjust  witness,  since  we  have  this  only  in  our 
hearts,  with  all  our  strength  and  according  to  our 
entire  ability,  to  please  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  to 
follow  and  fulfil  his  law  and  precepts,  and  these  four 
catholic  articles,  with  all  fidelity." 

They  then  declare  their  purpose  to  stand  firmly 
m  defence  of  the  truth  of  the  gospel,  and  to  oppose 
all  that  shall  impugn  it,  with  such  means  as  they  can 
command,  withstanding  them  to  the  last  as  the  most 
cruel  tyrant  and  Antichrist.  And  if,  by  any  that 
adhere  to  them,  anything  should  be  done  of  a  scanda- 
lous nature,  they  protest  that  it  is  against  their  inten- 
tion, and  their  earnest  purpose  to  prevent  it,  and  that 
they  hold  themselves  ever  ready  to  be  better  in- 
structed from  Holy  Scripture. 

Such  were  the  articles  of  the  Calixtines,  deliber- 
ately,^ adopted  and  firmly  maintained.  The  authors 
of  them  did  not  seem  to  perceive  that  their  appeal 
to  scripture  was  inconsistent  with  their  assumed  con- 
servative position,  and  with  some  practices  which 
they  still  retained.     They  were  still  in  bondage  to 


Cn.  XV.]  TABORITE  ARTICLES   DISCUSSED,  445 

the  ancient  usages  of  the  cliurch,  and  revolted  from 
the  greater  liberty  of  their  Taborite  brethren. 

But  if  the  former  were  superior  in  education,  re- 
finement, and  the  general  moderation  of  their  views, 
the  last  were  immensely  superior  in  deep  feeling, 
earnest  conviction,  and  that  desperate  and  fanatical 
courage  which  made  them  terrible  on  the  battle-field. 
Without  them,  Prague  lay  at  the  mercy  of  the  em- 
peror. Zisca's  soldiers  alone  had  earned  the  epithet 
of  invincible.  They  could  not  be  vanquished  till  the 
last  man  was  slain.  Nor  were  they  altogether  uncon- 
scious of  their  power,  although  under  Zisca's  general- 
ship they  were  not  inclined  to  employ  it  to  secure 
any  undue  advantage.  As  occasion  demanded,  or 
the  pressure  of  external  attack  was  applied,  the  Cal- 
ixtines  asked  and  received  the  aid  of  their  terrible 
allies,  the  Taborites. 

The  distinction  betwen  them,  however,  was  already 
marked,  and  was  continually  widening,  as  the  senti- 
ments and  tastes  of  each  became  more  fully  devel- 
oped. Each  party  naturally  desired  that  its  own 
views  might  prevail.  On  Aug.  5,  1420,  less  than  a 
week  after  the  imperialists  had  withdrawn,  the  Ta- 
borites presented  their  articles  to  the  city,  with  the 
alternative  that  if  not  accepted  they  would  leave 
the  city  at  once.  The  New  city,  where  the  Taborites 
were  in  the  majority,  accepted  them  without  hesita- 
tion. The  Old  city  demanded  time  for  deliberation ; 
and  one  of  the  masters  of  the  university,  an  Eng- 
lishman named  Peter,  discussed  the  articles,  each  in 
its  order,  in  presence  of  the  magistrates  and  the 
citizens,  showing  how  far  and  in  what  sense  they 


446  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOim   HUSS.  [Ch.  XV. 

miglit  be  approved  or  rejected  "  witli  a  safe  con- 
science." The  articles  thus  discussed  pertained  rather 
to  moral  conduct  and  rules  of  life,  than  to  points  of 
faith.  They  condemn  gross  public  sins  among  laity 
and  clergy ;  require  the  severe  repression  and  pun- 
ishment of  all  forms  of  licentiousness,  tavern-drink- 
ing, luxury  and  extravagance  of  dress,  fraud,  robbery, 
and  usury.  They  demand  that  laws,  which  they 
describe  as  "  Pagan  and  Teutonic,"  inconsistent  with 
the  law  of  God,  shall  be  repealed,  and  all  things  be 
ordered  and  arranged  according  to  the  rules  of  divine 
justice ;  that  the  priests  shall  observe  an  apostolic 
simplicity,  in  keeping  with  the  divine  command ; 
that  the  magistrates  be  held  subject  to  the  law  of' 
God,  and  that  their  enactments  be  registered  in  the 
council-house,  where  they  may  be  read  by  all  the 
people;  that  such  enemies  of  the  truth  of  God  as 
had  shown  themselves  faithless  to  God  and  man, 
should  be  banished  the  city  and  no  favor  shown 
them  ;  that  heretical  monasteries  be  broken  up  and 
destroyed,  as  well  as  unnecessary  churches  and  altars, 
with  their  images,  robes,  gold  and  silver  chalices, 
and  every  antichristian  abomination  savoring  of 
idolatry  or  simony,  all  which  are  not  from  God  our 
Heavenly  Father. 

In  the  defence  of  the  truths  expressed  by  these 
articles,  the  Taborites  declare  that  they  have  already, 
in  obedience  to  the  divine  will,  risked  property  and 
life,  while  many  of  their  brethren  had  shed  their 
blood  to  maintain  them.  They  declare  their  own 
purpose,  whether  the  articles  shall  be  received  or 
rejected,  to  stand  by  them  to  the  last.     But  these 


Cu.  XV.]  ASSAULT    BY    THE    TAIiOHITES.  447 

articles  were  not  accepted  or  approved  by  the  magis- 
trates and  citizens  of  Old  Prague,  who  were  for  the 
most  part  Calixtines.  The  last  article,  on  the  subject 
of  destroying  monasteries  and  unnecessary  churches, 
which  the  Taborites  would  have  called  rookeries  of 
superstition,  was  especially  objectionable.  Nor  was 
the  conduct  of  the  Taborites  such  as  to  smooth  the 
difficulties  which  lay  in  their  way.  On  the  next 
day  after  the  articles  had  been  presented,  a  portion 
of  the  Taborites  made  an  assault  on  the  St.  Clement 
monastery,  and  a  few  days  later,  sacked  and  burned 
the  cloisters  of  the  Royal  Court,  thus  reducing — as 
they  had  often  done  already — the  theory  of  their 
articles  to  practice.  They  bore  off  with  them  frag- 
ments of  the  broken  images  and  tables  of  the  mon- 
asteries, and,  forgetful  of  their  wonted  sobriety,  made 
a  large  and  free  use  of  the  wine  found  in  the  vaults 
of  the  cloistei's.  As  evening  approached,  some  of 
them  projected  an  attack  upon  the  Vissehrad,  which 
still  held  out  for  Sigismund ;  but  the  tumultuous  and 
disorderly  assault  was  repulsed  with  great  loss,  by 
the  garrison. 

The  Taborites  of  New  Prague  wished  still  to  re- 
tain their  brethren  within  its  walls.  The  only  con- 
dition on  which  this  wish  could  be  realized  was  the 
acceptance  by  the  Old  city  of  the  articles  of  the 
Taborites.  But  the  magistrates  opposed  them.  It 
was  therefore  resolved  to  call  a  meeting  of  the  citi- 
zens, depose  the  present  magistracy,  and  elect  a  new, 
who  should  be  known  to  favor  the  Taborite  articles. 
This  project  was  executed  on  August  18th.  In  spite 
of  this  measure,  however,  Zisca,  with  his  followers, 


448  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  XV 

left  the  city  a  few  days  after.  He  did  not,  however, 
abandon  liis  project  for  bringing  Prague  over  to  Lis 
views.  As  be  left  the  city,  his  followers  pledged 
themselves  not  to  rest  till  they  had  routed  or  de- 
stroyed the  enemies  of  the  cup.  ^  His  plan  was,  to 
conquer  the  Calixtines  by  annihilating  their  allies 
throughout  Bohemia.  As  it  was,  he  saw  clearly  the 
impolicy  of  attempting  at  present  to  force  uj)on  the 
citizens  the  objectionable  articles. 

The  articles  themselves,  not  excepting  the  last, 
expressed  the  sincere  convictions  of  the  Taborites. 
While  terrible  on  the  battle-field,  and  signal  in  their 
vengeance,  even  their  enemies  are,  to  a  remarkable 
degree,  unanimous  in  testifying  to  their  sobriety,  and 
their  exemplary  freedom  from  the  gross  vices  of  the 
age.  A  Puritanic  severity  characterized  their  de- 
meanor. The  corruptions  of  the  priesthood,  as  well 
as  persecuting  edicts,  repelled  them  from  the  com- 
munion of  the  Roman  church.  With  a  stern  and 
inexorable  justice  they  repressed  whatever  they 
deemed  inconsistent  with  the  truth  of  the  gospel. 
If  Zisca  took  exemplary  vengeance  upon  the  Adam- 
ites, with  their  free-love  doctrine  and  licentious  prac- 
tices, it  was  because,  whatever  their  heresy,  their 
teachings  and  proceedings  struck  at  the  root  of  all 
purity,  and  of  social  order  and  morals. 

At  first  the  views  of  the  Taborites  had  coincided 
almost  entirely  with  those  of  the  Calixtines.  ^    They 

'  Godeau,  xxxvii.  38.  rentii  de  Byzan  Cancellarii  Regalis, 

'  One  of  the  principal  authorities  Belli  Hussitici,  ah  anno,  1414,  ad  an. 

npon  which  the  account  of  the  Tabor-  1423."     The  author,  although  a  Calix- 

ites  and  Calixtines,  with  their  doc-  tine,  evidently  aims  to  give  an  iinpar- 

trinal  views    and    relative    position  tial  account  of  the  Taborites.     The 

toward  each  other  is  based,  is  "  Lau-  Dlarium  is  to  be  found  in  the  sixth 


Cu.  XV.]  MEETINGS    AT   TABOE.  449 

liad  no  distinct  name  except  as  tliey  held  it  in 
common  Avitli  all  wlio  were  known  as  Hussites. 
They  were  brought  together  in  one  community,  as 
the  Pi-esbyterians  of  Scotland  were  under  Charles 
II.,  that  they  might  enjoy  the  privilege  of  worship 
without  molestation.  It  was  during  ilie  year  1419 
that  their  assemblies  were  first  held  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Bechin,  not  far  from  Tabor,  some  twenty 
leagues  distant  from  Prague.  The  people  gath- 
ered, reared  their  tents,  and  for  several  days  engaged 
in  religious  services,  enjoying  also  the  communion 
of  the  cup.  The  vast  multitudes,  on  some  occa- 
sions, numbered  more  than  forty  thousand  people.  ^ 
Everything  was  conducted  with  the  utmost  de- 
corum. Some  of  the  Taborite  priests  preached, 
some  heard  confessions,  and  others  administered  the 
communion  under  both  kinds.  Different  groups 
were  formed,  which  were  severally  addressed  by 
speakers  or  preachers  selected  for  the  purpose.  The 
men,  the  women,  and  the  children  formed  each  a 
body  by  themselves.  These  days,  thus  observed, 
were  a  sort  of  pentecostal  season,  and  from  far  and 
near  came  the  multitudes  who  thronged  to  the  sacred 
festivity.  Peaceably  they  came,  and  peaceably  they 
returned.  Songs  of  praise  and  joy  lightened  the 
tedium  of  the   journey,  as  the   processions   moved 

volume  of  "  Reliquiae  Manusciptorum  magistro  Job.  Hus.  faventes  .  .  .  cum 

Omnis   yEvi   Diplomatum   ac    Menu-  populo   scxus   utriusque,   ex  diversis 

mentorum   ineditorura  adhuc,"  by  J.  rcgni  Bohemia  partibus,  civitatibus  et 

P.  de  Ludwig.     Balbinus — a  Roman  villis,  cum  sacramento  Eucharistiie,  in 

Catholic    historian  —  speaks     highly  montem  quendam  prope  castrum  Be- 

{landat  septus  ac  itfrum)  of  the  work,  chian,  quern  montem  Thahor  appella- 

The  author  was  chancellor  of   New  nerunt,   frequentare    cjeperunt  .... 

Prague.  Ultra  quam  40,000  communicavcrunt 

*  Sacerdotes  Evangelii(A.  D.  1119)  cum  devotione. — Diarium,  p.  143. 

VOL.  II.  29 


450  LIFE   AKD   TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.  [Ch.  XV. 

along  their  way.     Xothiug  was  allowed  inconsistent 
with  the  objects  of  the  assemblage. 

No  wantonness  or  levity,  no  dancing  or  drunken- 
ness, was  to  be  witnessed.  Everything  which  could 
tend  to  disturb  the  seriousness,  or  interfere  with  the 
devotion  proper  to  the  occasion,  was  carefully  re- 
pressed.^ Even  the  sportiveness  of  childhood  was 
checked,  and  no  sound  of  musical  instruments  was 
allowed  to  break  in  upon  the  quiet  of  the  place  and 
the  solemnity  of  the  worship.  At  the  close  of  the 
religious  exercises,  each  partook  of  a  moderate  repast 
which  they  had  brought  with  them  from  their  homes. 
All  outward  distinctions  were  neglected,  or  forgotten. 
The  rich  and  the  poor  sat  down  together,  and  priest 
and  layman  were  undistinguished  by  garb.  They 
addressed  one  another  by  the  appellation  of  brother 
and  sister,  each  sharing  his  portion  with  such  as 
were  more  needy  than  himself.  As  in  the  apostolic 
and  primitive  church — says  the  Calixtine  narrative 
— there  was  but  one  heart,  one  will.  Nothing  was 
thought  of,  nothing  was  transacted,  save  what  per- 
tained to  the  welfare  of  souls,  or  concerned  the 
restoration  of  the  church  to  its  primitive  model. 
Their  humble  repast  was  concluded  by  a  solemn 
thanksgiving  to  God ;  and  the  exercises  of  the  day 
closed  with  a  procession  of  the  vast  multitude  around 
Tabor — where  the  assemblies  were  usually  held — in 
which  all  united  in  singing  psalms  of  praise  to  God. 
They  then  bade  one  another  farewell — strangers 
before,  but  brethren  now — and  each  retui-ned  by  the 
way  he  came,  back  to  his  own  dwelling.     They  were 

»  Diar.  Bel.  Hus.,  188. 


Ch.  XV.]  MULTITUDES    AT   TABOR.  451 

even  careful  in  this  respect,  that  they  might  not 
unnecessarily  trample  down  the  harvest  fields. 

As  these  seasons  continued  to  be  observed,  the 
multitudes  who  assembled  increased.  From  the  most 
distant  parts  of  Bohemia — from  Pisek,  Wodnian, 
Necolicz,  Heyman,  Ausch,  Janovicz,  Ledlezan,  Pil- 
sen ;  from  Prague  itself,  and  from  many  parts  of 
Moravia — they  came,  some  with  horses,  others  on 
foot,  pilgrims  to  that  spot,  precious  above  ev^ery 
other,  because  there  they  might  enjoy,  unmolested, 
their  peculiar  worship  and  the  communion  of  the 
cup.  Undoubtedly  many  were  drawn  thither  by 
curiosity.  Nor  would  it  always  be  as  easy  as  at 
first,  to  restrain  and  repress  the  tendencies  to  excess 
or  unwarranted  indulgence.  Sharp  things  would 
naturally  be  spoken  of  a  corrupt  clergy,  opposed  to 
what  these  Taborites  believed  the  authentic  anel 
authoritative  command  of  Christ  in  the  institution 
of  the  Supper.  With  all  the  general  quietness  of 
their  demeanor,  the  Taborites  had  bitter  enemies ; 
and  Wenzel  himself,  taught  by  experience  how  easy 
it  was  for  him  to  pass  from  a  throne  to  a  prison, 
grew  suspicious.  He  feared  lest  the  report,  indus- 
triously spread  by  their  enemies,  that  such  a  multi- 
tude would  soon  choose  their  own  kino:  and  their 
own  archbishop,  might  be  true.  An  effort  was 
therefore  made  to  suppress  these  assemblies.  The 
barons  forbade  their  vassals  and  subjects  to  visit 
Tabor,  under  penalty  of  death  or  confiscation  of  their 
goods.^ 

But  all  these  measures  were  vain.     The  cuiTcnt 

'  Diar.  Bel.  IIus.,  189. 


452  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Ch.  XV 

of  popular  religious  feeling  ha/I  acquired  a  force  and 
fervor  tliat  defied  resistance.  Sooner  than  forego 
his  privilege,  the  peasant  chose  to  abandon  his  home 
altogether,  and,  disposing  of  his  property,  escape  at 
once  the  oppression  of  priest  and  baron.  Tabor 
attracted  them,  says  the  old  annalist,  as  the  magnet 
attracts  iron.  Thus  the  very  attempt  to  repress  the 
popular  enthusiasm  defeated  its  own  object.  The 
people  were  taught  rebellion  by  unwise  restrictions ; 
and  Tabor,  from  a  camping-ground  of  religious  assem- 
blies, became  at  once  a  populous  city.  The  oppor- 
tune death  of  Wenzel  favored  this  movement.  Zisca, 
with  his  rare  combination  of  sagacity,  enthusiastic 
devotion,  and  military  genius,  found  the  materials 
of  an  army  already  at  hand.  They  needed  only  to 
be  moulded  by  that  discipline  of  which  he  was  so 
perfect  a  master,  and  inspired  with  confidence  in 
their  cause  as  the  cause  of  truth,  and  in  the  indis- 
putable ability  of  their  leader,  to  become  well-nigh 
invincible. 

Tabor  thus  became  the  refuge  and  the  fortress  of 
the  Hussites.  But  already  many  had  advanced  be- 
yond the  point  that  had  been  reached  by  him  whom 
they  still  honored  as  a  martyr.  He  had  bequeathed 
to  them,  with  his  dying  breath,  and  amid  the  fires 
of  the  stake,  the  invaluable  principle  of  the  sole 
authority  of  the  word  of  God.  With  this  as  their 
starting-point,  they  went  beyond  him.  Even  Jacobel 
and  the  Calixtines  generally  were  laggards  in  their 
views  of  reform.  Not  only  a  single  sacrament,  but 
all  the  institutions,  doctrines,  and  rites  of  the  church 
were  to  be  subjected  to  a  scripture  test.     Ambrose, 


Ch.  xy.]      puritan  views  of  the  taborites.  45^ 

Jerome,  Augustine,  and  Gregory,  the}^  said,  were 
but  men.  There  was  no  need  of  consulting  the  sen- 
tences of  the  schools,  or  giving  heed  to  learned  doc- 
tors, when  all  things  essential  to  salvation  were  to 
be  found  in  scripture. 

On  the  basis  of  these  principles,  they  maintained 
that  no  sayings  or  writings  of  learned  men  wei'e  to 
be  held  or  believed  as  catholic  by  the  faithful,  unless 
they  were  contained  explicitly  in  the  canon  of  the 
Bible  ;  ^  that  every  one  who  pursues  the  study  of  the 
liberal  arts  or  accepts  degrees  in  them  is  vain  and 
heathenish,  and  sins  against  the  gospel  of  Christ; 
that  no  decrees  of  the  holy  fathers,  no  institutions 
of  the  ancients,  no  rites  or  traditions  of  human  in- 
vention, were  to  be  held,  but  all  such  were  to  be 
abolished  and  destroyed  as  works  of  Antichi-ist,  since 
Christ  and  his  apostles  had  nowhere  enjoined  them 
in  the  New  Testament,  On  this  ground  they  re- 
jected chrism,  the  anointing  with  oil,  and  sprinkling 
with  holy  water ;  the  exorcising,  blessing,  hallowing 
of  the  chalice,  church  furniture,  and  robes ;  the  ob- 
serving of  canonical  hours ;  the  dress,  ceremonies, 
and  order  of  the  mass ;  the  chanting  of  the  priests, 
and  the  baptizing  of  children  with  exorcisms,  holy 
water,  and  sponsoi*s,  instead  of  the  simple  rite  by  the 
ajiplication  of  pure  water.  For  books  of  missals,  or 
chants,  gold  and  silver  chalices,  priestly  vestments, 
etc.,  they  felt  equal  aversion.  All  these  things  were  to 
be  destroyed  or  burned,  and  it  was  more  proper  for 
the  laity  to  wear  the  priestly  robes,  or  cut  them  up 
for  their  own  apparel,  than  for  the  priests  themselves 

*  These  articles  are  to  be  found  in  full  in  Diar.  BeL  Hus.,  191,  193. 


454  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOIIIT   HUSS.  [Ch.  X"V 

to  perform  in  them  the  divine  offices.  Auricular 
confession,  the  fast  of  Lent,  vigils,  festivals  of  saints, 
or  other  seasons  of  special  devotion,  except  the  Lord's 
day,  were  treated  with  no  more  respect.  A  priest, 
tricked  out  in  his  robes  with  their  useless  ornaments, 
and  celebrating  mass  in  the  customary  manner,  was 
but  like  the  harlot  of  the  Apocalypse,  to  be  despised 
by  the  faithful.  The  sacrament  of  the  eucharist  should 
be  celebrated  in  the  manner  practised  by  Christ  and 
his  apostles,  in  the  ordinary  garb,  without  an  altar, 
and  in  any  place  that  might  fitly  serve.  The 
bread  was  not  itself  to  be  lifted  up  for  the  adora- 
tion of  the  worshippers,  but  was  to  be  administered 
in  a  plain  and  audible  tone  of  voice.  The  clergy, 
moreover,  were  to  be  like  the  Levites  of  the  Old 
Testament  in  regard  to  the  possession  of  property ; 
they  were  to  be  directly  dependent  on  the  contribu- 
tions of  the  people.  As  to  purgatory,  and  prayers 
for  the  dead,  or  works  of  piety  in  their  behalf,  all 
these  were  rejected  as  silly  and  inane  superstitions. 
Livocation  of  the  saints  was  condemned  as  savoring 
either  of  heresy  or  idolatry.  All  images,  or  the 
likeness  of  anything  as  an  object  of  worship,  stood 
charged  with  savoring  of  idolatry,  and  all  such,  as 
idols,  were  to  be  destroyed  and  burned. 

These  articles  were  published  in  the  year  1420, 
soon  after  the  Taborites  had  withdrawn  from  Prague. 
They  gave  great  scandal  to  the  Calixtines,  who  ap- 
pealed to  the  world  for  testimony  to  the  moderation 
of  their  views.^     It  is  evident  that  from  the  time 

»  The  author  of  the  Diarimn  Bel.     Taborites  led  to  the  report,  through- 
Hus.  says  that   the   practices  of  the     out  the  kingdom  aud  foreign  lands, 


Cn.  XV.]    FREEDOM  OF  TUOUGIIT  AT  TABOE.       455 

when  the  Taborites  first  commenced  their  assemblies 
during  the  previous  year,  there  had  been  great  prog- 
ress made  in  breaking  away  from  the  ceremonies, 
institutions,  and  doctrines  of  the  Roman  church. 
The  explanation  of  this  is  to  be  found  in  the  free 
and  friendly  conferences  enjoyed  at  Tabor  by  men 
who  interchanged  their  views  on  religious  subjects, 
with  the  open  Bible  before  them  as  their  only  su- 
preme authority.  Tabor  was  the  one  asylum  for  the 
persecuted  in  the  kingdom,  where  perfect  freedom 
of  religious  opinion  was  allowed.  "You  may  think 
as  you  like  here,"  wrote  an  orthodox  Roman  Catholic, 
on  a  visit  to  Tabor,  to  one  of  his  friends. 

Thus  persecution  abroad  drove  into  a  single  com- 
munity the  men  who  were  foremost  in  their  viewg 
of  reform,  and  most  advanced  in  apprehending  the 
true  spirit  of  the  gospel,  and  the  simplicity  of  its 
rituaL  With  the  scriptures  acknowledged,  on  all 
sides,  as  the  only  supreme  authority  in  matters  of 
faith,  it  was  no  difficult  or  tedious  work  to  adduce 
ample  testimony  of  the  superfluous  ceremonies  and 
false  doctrines  with  which  the  purity  of  the  gospel 
had  been  overlaid  by  a  corrupt  chiu'ch. 

With  the  views  of  the  Taborites  on  religious  sub- 
that  the  Hussites  had  abolished  the  missals  etc.,  were  sold  for  a  mere 
distinction  between  laity  and  cler-  trifle ;  and  that  relics  of  the  saints 
gy ;  that  shoemakers  and  mechanics  were  taken  from  the  altars  or  show- 
performed  the  divine  offices ;  that  cases,  and  thrown  into  nooks  and 
mass  was  celebrated  by  the  unshorn,  corners.  By  such  reports  Boliemia 
without  priestly  vestments ;  that  the  was  defamed  in  other  lands.  The 
Taborite  priests  ordered  the  dcstruc-  Calixtines  were  provoked  and  exas- 
tion  of  all  ornaments  and  musical  in-  perated  at  the  Taborites  for  fjiving 
Btruments  in  the  churches,  requiring  occasion  for  such  stories,  and  wished 
all,  willing  or  unwilling,  to  accept  to  vindicate  themselves  from  all  com- 
their  own  rites;  that  books,  chalices,    plicity  in  such  excesses. — P.  196. 


456  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cn.  XV 

jects,  some  of  a  peculiar  cast,  in  regard  to  social  and 
political  matters,  were  naturally  allied.  They  were 
all  anti-imperialists,  and  nearly  all  republicans,  or  at 
least  in  favor  of  an  elective  king.  Their  experience 
of  a  corrupt  priesthood  had  produced  in  them  an 
aversion  to  the  learning  of  schools  and  colleges, 
whose  degrees  they  treated  with  contempt  as  hea- 
thenish and  antichristian  innovations.  Their  study  of 
the  Apocalypse — a  favorite  book  of  the  Bible,  from 
its  denunciations  of  the  Great  Apostasy — led  them 
into  many  extravagances  of  belief  and  practice. 

All  however  did  not  go  to  the  same  extreme  with 
Martin  Loqui,  one  of  their  preachers,  who  dei-ived 
his  name  from  his  eminence  as  a  speaker,  and  whose 
principal  associates  wei-e  John  Oilezin,  Marcold,  Co- 
randa,  and  a  certain  "VVenzel  of  Prague.^  These  men, 
with  a  large  portion  of  the  Taborites,  held  the  doc- 
trine of  the  speedy  advent  of  Christ,  and  the  ap- 
proaching mission  of  "the  seven  last  plagues,"  by 
which  all  Christ's  enemies  should  be  destroyed.  In 
this  vengeance  the  faithful  of  Christ  are  to  bear  a 
part :  all  who  shall  hear  the  word  of  Christ,  are  to 
receive  the  warning  to  "flee  to  the  mountains," 
where  the  Taborites  were  already  assembled ;  and 
whoever  neglects  to  do  tliis,  shall  perish  by  the 
plagues.  At  this  time,  the  Tal)orites  should  be  the 
holy  angels  sent  out  to  rescue  the  faithful  and  bring 
them  to  a  place  of  safety,  as  Lot  was  rescued  from 
Sodom ;  they  should  be  the  executioners  of  God's 
justice  upon  the  guilty  nations,  while  only  the  five 
cities,  which  they  named  "  places  of  refuge,"  should 

'  Diar.  Bel.  IIus.,  203. 


Cn.  XV.]  FANATIC    VIEWS.  457 

"be  spared.^  The  riches  of  the  Gentiles,  or  the  prop- 
erty of  Christ's  enemies,  should  be  taken  from  them 
by  the  faithful,  and  desti'oyed  or  burned.  In  this 
consummation  of  all  things,  Christ  will  himself  visi- 
bly descend  to  earth  and  assume  the  government  of 
the  world ;  and  all  who  have  not  on  the  weddinc* 
garment,  will  be  cast  into  outer  darkness.^  All  the 
kingdoms  of  the  world  will  come  to  an  end.  There 
will  be  no  more  exaction,  no  more  paying  of  tribute. 
Sin  will  be  destroyed.  There  will  be  no  more 
scandal,  abomination,  and  falsehood ;  no  more 
persecution  or  suffering,  for  all  will  be  the  elect 
children  of  God.  The  glory  of  this  kingdom,  tlius 
restored,  will  be  greater — before  the  resurrection  of 
the  dead — than  that  of  the  primitive  church.  The 
sun  of  human  intelligence  will  no  longer  shine ;  none 
will  need  to  teach  another  to  know  the  Lord,  for  all 
shall  be  taught  of  God.  The  law  of  grace  will  then 
no  longer  have  place ;  it  will  be  done  away.  The  use 
of  churches  wdll  be  dispensed  with,  for  God  himself 
will  be  the  temple,  and,  like  hope  and  faith,  lost  in 
sight  and  fruition,  all  outward  structures  will  disap- 
pear. Then  shall  come  the  resurrection  of  the  dead 
— the  first  resurrection,  in  which  the  dead  in  Christ 
shall  be  raised,  among  whom  John  Huss  shall  appear; 
and  thus  for  his  elect's  sake  God  would  hasten  the 
final  destiny  of  the  world. 

In  this  renovation  of  all  things,  man  will  be  re- 
stored to  the  state  of  innocence  enjoyed  by  Adam 
before  his  foil.  There  will  no  longer  be  pains  attend- 
ing childbirth,  no  such  thing  as  original  sin,  no  neces- 

*  Diar.  Bel,  Hns.,  155,  204.  » lb.  205. 


458  LIFE   AUD   TBIES    OF   JOHIST   nUSS.  [Ch.  XV. 

sity  for  tlie  waters  of  baptism,  no  more  need  of  the 
sacrament  of  the  eucharist,  for  men  shall  eat  angels' 
food,  and  never  die.^ 

These  peculiar  views  were  an  excrescence  upon  the 
religious  system  of  the  Taborites,  and  were  shortly 
modified  very  essentially  by  succeeding  events.  The 
prophecy  in  regard  to  the  five  cities  of  refuge  was 
effectually  defeated,  and  many  of  the  peculiar  teach- 
ings in  regard  to  Christ's  advent  were  abandoned. 
They  were  all  based  upon  an  unwarranted  interpre- 
tation of  obscure  texts ;  and  when  their  novelty  wore 
off,  they  were  for  the  most  part  cast  aside. 

The  Taborites  however  clung  fondly  to  the  notion 
that  they  were  God's  peculiar  people,  and  were  spe- 
cially designated  by  him  for  the  reformation  of  the 
church  and  the  defence  of  the  faithful.  This  belief 
led  them  to  interpose  for  the  destruction  of  what  they 
regarded  as  idolatry,  superstition,  and  Antichrist. 
Their  creed  on  these  points  was  not  a  dead  letter, 
and  they  went  about  their  work  with  an  energy  and 
a  courage  which  might  challenge  the  reproach,  but 
was  too  serious  and  earnest  for  the  derision  of  their 
foes.  They  did  not  shrink — however  it  might  scan- 
dalize their  Calixtine  brethren,  or  the  so-called  Cath- 
olic chui'ch — from  carrying  the  theory  of  a  creed 
which  they  embraced  with  all  the  fervor  of  their 
spirits,  to  a  practical  application.  Wherever  they 
went,  they  observed  with  all  fidelity  the  simple  rites 
of  their  worship.  Their  priests  ministered  the  com- 
munion under  both  kinds,  without  the  aid  of  rubric, 
missal,  priest's  robe,  or  the  Latin  tongue.     They  spoke 

'  Diar.  BeL  Bus.,  200,  207, 


Cii.  XV.]  IIATUKD    OF    JIONASTEKIES.  459 

and  prayptl  in  tlieir  own  vernacular.  They  were  not 
careful  to  use  a  gold  or  silver  clmlice  for  the  wine  of 
the  conimunion.  An  iron,  earthen,  or  wooden  cup 
answered  their  purpose  full  as  well.  If  they  declared 
the  chui'ches  and  altars,  which  had  been  deseci-ated 
by  "  the  mammon  of  uni-ighteousness"  and  the  simony 
of  the  pi-iests,  to  be  churches  and  altars  "  of  the  devil 
and  of  idols,"  or  spoke  of  monasteries  as  dens  of 
robbers,  sties  where  the  swine  of  lazy  and  useless 
monks  were  fattened,  they  sometimes  suited  the  action 
to  the  speech,  sacked  the  church,  shivered  the  altar, 
and  burned  the  monastery.  If  some  unfortunate 
monk  attempted  to  remonstrate — "  Go  ye  into  all  the 
world,  and  preach  the  gospel,"  was  the  prompt  reply. 
"Christ  never  told  men  to  serve  him  by  shutting 
themselves  up  in  indolence," — such  was  the  argument 
by  which  the  Taborites  answered  all  objections. 
Monasteries  thus  became  the  special  objects  of  their 
vengeance.  Hundreds  of  them  were  sacked  and 
burned.  Some  of  the  nuns,  whom  the  terror  of  the 
Taborites  had  effectuall}^  converted  to  the  communion 
of  the  cup,  married — to  the  horror  and  scandal  of 
the  Calixtines. 

The  Taborites  treated  many  of  the  reputed  holy 
things  of  the  age  with  the  most  sacrilegious  disre- 
spect. Kelics  of  the  saints  were  ruthlessly  flung  out 
of  the  churches,  like  common  earth.  The  holy  oil 
was  unceremoniously  applied  to  a  most  proftine  use, 
unless  it  was  emptied,  like  the  chrism  and  holy  water, 
upon  the  ground.  The  vessels  that  contained  these 
liquids  were  broken,  or  polluted ;  for  the  Taborites 
held  in  contempt  holy  sprinklings  and  extreme  unc- 


460  LIFE    AND   TDIES    OF   JOHN   HFSS.  [Ch.  XV. 

tion.  Their  form  of  baptism  was  the  application  of 
water,  with  the  simple  formula  of  administration  in 
the  name  of  the  Father,  the  Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost.^ 
Auricular  confession  they  dismissed  with  the  brief 
logic  of  adopting  the  formal  division  of  sins  by  the 
church,  and  declaring  that  if  venial — by  this  probably 
meaning  sins  of  the  heart — ^it  was  enough  to  confess 
them  to  God ;  if  mortal,  (public  and  gross,)  they 
should  be  confessed  in  presence  of  the  brethren. 
As  to  purgatory,  they  maintained  that  by  the  disci- 
pline of  probation  God  prepares  such  as  will  be  saved, 
to  enter  upon  their  reward  and  their  eternal  immu- 
nity from  sin  with  the  close  of  their  earthly  exist- 
ence. They  who  die  in  mortal  sin  go  at  once  to  their 
retribution  of  eternal  justice  in  hell.  Consequently 
prayer  for  the  dead  is  vain  and  futile.^  The  Tabor- 
ites  neither  prayed  to  the  saints,  nor  paid  regard  to 
their  images  and  pictures  in  the  churches.  "  What 
was  Peter,  or  Paul,  or  any  other  of  the  saints  ? "  they 
asked.  "  Were  they  not  men,  saved  like  us  by  the 
help  of  God  alone,  and  in  prayer  to  him,  by  the  in- 
tercession of  no  saint,  but  of  Christ  only  ? "  They 
resented  the  superstitious  worship  which  the  pictures 
and  statues  of  the  saints  received.  The  sternness 
of  the  prophet  on  Carmel,  while  he  mocked  the  wor- 
shippers of  Baal,  seemed  to  relax  into  a  grim  smile ; 
and  we  can  imagine  with  what  cool  derision  the  Ta- 
borite  could  look  up,  in  the  presence  of  his  gaping 

'  The  author  of  the  Diar.  Bel.  Tins,  the  rite.     Even  the  infant,  after  bap- 

Bays  the  rite  of  baptism  was  perform-  tism,  was  required  to  commime  sub 

ed  by  a  flowing  stream,  or  with  water  utraque  specie.     P.  199. 

brought  from   any   place  indiscrim-  "lb.,  255. 
inately.     Sponsors  were  rejected  in 


Cu.  XV.]  PURITANISM    OF   THE   TABOKITES.  461 

and  credulous  enemies,  to  the  gouged  eye  or  slit  nose 
(erutie  oculi-s-  et  7iasis  ahscl-S6'is)  of  some  mangled 
image,  crying  out,  in  his  so-called  blasphemy,  "  If  you 
are  God  or  his  saint,  defend  yourself,  and  we  will 
believe  you."     (Si  Deus  aut  ejus  sanctus  es,  tunc  te 
defende,  et  credimus  tibi.)     The  place  of  His  worship 
was  to  be  disfigured  by  no  image,  desecrated  by  no 
sculpture.     A  handful  of  filth,  or  a  thrust  of  his 
sword,  or  a  blow  of  his  terrible  flail,  relieved  him 
from  all  the  apprehension  which  a  beautiful  painting 
might  excite  as  to  his  worshipping  in  a  desecrated 
place.      Monasteries  were   "dens  of  robbers,"  and 
wickedly  founded  against  the  law  of  Christ.     The 
disciples  were  commanded  to  go  forth  into  all  the 
world,  and  not  shut  themselves  up  as  hermits ;  hence 
the  cloisters  and  monasteries  were  to  be  utterly  over- 
thrown  and  destroyed.^     The  fasts  of  the  Roman 
church   were   unhesitatingly   rejected.      Only   such 
days    were    observed    as    the    Taborite    preachers 
directed.     On  these  occasions  no  one  ate  or  drank, 
from  morning  till  night,  or  even  till  the  following 
day. 

As  to  naming  churches  after  particular  saints,  the 
views  of  the  Taborite  would  have  fully  accorded 
with  the  sentiments  of  the  most  rigid  Puritan  of  the 
Commonwealth.  Even  Jerome  and  Augustine,  whom 
Huss  and  Jacobel  loved  to  quote  as  authority,  did 
not  pass  unquestioned  by  the  Taborites.  By  confirm- 
ing or  multiplying  ecclesiastical  rites,  it  was  possible 
— they  maintained — that  these  men  had  done  the 
church  more  evil  than  good.     To  give  churches  their 

*  Diar.  Bel.  Uus.,  197. 


462  LIFE   AISTD   TIMES    OF   JOIIlSr   HUSS.  [Ch.  XY. 

names,  or  the  names  of  others  who  were  merely  men, 
was  an  impious  and  accursed  thing,  and  such  churches, 
with  the  splendid  dwellings  of  their  pastors,  ought 
to  be  burned  and  destroyed.  The  apostles  never 
consecrated  churches  by  such  titles,  or  dwelt  in  such 
houses ;  they  were  content  with  alms,  and  went  about 
all  over  the  world,  preaching  the  gospel,  without 
tithes  or  endowed  churches. 

The  leaders  of  the  Taborites  laid  it  down  as  a 
fundamental  principle,  that  the  law  of  Christ  was 
sufficient  for  the  government  of  his  church.  All 
that  was  necessary  to  salvation,  he  had  declared  in  the 
New  Testament.^  Human  institutions  and  ceremo- 
nies were  of  no  account.  As  Christ  said  to  the 
scribes  and  Pharisees,  "  ye  have  nullified  the  law  by 
your  traditions,"  so  also  might  modern  scribes  and 
Pharisees  be  addressed.  Unless  they  desisted  from 
their  error,  they  might  expect  all  the  plagues  of  the 
Apocalyse  to  light  upon  them. 

In  consistency  with  these  views,  the  Taborite  priests 
endeavored  to  reduce  the  ordinances  of  worship  to 
the  simplicity  of  the  primitive  church.  They  reject- 
ed the  use  of  sacerdotal  vestments,  declined  observ- 
ance of  canonical  hours,  administered  the  divine  rites, 
not  from  the  altar,  but  from  a  simple  table,  in  the 
open  air,  or  in  houses  where  they  might  be  assembled. 
First  of  all,  the  priests  knelt,  with  heads  bowed 
toward  the  earth,  while  one  repeated  the  Lord's 
prayer.  He  that  was  selected  to  solemnize  the  sacra- 
ment then  rose,  uttered  in  a  clear  voice  the  words 
of   consecration,  and   broke   and   administered   the 

'  Diar.  Bel.  Hus.,  194. 


Cn.  XV.]         TENETS  ASCRIBED  TO  THE  TABORITES.  4G3 

bread ;  afterward  tlie  wine,  in  a  vessel  of  iron,  clay, 
wood,  or  other  material,  as  might  happen  to  be  con- 
venient. 

The  Taborites  evidently  knew  how  to  defend  their 
doctrines  by  word ;  but  their  most  effectual  logic  re- 
sided in  their  terrible  flails,  that  threshed  down  all 
opposition  that  dared  to  lift  its  head.  Councils,  and 
crusades,  and  denunciations  of  all  kinds,  were  ineffec- 
tual to  put  them  down.  They  relinquished  none  of 
their  peculiar  tenets,  except  those  which  they  derived 
from  the  study  of  the  Apocalypse.  Time  showed 
the  futility  of  many  of  the  interpretations  which 
some  of  their  preachers  gave  to  the  prophecies  of 
this  book.  Others  seem  to  have  been  generally 
abandoned,  insomuch  that  the  Roman  Catholic  his- 
torian, Natalis  Alexander,  in  giving  account  of  their 
doctrines,  makes  no  mention  of  those  which  are  said 
to  have  originated  with  Martin  Loqui.  The  only 
tenets  which  he  ascribes  to  them,  beside  those  of 
which  the  Calixtine  author  of  "  The  Diary  of  the 
Hussite  War"  makes  mention,  and  which  have  been 
already  given,  are  such  as  we  might  naturally  sup- 
pose would  be  associated  with  them.  He  speaks  of 
their  denial  of  the  supremacy  of  the  Papal  See,  their 
doctrine  of  the  parity  of 'the  clergy,  their  maintain- 
ing that  whoever  was  guilty  of  mortal  sin  was,  ipso 
facto^  deprived  of  all  secular  and  ecclesiastical  au- 
thority, and  was  not  to  be  obeyed.  According  to 
him,  they  held,  that  prayer  for  the  dead  was  an  inven- 
tion of  the  avarice  of  the  priesthood ;  that  there 
was  no  need  of  consecrated  cemeteries,  for  it  made 
no  difference  with  what  kind  of  earth  human  bodies 


464  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Cii.  XV. 

were  covered ;  and  tliat  the  religious  orders  of  the 
monks  were  a  device  of  devils. 

It  is  easy  to  perceive,  that  notwithstanding  some 
fanatical  views,  and  some  opinions  which  were  nur- 
tured by  the  ignorance  and  prejudice  of  many  among 
them,  their  sincere  as  well  as  avowed  purpose  was  to 
restore  the  church,  as  near  as  possible,  to  its  primi- 
tive model.  Most  of  their  doctrines  were  based 
clearly  upon  the  authority  of  scripture ;  and  we  are 
only  surprised  to  find  them,  within  so  short  a  period 
after  the  death  of  Huss,  so  far  in  advance  of  what 
Huss  and  Jerome,  or  even  Jacobel,  had  taught.  Many 
of  them — not  all,  however— utterly  rejected  the  doc- 
trine of  transubstantiation,  which  Huss  and  Jerome 
had  avowed  to  the  last,  and  which  Jacobel  had  main- 
tained in  his  peculiar  sense,  by  distinguishing  between 
Christ's  material  and  his  spiritual  body,  the  latter  of 
which  only  was  present  in  the  sacrament  of  the  altar. 
The  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith  alone,  so  dis- 
tinctly apprehended  and  taught  by  Luther,  does  not 
appear  to  have  attracted  their  special  attention. 
Their  circumstances  and  position  ranged  them  on  the 
negative  side  of  most  of  the  questions  between  them 
and  the  Roman  church,  and  their  principal  work  was 
more  to  tear  down  than  construct,  more  to  refute  a 
false  system  than  to  build  up  a  new  theology.  They 
had  little  leisure  and  little  learning,  or  intellectual 
discipline,  to  apply  themselves  to  the  philosophy  of 
their  own  belief,  or  study  the  order  and  harmony  of 
doctrines  which  they  derived  from  the  simple  word 
of  scripture,  and  adopted  with  an  unquestioning  faith. 

The  doctrines  of  the  Taborites  proved  especially 


Oh.  XV.l       LETTER  OF  .EXEAS  SYLVIUS.         465 

disastrous  to  the  monasteries.  These  were  regarded 
as  nuisances  to  be  abated.  Monks  and  nuns  were 
dispersed,  or  forced  to  accept  the  communion  of  the 
cup.  Refusal  to  comply  was  met  with  violence.  This 
was  tlie  case  even  in  Prague.  The  INIonastery  of  the 
Holy  Spirit  was  given  up  to  the  Germans  for  the 
preaching  of  the  word  of  God.  Those  of  St.  Francis 
and  St.  James  were  stored  with  warlike  machines 
and  implements.  The  cups  and  furniture  were  sold 
for  money.  The  sacred  chrism  and  holy  water  were 
emptied  on  the  earth. 

Zisca  carried  out  these  principles,  in  letter  and 
in  spirit.  As  city  after  city  came  into  the  hands  of 
the  Taborites,  the  monasteries  were  devoted  to  de- 
struction, and  their  inmates  scattered.  In  the  spirit  of 
th(i  ancient  Israelites  invading  Canaan,  the  idolatrous 
rites  of  the  Roman  church  were  all  to  be  suppressed. 

This  picture  of  the  Taborites  would  be  incomplete, 
without  adding  to  it  the  features  preserved  to  us  by 
a  letter  of  ^neas  Sylvius  to  the  Cardinal  de  Carvajal, 
in  which  he  gives  an  account  of  the  visit  paid  them 
by  himself,  in  company  with  others,  at  a  date  some 
years  after  the  siege  of  Prague.^  As  ambassadors, 
sent  to  treat  with  the  Taborites,  they  demanded  and 
received  their  hospitality.  They  were  cheerfully 
welcomed  by  the  Taborites,  who  went  out  to  meet 
them;  and  they  were  entertained  with  cordiality  and 
respect.  "A  most  remarkable  spectacle  was  now  wit- 
nessed— an  indiscriminate  rabble,  mostly  composed 

*  The  date  of  this  letter  is   1451.  this  account  in  his  narrative  of  liLa 

^ncas  Sylvius,  sent  by  the  pope  to  conference  with  George  Podiebrad. — 

Bee  what  could  be  done  to  bring  back  Gner,  des  Hus.,  ii.  224. 
the  Calixtines  to  the   church,  gives 

VOL.  II.  30 


4G6  LIFE   AND    TniES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  XV. 

of  peasants,  who  wished  however  to  appear  genteel 
and  refined.  Although  a  cold  rain-storm,  such  as 
frequently  occurs  in  Bohemia,  prevailed  at  the  time, 
many  had  no  other  protection  than  a  mere  frock. 
Some  wore  robes  made  of  skins,  some  of  their  horse- 
men had  no  saddles,  some  had  no  bridle,  and  others 
were  without  stirrups.  One  was  booted,  another  not. 
One  had  lost  an  eye,  another  a  hand,  so  that,  to 
borrow  the  language  of  Virgil,  it  was  a  shame  to  see 
populataqiie  tempora  raptis  aurihus^  et  tmncas  iiiJion- 
esto  vulnere  nares.  There  was  no  order  of  proceeding, 
no  reserve  in  speech,  and  we  were  received  in  a 
rough  and  peasant  style.  Yet  presents  were  made 
us  of  fish,  wine,  and  beer.  Having  entered  the 
town,  we  took  a  view  of  it ;  and  if  I  were  not  to  call 
it  a  town  or  asylum  for  heretics,  I  should  be  at  a 
loss  for  a  name  to  give  it.  For  whatever  monsters 
of  impiety  and  of  blasphemies  are  unmasked  among 
Christians,  flock  together  here,  and  find  security  in  a 
place  where  there  are  as  many  heresies  as  there  are 
heads,  and  full  liberty  to  believe  what  you  like. 
On  the  outer  gate  of  the  city  there  are  two  shields 
suspended.  On  one  of  these  is  a  picture  of  an  angel 
holding  a  cup,  which  he  is  represented  as  extending 
to  the  people  as  if  to  invite  them  to  the  communion 
of  the  cup.  On  the  other  there  is  a  portrait  of  Zisca, 
who  is  represented  as  an  old  man  and  entirely  blind. 
.  ^  .  What  more  fitting  for  such  a  people,  who  have 
no  understanding  of  divine  things,  no  religion,  no 
apprehension  of  what  is  just  and  right,  than  a  blind 
leader !  In  this  case  that  word  of  the  Saviour  is 
fulfilled,  '  If  the  blind  lead  the  blind,  both  fall  into 


Cn.  XV.]  FORMS   OF   WORSHIP.  4G7 

the  ditch.'  .  .  .  These  people  have  no  greater  anxiety 
for  anything,  than  to  hear  a  sermon.  If  any  one  neg- 
lects this,  and  lies  asleep  at  home,  or  busies  himself 
with  work  or  play  during  the  time  of  sermon,  he  is 
beaten  for  it,  and  is  compelled  to  obligate  himself 
to  hear  the  word  of  God.  Their  place  of  worship 
is  built  of  wood,  and  is  much  like  a  barn ;  this  they 
call  their  temple.  Here  they  preach  to  the  people ; 
here  they  daily  expound  the  law.  They  have  here 
but  one  altar,  neither  consecrated,  nor  to  be  conse- 
crated, and  from  this  they  exhibit  the  sacrament  to 
the  people.  The  priests  neither  wear  crowns,  nor 
shave  their  beards.  The  Taborites  voluntarily  pro- 
vide by  gifts  for  their  support.  They  offer  nothing 
upon  the  altar  ;  they  condemn  tithes  ;  of  first  fruits, 
they  hold  neither  to  the  name  nor  to  the  thing  itself. 
Yet  they  do  not  accord  in  one  and  the  same  l)elief 
One  thinks  in  one  way,  and  another  in  another  ;  each 
follows  his  own  liking.  Neither  do  they  live  by  a 
single  rule." 

It  is  to  be  borne  in  mind  that  we  have  no  account 
of  the  Taborites,  excej^t  from  persons  who  were  either 
their  avowed  enemies,  or  were  strongly  prejudiced 
against  them.  They  undoubtedly  were  guilty  of 
many  imprudent  acts,  many  deeds  of  violence,  many 
excesses  utterly  unwarrantable.  Many  elements  of 
fanaticism  were  mingled  with  their  creed.  Manv 
and  strong  prejudices,  peculiar  to  the  class  of  which 
they  were  mostly  composed,  possessed  their  minds ; 
but  when  their  circumstances  are  considered, — th(; 
persecution  that  drove  them  from  their  dwellin<^ ; 
the  crusade  that  forced  them  in  self-defence  to  take 


468  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN    HU6S.  [Cu.  XV. 

the  weapons  of  war  into  tlieir  hands ;  the  contempt 
and  cruelty  with  which  they  w^ere  treated ;  and  the 
necessities  of  their  outLawed  condition, — the  severe 
measures  which  they  dealt  out  to  the  monasteries, 
whose  inmates  they  regarded  as  accomplices  of  the 
council  that  burned  Huss,  and  the  terrible  examples 
of  vengeance,  provoked  by  their  own  sufferings  and 
wrongs,  and  by  which  they  made  themselves  formida- 
ble to  their  foes — these  excesses  of  a  ferocity  fit  only 
to  foil  and  frighten  a  crusading  army — cease  to  wear 
that  aspect  of  utter  and  ruthless  malignity  which 
they  would  otherwise  bear.  The  creed  of  the  Tabor- 
ites  was  in  the  main  scriptural,  and  we  cannot  but 
approve  that  wise  policy  by  which  they  allowed  all 
the  diversities  of  opinion  which  prevailed  among 
them,  a  full  and  perfect  tolerance.  Centuries  passed 
away,  and  their  representatives  were  seen  spreading 
themselves  over  the  world  in  the  persons  of  the 
Moravian  missionaries,  to  whose  simple  confidence  in 
God,  John  Wesley  acknowledged  himself  indebted 
for  lessons  of  a  fiiith  wiser  and  stronger  than  his 
own. 

On  the  battle-field  the  Taborites  maintained  their 
undisputed  superiority  and  preeminence,  even  after 
the  death  of  Zisca.  They  fought  under  the  impulse 
of  the  most  powerful  motives  which  can  inspire  the 
soul.  Each  soldier  was  a  hero.  He  was  ready  to  be 
a  martyr.  His  valor  was  not  that  of  the  soldier  of 
fortune,  inspired  by  earthly  ambitions  and  panting 
for  an  earthly  prize.  He  was  a  champion  of  his 
ftiith  ;  and  his  firm  belief  was,  that  in  pouring  out  his 
blood,  and  laying  down  his  life,  he  was  rendering 


Ch.  XV.]        CONSERTATISM    OF    THE   TABOKITES.  4G9 

but  a  poor  and  unworthy  tribute  to  that  "  truth  of 
God,"  in  defence  of  which  it  was  an  honor  to  die. 

The  Calixtines  formed — as  they  would  wish  to  be  re- 
garded— the  conservative  reformers  of  the  Bohemian 
nation.  They  remained  steadfast  in  their  regard  for 
the  memory  of  Huss,  and  in  their  attachment  to  the 
celebrated  four  articles  which  formed  that  portion 
of  their  creed  in  which  they  differed  from  the  church 
of  Rome.  Once  only  they  compromised  matters  with 
the  Taborites,  by  declaring  the  wearing  of  priests' 
vestments  a  matter  of  indifference,  a  non-essential. 
They  wished  to  preserve  the  order  and  the  institu- 
tions of  the  church  intact,  except  so  far  as  they 
would  be  modified  by  the  admission  of  the  four  arti- 
cles. They  declared  themselves  opposed  to  all  un- 
necessary innovations.  They  wished  to  commend 
themselves  to  the  Christian  world  as  faithful  adher- 
ents to  the  Catholic  faith.  They  took  pains  there- 
fore to  distinguish  their  cause  and  views  from  those 
of  the  Taborites,  in  as  marked  a  manner  as  possible. 

In  a  council  held  at  Prague,  in  tlie  year  1421,  they 
drew  up  twenty-three  articles,  which  they  set  forth 
in  a  document  intended  to  serve  as  the  exponent  of 
their  faith.  In  these  they  maintained  transubstan- 
tiation,  the  necessity  of  the  seven  sacraments,  the 
Catholic  forms  and  rites  of  baptism  with  sponsors, 
chrism,  the  holy  oil,  and  triple  immersion  in  holy 
water,  auricular  confession,  episcopal  authority,  the 
exclusive  power  of  the  keys  by  the  priesthood,  ex- 
treme unction,  the  invocation  of  the  saints,  purgatory 
and  prayer  for  the  dead,  the  propriety  of  the  priestly 
robes,  and  the  offices  connected  with  the  mass,  the 


470  LIFE    AND    TIDIES    OF   JOHX   HUSS.  [Cii.  XV 

observance  of  fast-days  and  the  festivals  of  the  saints, 
the  consecration  and  sanctity  of  churches,  the  neces- 
sity of  sacred  vessels  and  ornaments,  as  well  as  a  pe- 
culiar and  distinctive  dress  for  priests,  the  observance 
of  canonical  hours,  and  obedience  to  episcopal  au- 
thority. On  all  these  points,  the  Calixtines,  however 
inconsistent  or  neglectful  of  the  consequences  flowing 
fi'om  their  first  article,  as  to  the  supreme  authority 
of  scripture,  wished  to  abide  by  the  rule  and  observ- 
ance of  the  Roman  church. 

In  reply  to  the  twenty-three  articles  of  the  Calix- 
tines, the  Taborites  drew  up  an  equal  number  of  an  op- 
posite tenor.  But  for  a  long  time  the  two  parties  were 
80  evenly  balanced,  that  neither  could  claim  a  manifest 
preponderance.  The  great  majority  of  the  barons 
of  the  kingdom,  with  the  citizens  of  Old  Prague, 
were  Calixtines,  and  Zisca  himself,  though  the  gen- 
eral of  the  Taborites,  had  evidently  a  strong  leaning 
toward  this  party,  at  least  on  many  points.  The 
citizens  of  the  New  city,  and  the  lower  classes  of  the 
nation  generally,  composed  the  body  of  the  Tabor- 
ites. The  dan2:er  of  foreic^n  invasion  did  not  allow 
the  two  parties  to  risk  their  common  security  in 
fratricidal  quarrels.  It  was  evident,  however,  that 
only  the  power  and  wisdom  of  Zisca  prevented  an 
open  division  and  hostility  between  them.  If  a  com- 
promise was  ever  to  be  effected  with  the  so-called 
Catholic  church,  it  could  only  be  on  a  Calixtine  basis. 


CHAPTER    XVI. 

THE   CAMPAIGNS   OF   ZISCA. 

Retreat  op  the  Emperor.  —  Departure  of  the  Taborites  from  Prague.  —  Rav- 
ages OF  ZiscA.  —  Attack  on  PRAcnATirz.  —  Sigismund's  Conferences  with  the 
Nobles.  —  His  Second  Army  and  Campaign.  —  Taborites  and  Calixtines  Com- 
promise Differences.  —  Crown  of  Bohemia  Offkreu  to  the  King  of  Poland. 
—  zlsca  and  the  monks.  —  bohuslaus  von  schwambero.  —  secession  of  sol- 

DIEBS  FROM  ZiSCa's  ArMY.  —  DefEAT  OF  THE  IMPERIALISTS  AT  KlADRUB.  —  LeAGUK 

OF  Bohemian  Cities  with  Prague. — Martin  Loqui. — His  Opinions.  —  He  is 
Burned.  —  Policy  of  Zisca.  —  His  Freedom  from  Fanaticism.  —  Growth  of  the 
League.  —  Convention  at  Czaslau.  —  Vindication  of  the  States.  —  Their 
Complaint  against  Sigismcnd.  —  Defence  of  Sigismund  by  Cochleius.  —  Inva- 
sion FROM  Silesia.  —  Zisca  Loses  His  Sight  Entirely  at  the  Siege  of  Raby.  — 
Still  Heads  His  Army.  —  Plans  of  Invasion  from  the  East  and  West.  —  Cere- 
monies OF  Taborite  Worship.  —  Kuttenberg  Revolts.  —  Zlsca  in  Danger, — 
Extricates  Himself.  —  Victory  at  Deutschbrod. — Disastrous  Retreat  of  thk 
Imperialists.  —  Generalship  of  Zisca.  —  Bishop  of  Leitomischel  Defeated. — 
Invasion  of  Moravia.  —  The  Crown  of  Bohemia.  —  Executions  at  Prague.— 
CoRYBUT. — Diet  at  Prague.  —  Zisca  Dissatisfied.  —  Hostilities  with  the 
Calixtines.  —  March  on  Koniggratz.  —  Defeat  of  the  Calixtines.  —  Zisca 
Becomes  a  Taborite.  —  Marches  into  Moravia.  —  Returns. — Successive  Bat- 
tles.—  Marches  Against  Prague.  —  Zisca's  Speech.  —  Its  Effect.  —  Negotia- 
tions.—  Peace  Secured.  —  The  Emperor  Treats  with  Zisca.  —  His  Humilia- 
tion. —  Zisca's  Sudden  Death. —  His  Epitaph,  Person,  and  Character. 

Aug.  5,  1420  — Oct.  11,  1424. 

Although  the  emperor  had  been  forced  to  raise 
the  siege  of  Prague,  he  did  not  abandon  his  designs 
against  Bohemia.  He  determined  to  levy  fresh 
armies,  and  make  another  attempt  to  recover  the 
kingdom.  His  retreat  fvom.  Prague  was  as  desola- 
ting to  the  region  through  which  he  passed  as  his 
invading  march   had   been.     With  his   hussars,  he 

(471) 


472  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Cb.  XVI. 

stopped  for  a  while  at  Kuttenberg,  and  tlie  valor  and 
energies  of  his  army  were  devoted  to  the  work  of 
ravage  and  plunder. 

His  retreat  allowed  the  differences  that  existed 
between  the  Calixtines  and  Taborites  to  show  them- 
selves. The  twelve  articles  of  the  latter,  for  which 
they  demanded  the  approval  and  sanction  of  the 
city,  and  one  of  which  threatened  danger  to  the 
churches  and  monasteries,  were  at  first  rejected,  and 
afterward  approved  only  through  a  revolutionary 
movement  that  secured  new  magistrates,  whom  the 
Taborites  nominated.  In  spite  of  this,  however,  they 
determined  to  leave  the  city.  Their  friends  in  New 
Prague  strongly  urged  them  to  remain,  but  the 
Calixtines  of  Old  Prague  were  more  than  willing  to 
have  them  depart.  Their  radical  views  of  reform, 
and  their  unyielding  hostility  to  images,  statues, 
pictures,  the  old  church  forms,  and  whatever  savored 
in  their  opinion  of  superstition  and  Antichrist,  di- 
verged so  far  from  the  moderation  of  the  Calixtines, 
who  would  be  satisfied  with  securing  the  granting  of 
their  four  articles,  that  Zisca  acted  only  a  prudent 
part  in  withdrawing  his  forces  from  Prague,  (Aug. 
22   1420.) 

But  his  object  in  doing  this  was  not  merely  to 
prevent  a  collision  between  the  Taborites  and  Calix- 
tines. He  wished  to  keep  his  forces  employed,  and 
suppress  through  Bohemia  any  movements  in  favor 
of  iSigismund.  The  monks  and  priests  soon  felt  the 
weight  of  his  vengeance.  With  sword  in  hand,  he 
swore  never  to  rest  till  the  power  of  the  papacy  in 
Bohemia  was  utterly  prostrate.     The  cities  which 


Cu.  XVI.]  CAPTUEE    OF    PIIACIIATITZ.  473 

resisted  the  freedom  of  the  communion  of  the  cup,  but 
especially  the  monasteries,  were  marked  for  assault 
and  pillage.*  Kniczan,  about  a  league  from  Prague, 
was  the  first  to  feel  his  vengeance.  The  castle  was 
taken,  the  church  destroyed,  and  seven  priests  burned. 
Zisca  then  directed  his  steps  to  the  Circle  of  Prachin. 
Desolation  marked  his  course.  The  city  of  Pisek  fell 
into  his  hands.  He  presented  himself  before  the 
■walls  of  Prachatitz.  It  stood  charged  with  having 
treated  the  Hussites  with  harsh  cruelty.  Zisca  for 
once  was  disposed  to  be  lenient.  It  was  at  Pracha- 
titz that  he  had  spent  his  early  years  as  a  student. 
He  wished  to  spare  the  city,  if  possible,  as  a  tribute 
to  the  memory  of  the  happy  days  and  the  friend- 
ships he  had  enjoyed  there.  He  summoned  it  to 
open  its  gates  to  him,  promising  it  fxvorable  and 
lenient  terms,  but  was  met  by  a  blunt  refusal.  Upon 
this  he  stormed  the  city,  (Nov.  12,  1420.)  It  was 
taken,  and  no  mercy  shown.  Two  hundred  and 
thirty  were  left  dead  in  the  streets,  and  more  than 
fourscore  persons  were  burned.  Even  women  and 
children  were  driven  into  exile.  To  the  plea  for 
mei'cy,  Zisca's  stern  reply  was,  "  AVe  must  fulfil  the 
law  of  the  Lord  Christ  in  your  blood." 

Meanwhile  Sigismund  had  gathered  a  new  army, 
and  advanced  to  resume  the  siecfe  of  Prasrue.  Dur- 
ing  the  past  two  months  (September  and  October, 
1420)  he  had  amused  the  barons  of  the  empire  by 
frequent  assemblies,  which  he  summoned  with  the 
ostensible  purpose  of  restoring  peace  and  order 
throughout  the  kingdom.     But  all  these  efforts  were 

»  Guerre  des  IIus.,  i,  130. 


474  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF    JOHN   IIUSS.         [Cn.  XVI. 

futile.  His  own  character  would  not  allow  his  sub- 
jects to  trust  bim.  His  complicity  in  the  death  of 
Huss  could  not  easily  be  blotted  from  the  memories 
of  men  who  regarded  the  victim  of  his  perfidy  as  a 
martyr  for  the  truth. 

By  great  exertions  this  second  army  had  been 
brought  together.  The  march  of  the  emperor  was 
expedited  by  intelligence  of  the  danger  which 
threatened  the  garrison  of  the  Vissehrad.  With  his 
Moravian  recruits,  and  all  that  he  retained  of  his 
former  army,  he  reached  Prague  before  the  Visseh- 
rad fell  into  the  hands  of  the  besiegers.  But  a  letter 
which  he  had  written  to  the  garrison,  revealing  his 
plans,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Hussites  and  put 
them  on  their  guard.^  The  arrangements  which  he 
had  made  to  raise  the  siege  by  an  attack  upon  the 
city  simultaneous  with  a  sortie  by  the  garrison,  were 
frustrated.  The  latter  remained  quiet,  whether  they 
had  lost  hope  of  successful  resistance,  or  did  not 
understand  the  emperor's  signals.  The  next  day 
they  surrendered.  Great  was  the  rejoicing  of  the 
citizens,  and  great  the  mortification  of  Sigismund. 

Yet  he  was  not  disposed  to  abandon  his  purposes 
without  again  trying  the  fortune  of  arms.  He  haz- 
arded a  battle,  but  it  proved  disastrous  to  his  army. 
In  the  absence  of  Zisca,  the  citizens  of  Prague  had 
called  in  Krussina,  with  his  Horebites,  to  their  assist- 
ance. They  had  the  reputation  of  being  full  as 
brave,  and  more  merciless  even  than  the  Taborites. 
The  emperor  saw  his  forces  beaten  and  flying  like 
chaffs  before  the  terrible  blows  dealt  by  the  flails  of 

*  Guerre  des  Hus.,  i,  134.  *  Godeau,  xxxvli.  40. 


Cii.  XVI.]  ROUT   OF   SIGISMUND's    ARMY.  4^5 

the  undisciplined   peasantry.     "I  want  to  come  to 
blows,"  said  he,  "with  those  flail-bearers."     "Sire," 
replied  Pliimlovisc,  a  Moravian  nobleman,  "I  fear 
that  we  shall  all  perish ;  those  iron  flails  are  exceed- 
ingly formidable."     "Oh!  you  Moravians,"  replied 
Sigismund,— "  I  know  you  ;  you  ai-e  afraid  ! "    The 
Moravians  were  stung  to  desperation  by  the  rash 
and   unworthy   taunt.      Flinging    themselves    from 
their  horses,  they  rushed — where  the  empei-or  did 
not  choose  to  venture — upon   the  entrenchments  of 
the  Hussites.     But  their  assault  was  futile.     A  sortie 
from  the  city  rushed  to  the  resQue  of  its  brave  de- 
fenders.    The   besiegers  were  forced  to  give  way. 
They  fled  on  all  sides,  and  fell  by  thousands  before 
the  swords  and  flails  of  their  pursuers.    A  great  part 
of  the  ]\[oravian  nobility  were  left  on  the  fleld  of 
battle.     The  rout  of  the   army  was  complete ;  and 
again  Sigismund  was  constrained  to  retire  from  be- 
fore the  walls  of  Prasfue. 

The  patience  and  hopes  of  the  Hussites,  who  bad  . 
relied  upon  Sigismund's  disposition  to  conciliate  and 
give  peace  to  his  kingdom,  were  alike  exhausted. 
The  Calixtines  even,  by  the  force  of  circumstances, 
found  themselves  brought  to  occupy  the  position, 
politically,  of  the  Taborites.  The  pride  of  Sigis- 
mund, his  haughty  demeanor,  and  his  intractable  pur- 
pose to  subdue  Bohemia  and  dictate  his  own  terms 
had  forced  the  great  majority  to  the  conviction  that 
he  was  unfit  to  occupy  the  throne.  It  was  finally 
determined  to  call  a  convention  of  the  states  of  the 
kingdom,  and  elect  a  new  king  (Dec.  30,  1420.)  An 
eftbrt  also  was  made  to  compromise  the  differences 


476  LIFE    A]^D    TIMES    OF   JOn:N-   HUSS.         [Ch.  XVI 

between  the  Calixtines  and  Taborites.  This  was  a 
difficult  matter.  One  main  subject  of  controversy 
was,  whether  the  priests  should  wear  their  robes  in 
celebrating  mass,  according  to  the  old  rites  of  the 
church.  Some  favored  and  some  opposed  it,  and 
each  party  was  strenuous.  In  some  places  even  the 
Bohemian  women  had  interfered  to  prevent  the 
priests  wearing  the  robes.  The  difference  was  at 
last  compromised,  on  the  suggestion  of  Jacobel  that 
the  wearino^  of  the  robes  should  be  accounted  a  mat- 
ter  of  indifference.  It  was  easier  to  frame  the  decree 
than  to  carry  it  into  effect.  It  however  answej'ed  its 
purpose  of  effecting  a  present  conciliation  in  the  con- 
vention. In  regard  to  the  choice  of  a  king  there 
was  some  division.  Nicholas  de  Hussiuitz  had  as- 
pired to  be  a  candidate.  His  claims,  however,  were 
set  aside,  and  he  withdrew  in  angry  disappointment 
from  the  city,  swearing  never  again  to  enter  it.  At 
a  short  distance  from  Prague  his  horse  fell.  He  was 
seriously  injured,  and  was  brought  back  to  the  city 
to  die.  His  followers,  on  the  loss  of  their  leader, 
went  over  to  Zisca.^ 

The  crown  was  offered  to  the  king  of  Poland.'' 
But  the  embassy,  sent  to  announce  the  proceedings 
of  the  Bohemians,  was  captured  by  the  emperor  and 
thrown  into  prison.  The  pope,  moreover,  interfered 
to  prevent  the  khig  of  Poland  from  listening  to  the 
proposal,  or  accepting  the  offered  crown. 

In  this  measure  of  the  states  Zisca  had  taken  part. 
Leaving  most  of  his  troops  behind,  he  accepted  the 
invitation,  extended  to  himself  and  other  barons,  to 

*  Guerre  des  Hus.,  i.  IS^.  '  Fleury,  xxvi.  483, 


Ch.  XVI.]  SIGISMUND    REJECTED.  4^7 

be  present  at  tlie  convention  which  was  held  at  the 
council-house  of  Prague.^  On  his  entering  the  city 
he  was  received  with  great  honors,  and  his  views 
harmonized  with  those  of  the  great  majority  of  the 
assembly.  The  discords  of  the  kingdom  were  now 
for  a  time  hushed,  and  Sigismund  found  himself 
almost  unanimously  rejected  by  the  nation. 

Zisca  again  left  Prague  to  pay  visits  to  his  "  good 
friends,"  the  monks.  He  marched  in  the  direction 
of  Pilsen.  The  rich  cloisters  of  Choteschau  and 
Kladrub  were  seized,  and  fortified  instead  of  being 
destroyed.  Zisca  had  resolved  to  make  his  conquest 
of  permanent  service  to  his  cause.  Whatever  he 
could  garrison  and  maintain  as  a  Hussite  fortress,  was 
seized  and  held  for  this  purpose.  In  fact,  this  method 
of  procedure  was  essential  to  the  success  of  the  plan 
which  he  had  projected,  of  driving  his  enemies  out 
of  the  kingdom.  Sigismund's  third  defeat  was  due 
to  the  wisdom  of  this  policy. 

One  of  the  emperor's  generals  was  still  maintain- 
ing his  cause  in  Bohemia.  Bohuslaus  von  Schwam- 
berg  held  himself  secure  in  the  strong  fortress  of 
Kastikow.  Zisca  surprised  him  by  a  night  march, 
and  took  the  castle.  Bohuslaus  was  imprisoned  at 
the  instance  of  the  Taborites,  who  wished  to  have 
him  treated  harshly ;  but  Zisca,  feigning  compliance, 
at  length  set  him  free. 

Some  of  the  soldiers  who  followed  him,  whether 
from  this  or  other  causes,  or  both  combined,  left  him. 
They  formed  an  army  by  themselves,  and  attempted 
to  prosecute  their  plans  under  leaders  of  their  own 

'  Diar.  Bel.  Hus. 


478  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHlSr   HUSS.  [Ch.  XVL 

clioice.  But  the  imperial  general,  Flascliko,  of  Kut- 
tenberg,  fell  upon  and  routed  them.  This  partial 
success  encouraged  Sigismund,  and  he  expedited 
measures,  in  order  again  to  invade  the  kingdom.  He 
saw  that  Zisca  was  the  great  obstacle  to  his  success. 
His  spirit  seemed  to  diffuse  itself  throughout  Bohemia, 
and  his  name  alone  was  a  tower  of  strength.  The 
occasion  seemed  favorable,  since  the  Hussite  general 
was  weakened  by  the  loss  of  a  part  of ^  his  army. 
But  the  emperor's  movements  were  too  dilatory. 
Allies  from  Prague  and  Tabor  flocked  at  once  to 
Zisca's  standards.  The  enemy  who  had  ventured  to 
besiege  Kladrub  were  suddenly  confronted  by  the 
Taborite  hosts.  A  panic  terror  seized  them,  and 
instead  of  a  battle  there  was  only  a  rout  and  pur- 
suit. Sigismund  fled  first  to  Leitmeritz,  then  to 
Kuttenberg,  and  at  last  to  Moravia. 

His  defeat  and  absence  from  the  kingdom  left 
room  for  divisions  and  jealousies  to  spring  up  anew. 
Pilsen,  in  some  way,  had  merited  Zisca's  displeasure. 
He  marched  against  it,  but  the  city  shut  its  gates. 
Zisca  besieged  it  for  the  space  of  seventeen  days, 
but  it  still  resisted.  At  length  a  truce  was  effected. 
The  cities  of  Pilsen,  Miess,  Domatzlitz,  and  others 
entered  into  a  league  with  Prague,  on  the  basis  of 
ratifying  the  four  articles  of  the  Calixtines.  This 
truce  was  effected  in  the  early  part  of  1421,  and 
continued  in  force  through  the  year.  Zisca  was  not 
idle,  however.  Commotau,  Launy,  and  Slany  fell 
into  his  hands.  Other  places  were  threatened,  and 
some  priests  were  burned. 

The  junction  of  the  Calixtines  and  Taborites  in 


Cq.  xyl]  jiartix  loqui.  479 

their  measures  for  rejecting  Sigismund  and  electing 
a  new  king,  seems  to  have  tended  to  restrain  the  ex- 
cesses of  the  Taborites.  Strange  views  had  been 
adopted  by  some  of  them,  especially  by  those  who 
followed  Martin  Loqui.  Beside  his  extravagant  in- 
terpretations of  the  Apocalypse,  he  seems  to  have 
taught  other  doctrines  peculiarly  offensive.  He  de- 
nied transubstantiation — although  on  this  point  many 
of  the  Taborites  agreed  with  him.  He  taught,  that 
God  was  in  man ;  that  neither  was  He  to  be  sought 
in  heaven,  nor  the  devil  in  hell ;  that  all  books,  and 
forms  of  faith,  and  church  ceremonies  were  needless 
and  supei'fluous ;  that  the  marriage  vow  was  not  in- 
dissolubly  binding.  To  these  doctrines,  of  which  we 
can  only  gather  a  general  idea,  he  added  others 
which  he  appears  to  have  derived  from  the  Adam- 
ites, or  to  have  held  in  common  with  them.  His  fol- 
lowers, to  whom  he  gave  the  promise  of  eternal  life, 
became  numerous.  He  was  first  banished  from  Ta- 
bor, but  afterward  pursued  by  Zisca,  who  heard  of 
his  proceedings  at  Beraun,  where  he  was  dissemina- 
ting his  views. 

The  Taborite  general  determined  to  put  a  stop  to 
his  course.  Although  a  Calixtine  himself,  he  had 
allow^ed  a  perfect  toleration  among  his  own  soldiers ; 
but  when  their  doctrines  were  carried  to  licentious- 
ness, or  an  excess  which  threatened  dangerous  re- 
sults, he  was  promj^t  in  putting  a  check  upon  them. 
At  Beraun  some  of  Loqui's  followers  were  burned, 
and  some  recanted.  Loqui  himself  was  also  put 
to  death  ^ — according  to  some,  by  Zisca,  according  to 

'  Guerre  des  Hus.,  I  168. 


480 


LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    IIUSS.         [Ch.  XVI. 


others,  by  ArchbislioiD  Conrad.  The  probability  is, 
that  Zisca,  who  was  a  Calixtine,  banished  the  unfor- 
tunate and  misguided  man  from  Taboi",  or  possibly 
sent  him  to  Conrad,  that  he  might  determine  what 
should  be  done  with  him.^  It  seems  quite  evident, 
at  least,  that  he  fell  a  victim  to  that  jealousy  which 
the  Calixtines  felt  for  their  reputation. 

It  is  fully  evident,  that  although  Zisca  well  under- 
stood how  to  manage  the  enthusiasm,  not  to  say  the 
fanaticism  of  his  followers,  his  own  good  sense  was 
not  blinded  by  any  fanatic  views  of  his  own.     It  was 


*  Pescheck  (i.  19)  gives  quite  anoth- 
er version  of  the  case  of  Loqui.  He 
says,  "  Martin  Loqiiis  was  accused  of 
introducing  the  errors  of  the  Walden- 
ses  into  the  sacrament,  and  of  teach- 
ing, 'with  horrid  profaneness,'  that 
the  bread  and  the  cup  should  be 
handed  to  the  communicants.  At  the 
intercession  of  the  men  of  Tabor,  he 
escaped ;  and  to  avoid  the  hatred  and 
rage  of  his  enemies,  he  fled  to  Mora- 
via with  another  clergyman,  Proco- 
pius  Jednook.  Passing  tlirough  Chru- 
dim,  they  were  recognized,  and  put  in 
irons.  When  examined  as  to  their 
views  of  the  holy  suppr-r,  Martin  said 
'  that  the  body  of  Christ  is  in  heaven, 
and  that  he  has  one  only,  and  no 
more.'  Such  a  presumptuous  blas- 
phemy, the  officer  who  had  seized 
him  could  not  bear.  He  struck  the 
prisoner,  and  then  sent  for  the  execu- 
tioner to  commit  the  heretic  to  the 
flames.  Ambrosius,  curate  of  Hradek, 
who  happened  to  be  present,  begged  to 
have^  them  given  into  his  own  charge. 
He  took  them  to  Hradek,  kept  them 
fifteen  days,  and  took  all  imaginable 
pains  to  bring  them  to  confess  and 
renounce  their  errors.  But  finding 
them  immovable,  he  sent  them  to 
Raudnitz,  where  they  were  detained 


two  months  in  a  dungeon,  and  tor- 
mented in  various  ways.  There  they 
were  so  tortured  by  fire,  in  order  to 
force  them  to  declare  whence  they 
learned  their  errors,  and  who  were 
their  accomplices,  that  their  intes- 
tines came  out. 

"  When  admonished  to  return  to 
the  way  of  truth,  they  answered, 
smilingly,  'It  is  not  for  us,  but  for 
yourself  to  think  of  such  a  return ; 
you  have  departed  from  the  word  of 
God  to  erroneous  and  antichri^tian 
opinions  ;  ye  worship  the  creature  in- 
stead of  the  creator.'  In  consequence 
of  this— on  August  21,  1421— they 
were  condemned  to  the  flames.  When 
the  priest  exhorted  them  to  request 
the  people's  prayers  in  their  behalf, 
they  answered,  '  We  do  not  stand 
in  need  of  their  pra3-ers;  but  you. 
Christians,  pray  for  yourselves,  and 
for  tliose  who  mislead  you,  that  the 
Father  of  mercies  may  deliver  you 
fi'om  your  darkness.'  Having  ar- 
rived at  the  place  of  execution,  they 
were  put  into  a  barrel  and  burned." 

If  this  narrative  is  correct,  it  re- 
lieves the  memory  of  Zisca  from  a 
stain  which  was  once  regarded  as  his 
best  title  to  honor. 


Cu.  XVI.]  GOOD    SENSE   OF    ZISCA.  481 

the  policy  of  the  general,  full  as  much  as  any  taste 
for  religious  symbolism,  that  led  him  to  adopt  the 
plau  of  having  a  priest  bearing  a  cup  in  his  hand, 
lead  the  army  in  its  attacks.  At  the  crude  fancies 
of  some  of  his  followers,  he  only  smiled,  except  when 
he  could  employ  them  as  his  allies  in  the  camp  or 
on  the  battle-field.  He  even  delighted  oftentimes  in 
seeing  the  would-be  prophets  of  the  army  exposed 
to  derision.  On  one  occasion,  wishing  to  encamp 
upon  a  certain  field,  the  prophets  forbade  it,  with 
the  assurance  that  the  next  day  fire  from  heaven 
would  descend  to  consume  the  harvests  that  covered 
it,  and  endanger  the  safety  of  the  army.  The  next 
day,  however,  proved  rainy,  and  the  prophets  found 
themselves  exposed  to  the  derision  of  those  whom 
they  had  attempted  to  overrule.  It  became  a  prov- 
erb in  the  camp,  that  the  prophecies  of  the  priests 
and  their  fulfilment  came  as  near  together  as  fire  and 
water.  However  Zisca  and  his  soldiers  might  favor 
the  pretended  inspiration  of  some  of  their  spiritual 
guides,  no  dreams,  or  impressions,  or  inspired  fancies 
were  allowed  to  prevent  their  assaults  when  they 
promised  success,  or  induce  the  hazarding  of  a  battle 
when  good  sense  or  military  sagacity  forbade  it. 

The  alliance  of  the  Bohemian  cities  on  the  basis 
of  the  articles  of  Prague,  continued  to  extend.  New 
accessions  were  continually  made  to  this — which 
might  now  be  called  a  national  league.  Chrudim, 
Mant,  Polictzka,  Leitomischel,  Trautenau,  and  Kon- 
igshof  joined  it.  Jaromirtz,  which  refused,  was 
sacked,  and  many  of  its  inhabitants  were  drowned 
or  burned.  Twenty-three  priests  fell  victims  to  their 

VOL.  II.  31 


482  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.         [On.  XVI 

obstinacy  in  resisting  the  liberty  of  the  communion 
of  the  cup.  Leitmeritz  still  held  out  against  the 
league.  Zisca  with  his  forces  marched  against  it,  but 
the  city  refused  to  surrender  to  him.  "  Let  them  of 
Prague  come,"  said  they,  "and  we  will  yield  the 
city  up  into  their  hands."  Zisca  chose  to  make 
another  assault,  but  it  proved  unsuccessful,  and  the 
citizens  had  the  satisfaction  of  capitulating  to  the 
army  of  Prague,  which  hastened  to  receive  their 
surrender,  and  witness  their  oaths  to  maintain  invio- 
late the  four  articles. 

Thus  each  day  saw  the  hopes  of  Sigismund  for 
recovering  the  crown,  becoming  weaker  and  more 
desperate.  The  castle  of  Wenzel  still  held  out  for 
him  in  Prague ;  but  it  was  now  resolved  that  this 
should  be  reduced.  Zisca  from  Leitmeritz  marched 
to  Prague,  with  this  object  in  view.  He  built  a  fort 
over  against  the  city  for  the  security  of  his  own 
soldiers,  and  from  this  he  directed  his  attacks  against 
the  castle.  It  surrendered  after  a  resistance  of  four- 
teen days,  and  the  last  vestige  of  Sigismund's  au- 
thority vanished  from  the  capital  of  Bohemia, 
Czenko,  the  governor,  had  now  thrown  off  all  re- 
serve, and  boldly  united  himself  with  the  Calixtine 
barons,  with  whom  he  was  already  agreed  in  religious 
sentiment. 

At  this  opportune  moment,  and  after  unprece- 
dented successes  against  the  enemy,  the  convention 
of  the  states  met  at  Czaslau,  (July,  1421.)  Repre- 
sentatives appeared  in  large  numbers,  not  only  from 
every  part  of  Bohemia,  but  also  from  Moravia.  A 
regency  was  appointed,  of  twenty  members,  taken 


CiJ.  XVI.]  A    REGENCY    APPOINTED.  483 

from  the  different  orders  of  the  nation.  Zisca  ap- 
peared in  it,  in  the  first  rank  of  the  nobles.  It  was 
resolved,  with  remarkable  unanimity,  that  the  four 
articles  of  Prague  should  be  universally  received ; 
that  they  should  be  maintained  and  defended  to 
the  last  extremity,  to  the  risk  of  property  and  life. 
Some  wished  that  to  these,  two  others  should  be 
added — one,  to  the  effect  that  Sigismund  should  be  for- 
ever excluded  from  the  throne ;  the  other,  that  instead 
of  a  king,  a  commission  should  be  appointed  to  dis- 
charge his  duties.  To  these  two,  however,  the  Mora- 
vians objected.  Much  as  they  disliked  Sigismund, 
they  wished  to  leave  the  future  policy  of  the  king- 
dom open,  to  be  modified  by  circumstances.  They 
may,  moi-eover,  have  been  apprehensive — f^ir  more 
than  the  Bohemians — of  the  vengeance  of  the  em- 
peror upon  such  a  step  being  taken.  His  ambas- 
sadors in  fact  appeared  before  the  convention,  and 
attempted  by  threats  to  overawe  the  body,  and 
induce  them  to  accept  Sigismund  as  king.  But  it 
was  all  in  vain. 

The  barons,  however,  were  not  content  with  a 
mere  rejection  of  the  demand.  They  replied  by 
drawing  up  an  apology  and  vindication,  containing 
fourteen  articles,  in  which  they  stated  their  reasons 
for  solemnly  refusing  to  Sigismund  all  allegiance.^ 
They  complain  of  the  atrocious  injuries,  as  well  as 
slanderous  calumnies  of  their  enemies,  the  desola- 
ting and  burning  of  their  cities  and  villages,  the 
inhuman  and  cruel  massacres,  not  only  of  men,  but 
of  women  and  children,  that  had  been  j^erpetrated 

'  Guerre  des  IIus.,  i.  164. 


484  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.         [Ch.  XVi. 

by  a  foreign  foe,  and  the  loss  and  damage  which 
they  had  suffered  from  the  invading  army.  They 
then  arraign  the  conduct  of  Sigismund  for  his  com- 
plicity in  the  death  of  Huss ;  for  the  various  acts  of 
injustice  from  the  council  which  he  had  sanctioned  ; 
for  the  publication  of  the  crusade,  his  levying  armies 
against  the  kingdom,  and  studiously  defaming  it 
abroad,  in  order  to  swell  the  league  against  it ;  for 
his  acts  at  Breslau  in  burning  a  Calixtine,  and  put- 
ting many  eminent  citizens  to  death  ;  for  the  plunder 
and  devastation  committed  by  his  army  ;  for  carry- 
ing off  the  crown  of  the  kingdom,  with  its  tables 
and  the  treasures  for  the  poor  ;  for  giving  away  and 
alienating  the  march  of  Brandenberg,  which  be- 
longed to  Bohemia ;  for  his  slanders  against  the 
barons  of  the  kingdom,  calling  them  all  traitors,  and 
industriously  circulating  reports,  far  and  near,  preju- 
dicial to  the  reputation  of  Bohemia,  and  tending  to 
its  irreparable  injury  ;  for  his  violation  of  the  liber- 
ties and  rights  of  the  kingdom  ;  and  his  unjust  exac- 
tions, cruelly  enforced,  to  the  ruin  and  desolation  of 
many  cities. 

On  these  grounds,  they  demand  that  reparation 
be  made,  and  that  the  freedom  of  their  four  articles 
be  granted  them  without  reserve  or  limitation. 

To  these  articles  Sigismund  attempted  a  reply, 
but  it  made  only  a  feeble  impression.  ^  It  is  amusing 
to  observe  how  the  historian,  or  rather  the  carica- 
turist of  the  Hussites,  Cochleius,  attempts  to  vindi- 
cate Sigismund  from  the  charges  of  the  barons. 
He  begins  by  assuming  that  the  barons  are  all  here- 

'  Guerre  des  Hus.,  i.  165. 


Cn.  XVI.]  ZTSCA's    LOSS    OF    HIS    EYE.  485 

tics ;  and,  on  the  authority  of  Jerome,  he  defines  the 
heretic,  iu  the  language  of  scripture,  as  one  in  whose 
mouth  is  no  trutli,  wliose  heart  is  vain,  whose  throat 
is  an  open  sepulchre,  and  whose  tongue  is  full  of 
deceit.  He  tlience  infers  that  the  apology  of  the 
barons,  as  the  production  of  heretics,  is  fiilse  and  vain, 
and  that  Sigismund,  whose  faith  and  virtue  have 
been  so  highly  praised,  could  not  have  been  guilty 
of  the  things  laid  to  his  charge.  His  carrying  away 
the  crown  and  the  archives  of  the  kingdom,  how- 
ever, is  defended  on  the  plea  of  its  necessity. 

The  convention  had  not  yet  dispersed,  when  news 
arrived  of  an  invasion  on  the  borders  of  Silesia. 
The  barons  at  once  made  arrangements  to  repel  the 
enemy.  Czenko  and  Krussina — a  strange  alliance 
of  Horebite  and  Calixtine — marched  against  them. 
The  Silesians  were  awed  by  the  opposing  force,  and 
hastily  retreated  across  the  border. 

Zisca,  previous  to  this,  had  gone  to  Wodnian,  near 
Prachin.  Thence  he  marched  to  the  siege  of  Raby.* 
It  was  here  that  he  met  with  the  misfortune  of  the 
loss  of  his  other  eye.  He  had  mounted  a  tree  in 
order  to  inspect  the  entrenchments  of  the  enemy, 
when  an  arrow  from  the  walls  pierced  it.  After  he 
had  fully  ascertained  his  danger,  he  consented  to  be 
removed  to  Prague  that  he  might  have  the  aid  of 
the  physicians  of  that  city,  in  the  hope  that  its  sight 
might  possibly  be  restored.  But  his  own  impru- 
dence and  recklessness  destroyed  the  last  chance  of 
any  such  favorable  result.  The  old  hero  was  incura- 
bly and  hopelessly  blind.     Yet  even  now  he  could 

'  The  date  of  this  event  is  given  hj'  some  authorities  as  March  15,  1421. 


486  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN    IIUSS.         [Cu.  XVL 

not  forego  Lis  favorite  employment.  His  friends 
sono:lit  to  retain  him  at  Pra^'ue.  But  he  withstood 
all  their  entreaties.  "  Let  me  go,"  said  he ;  "  I  have 
blood  yet  to  shed."  A  message  from  his  army  reached 
him.  It  urgently  pressed  his  return.  The  soldiers 
would  march  under  no  other  general.  This  determin- 
ed the  matter,  and  Zisca  hastened  to  rejoin  his  army. 

It  was  time  for  him  to  do  it.  The  emperor  had 
made  extensive  though  ill-advised  preparations  foi*  an- 
other invasion  of  the  kingdom.  A  large  army  from 
Germany  was  to  enter  Bohemia  from  the  west,  while 
lie  was  at  the  same  time  to  march  against  it  from  the 
east.  But  his  own  dilatoriness  defeated  his  plan. 
The  western  army,  soon  after  the  time  agreed  upon 
— the  day  of  St.  Bartholomew,  destined  to  become 
still  more  memorable  in  the  annals  of  persecution — 
crossed  the  Bohemian  frontier  and  commenced  the 
siege  of  Sozium.  But  the  resistance  they  met,  togeth- 
er with  their  disappointment  in  hearing  no  tidings 
of  the  emperor,  disconcerted  and  disheai'tened  them^ 
and  leaving  their  work  undone,  they  returned  to  Ger- 
many. Their  immense  force,  estimated  at  200,000 
men,  w\as  dissolved  and  scattered. 

The  emperor  at  length  appeared  on  the  Bohemian 
fi'ontier  toward  the  close  of  the  year,*  (Dec.  25, 
1421.)  Great  efforts  had  been  made  to  gather  an 
army  capable  of  resisting  him.  It  was  agreed  that 
its  officers  should  be  appointed  by  the  city  of  Pi-ague. 
But  all  would  have  been  in  vain  probably,  without 
the  aid  of  Zisca.  The  mere  presence  of  the  blind  old 
warrioi*  was  a  terror  to  the  foe. 

'  ^neas  Sylvius,  ch.  xliv.     Guerre  des  Hu3.,  i.  172. 


Ch.  XVI.]        DISGUST    OF   THE    KUTTENBERGERS.  487 

Sigismund  with  his  powerful  army  was  now  a])- 
proacliing  Prague.  Several  places  had  already  been 
taken.  Zisca,  meanwhile,  had  been  busy  in  suppress- 
ing all  movements  throughout  Bohemia  in  favor  of  the 
emperor.  At  Pilsen,  however,  he  was  met  with  an 
obstinate  resistance,  and  was  forced  to  raise  the  siege 
and  retreat  before  the  foe,  who  had  reassembled  and 
resumed  the  offensive  upon  receiving  intelligence  of 
the  emperor's  invasion.  Blind  as  he  was,  Zisca  con- 
ducted a  three  days'  retreat  to  Saatz  in  a  most  master- 
ly manner.  But  already  the  emperor  had  collected 
his  scattered  forces,  and  was  prepared  to  encircle, 
with  his  mighty  host,  the  doomed  city.  Prague  was 
alarmed,  and  summoned  the  blind  old  hero  again  to 
her  aid.  Zisca  was  received  within  her  walls,  almost 
with  royal  honors.^ 

Gathering  his  forces,  he  marched  first  to  Kutten- 
berg,  and  then  to  Czaslau.  But  the  citizens  of  Kut- 
tenberg  were  ill-pleased  witli  the  visit  of  the  Tabor- 
ites.  The  occasion  was  not  a  favorable  one.  The 
invading  army  strengthened  at  once  their  fears  and 
their  orthodoxy.  They  saw  for  the  first  time  the  cere- 
monial, or  rather  the  want  of  ceremonial,  of  Taborite 
worship.  Scarcely  had  the  soldiers  entered  the  city, 
when  they  hasted  to  improve  their  privilege  of  the 
freedom  of  communion.  With  all  their  dusty  cloth- 
ing upon  them,  just  as  they  were  when  they  dis- 
mounted from  their  horses,  they  made  their  appear- 
ance in  the  sacred  assembly.  It  seemed  to  the  Kut- 
tenbergers  almost  a  sacrilege  thus  to  hurry  from 
their  horses  to  the  altar;   and  when  they  had  wit- 

'  Guerre  des  Hus.,  i.  173. 


488  LITE   AND    TBIES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XTL 

iiessed  their  communion  with  common  bread,  and  the 
use  of  a  tin  or  wooden  cup  for  the  wine,  with  the 
short  prayer  and  simple  words  of  consecration,  they 
turned  away  in  disgust.  So  strong  was  their  aver- 
sion to  such  allies,  so  widely  divergent  was  the  prac- 
tise of  the  Taborites  in  the  communion  from  the 
old  forms  of  the  mass  which  the  Kuttenbergers  still 
retained,  that  scarcely  had  Zisca  with  his  forces  left 
the  city,  when  they  opened  their  gates  to  receive  the 
army  of  the  emperor. 

Zisca  strengthened  the  fortifications  of  Czaslau, 
and  then  returned  to  cope  with  the  hostile  army. 
Sigismund  had  already  marched  upon  Humpoletz  and 
Ludetz,  when  the  antagonist  forces  approached  each 
other,  and  the  pickets  of  the  two  armies  exchanged 
blows.  At  this  critical  moment  the  treason  of  the 
Kuttenbergers  gave  Sigismund  the  advantage.  Put- 
ting their  city  in  his  I'ear  to  protect  it,  he  prepared 
to  confront  Zisca.  The  Hussite  general  saw  himself 
forced  to  retreat.  The  citizens  of  Prague,  uncertain 
of  the  issue,  fearful  of  incurring  the  vengeance  of 
Sigismund,  and  encouraged  by  the  example  of  Kut- 
tenberg,  began  to  drop  away  from  Zisca's  array.  As 
the  enemy  approached,  he  fell  back  upon  the  hill 
'Transkauk ;  and  here  it  was  that  the  emperor  felt 
that  he  had  his  sure  grasp  upon  his  destined  victim. 
He  carefully  spread  out  the  wings  of  his  army  to  en- 
close the  Taborites.  Night  settled  down  in  darkness 
over  the  scene,  and  the  morning  threatened  to  dawn 
upon  a  beleagured  host,  with  no  alternative  but  that 
of  sure  and  hopeless  defeat  or  unconditional  sur- 
render. 


Ch.  XVI.]  BATTLE    OF   DEUTSCIIBIIOD.  489 

But  the  blind  Zisca  was  not  to  be  so  easily  caught. 
He  waited,  indeed,  another  day,  retaining  his  position 
upon  the  hill,  whence  his  enemies  did  not  venture  the 
attempt  to  dislodge  him  ;  but  on  the  second  night  his 
plans  were  matured  and  ready  for  execution.  Quietly 
marshalling  all  his  army,  he  led  them,  nearly  without 
loss,  and  with  scarcely  striking  a  blow,  through  the 
camp  of  the  enemy.  The  emperor  saw  himself  again 
defeated  in  his  plans — completely  outgeneralled  by 
an  antagonist  whom  he  regarded  as  already  within 
his  toils. 

Zisca  marched  first  to  Colin,  thence  to  Gicziu  and 
Turnau,  recruiting  his  forces.  Sigismund  was  not 
prepared  to  attack  him  before  he  had  recovered  him- 
self sufficiently  to  be  able  to  turn  and  face  his  pur- 
suer. He  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  Nebonid, 
ready  for  battle.  But  Sigismund  no  longer  thought 
of  attacking  him.  He  withdrew  to  Moravia,  layiuo- 
Kuttenberg — probably  deeming  its  fidelity  to  him  in 
this  time  of  his  reverse  utterly  unreliable — in  ashes. 
Zisca  followed  him  in  his  retreat.  He  overtook  him 
(Jan.  9,  1422)  at  Deutschbrod,  where  a  fierce  battle 
was  fought,  which  lasted  for  three  hours.  At  length 
victory  declared  in  favor  of  the  Taborites.  The  en. 
emy  fled,  but  their  retreat  proved  more  disastrous 
than  the  battle-field.  The  crowd  of  fugitives  was 
such  that,  in  attempting  to  cross  the  bridge  of  the 
Sazanna,  their  progress  was  checked,  and  fifteen  thou- 
sand cavalry,  led  by  their  general,  Pipo  of  Florence, 
attempted  to  cross  the  river  on  the  ice.^  But  the 
weight  of  men  and  horses  proved  too  much  for  its 

'^neas  Sylvius,  cli.  xliv. 


490  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHIST   HUSS.  [Cn.  XVI 

strengtli  to  support.  It  gave  way  beneath  them, 
and  nearly  all  were  drowned.  Sigisraund  continued 
his  retreat  to  Iglau.  He  left  behind  him  seven 
standards,  five  hundred  baggage-wagons,  and  an  im- 
mense booty,  which  Zisca  distributed  to  his  soldiers. 

Blind  though  he  was,  the  Taborite  general  could 
not  content  himself  with  merely  acting  on  the  de- 
fensive. The  loss  of  sight  forced  him  to  employ  the 
eyes  of  others,  and  from  their  observations  he  formed 
his  plans  of  attack  or  defence.  His  memory  of  local- 
ities was  wonderful.  His  frequent  campaigns  had 
made  him  familiar  with  almost  every  part  of  Bohe- 
mia. The  whole  region  was  spread  out  before  his 
mind's  eye  like  a  map,  and  his  measures  were  taken 
with  the  utmost  wisdom  and  precaution.  In  battle, 
he  took  his  stand  upon  a  baggage-wagon,  near  the 
standard,  and,  by  the  eyes  of  others,  closely  watched 
each  stao^e  of  the  conflict,  and  the  necessities  of  his 
position.  Nothing  escaped  him.  He  discerned  as  if 
by  instinct,  and  by  a  military  genius  for  which  the 
age  in  which  he  lived  could  not  furnish  a  parallel  or 
a  rival,  the  strong  and  the  weak  points  of  each  army, 
and  the  measures  by  which  they  might  bo  turned  to 
his  own  advantage. 

As  a  general,  friends  and  enemies  vie  with  one 
another  in  elevating  him  to  the  first  rank.  "Scarce 
any  history  of  Hebrews,  Greeks,  or  Latins,"  says 
Cochleius,*  "  brings  before  us  any  leader  of  armies 
of  such  capacity  as  Zisca  was."  An  undisciplined 
peasantry  were  trained  by  him  to  withstand  and 
repel  the   shock  of   imperial  cavalry.      A  restless 

*  Cochleiu3,  p.  206. 


Cu  XVI.]  THE    IRON    BISHOP.  491 

energy  in  liis  iron  frame  defied  fatigue,  and  scorned 
to  I'est,  and  into  his  troops  he  infused  his  own  activity 
and  daring.  But  prudent  sagacity  supplied  the 
means  of  energy  and  courage,  and  new  expedients 
•wei-e  devised  as  necessity  required,  till  his  soldiers 
attained  a  perfect  confidence  in  the  almost  magic 
skill  and  enterprise  of  their  leader.  Many  of  his 
most  signal  and  successful  battles  were  fought  after 
he  had  hecome  entii'ely  blind ;  and  never,  till  the 
breath  left  his  body,  did  the  terror  of  his  name  cease 
to  make  his  foes  tremble. 

Returning  from  the  pursuit  of  Sigismund,  lie  found 
some  of  his  partisans  still  active  in  Bohemia.  The 
Bisliop  of  Leitomischel,  the  bitter  enemy  of  Huss  and 
Jerome  at  Constance,  and  the  persecutor  of  the  Cal- 
ixtines,  now  appears  again  upon  the  stage.^  He  had 
been  promoted  to  the  bishopric  of  Olmutz,  and  on 
Conrad's  secession  to  the  Calixtines  he  vi^as  elevated 
to  the  vacant  archbishopric.  Sigismund  had  not  a 
more  faithful  and  daring  ally,  nor  the  Bohemians  a 
more  bitter  or  dangerous  foe.  At  the  moment  of 
the  threatened  invasion,  with  a  sword  for  his  crosier 
and  an  armed  band  for  his  flock,  he  attempted  to 
promote  at  once  the  cause  of  the  emperor  and  his 
own  by  violent  methods.  He  had  deservedly  earned 
the  epithet  of  "  The  Iron  Bishojx"  From  the  altar  where 
he  celebrated  mass,  he  would  haste  to  the  camp, 
mount  on  horseback,  with  his  helmet  on  his  head 
and  his  body  cased  in  armor,  and  sink  the  church- 
man in  the  warrior,  the  bishoji  in  the  general.  His 
rage  against  the  Hussites  was  almost  fiendish.     He 

'  Guerre  des  Hus.,  i.  175. 


492  LIFE    AND    THIES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XVL 

boasted  of  the  number  he  had  slain  with  his  own 
hand.  But  the  defeat  of  Sigismund  was  the  prelude 
to  his  own.  His  army  was  cut  to  pieces  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Broda,  and  completely  annihilated.  Zisca, 
assuming  the  authority  which  his  victories  assured 
him,  seated  upon  the  ruins  of  the  fortress,  and  under 
the  captured  standards,  knighted  the  bravest  of  his  sol- 
diers, and  distributed  among  them  an  immense  booty. 

Not  content  with  thus  prostrating  the  enemy  in 
Bohemia,  Zisca  extended  his  arms  into  Moravia.  He 
had  already  reached  the  borders  of  the  Austrian  terri- 
tory, when  he  was  summoned  back  to  Prague.  Leav- 
ing behind  him  his  ablest  general,  Procopius  Magnus, 
or  Basus  as  he  was  called,  to  prosecute  the  war,  he 
returned  with  a  portion  of  his  army  into  Bohemia. 

Events  at  Prague  had  assumed,  suddenly,  an  omi- 
nous aspect.  On  the  refusal  of  the  king  of  Poland 
to  accept  the  crown,  it  had  been  offered  to  Withold, 
Grand  Duke  of  Lithuania.^  He  also  had  declined  to 
accept  it,  but  had  recommended  to  the  Bohemian 
barons  his  near  relative,  Sigismund  Corybut.  Accom- 
panying him  to  Prague,  they  had  both  sealed  their 
Calixtine  faith  by  partaking  of  the  communion  of 
the  cup.  But  at  this  juncture,  many  of  the  nobility, 
disappointed,  perhaps  gladly,  by  the  king  of  Poland's 
declinature  of  the  crown,  had  fallen  back  upon  their 
old  preference  for  Sigismund.  Doubtless  they  im- 
ao-ined  that  successive  defeats  had  made  him  wiser, 
while  freedom  from  foreign  invasion  allowed  the 
antagonistic  elements  of  the  Taborites  and  Calixtines 
again  to  show  themselves. 

*  Fleury,  xxvi  484. 


Ch.  XVI.]  EXECUTION   OF   JOHN    OF   ZELEW.  493 

At  Prague  the  Calixtine  party  had  recovered  their 
supremacy,  and  had  elected  magistrates  who  favored 
their  views.  The  old  hostility  against  the  Taborites 
was  revived.  They  cited  before  them  the  bold  Pre- 
monstraut  monk,  John,  whom  they  accused  of  tyranny 
and  sanguinary  acts.^  The  monk  obeyed  the  sum- 
mons. With  nine  of  his  companions  he  presented 
himself  at  the  council-house.  He  was  at  once  ar- 
rested, and  the  whole  number  were  summarily  tried 
and  executed.  It  was  attempted  to  keep  the  deed 
secret ;  but  the  blood  of  the  victims  flowing  out  into 
the  street,  told  their  friends  of  their  sad  fate.  This 
was  the  signal  for  vengeance.  Jacobel,  whom  we 
now  find  on  the. side  of  the  Taborites,  encouraged 
the  multitude.  He  held  up  to  their  view  the  head 
of  the  monk,  whom  he  called  a  martyr.  In  their 
rage,  the  Taborites  assaulted  and  massacred  the  mag- 
istrates who  had  ordered  the  execution.  The  coun- 
cil-house was  taken,  and  the  library  destroyed.^ 

This  event  was  the  signal  for  hostilities  to  recom- 
mence. The  presence  of  Corybut  had  no  effect  to 
repress  passion  or  restore  order.  Although  a  Calix- 
tine, there  was  a  strong  party  opposed  to  him.  When 
the  coronation  was  to  take  place,  it  was  found  impos- 
sible to  obtain  the  regalia.  Some  of  these  Sigismuud 
had  carried  away  with  him.  But  for  this,  it  is  pos- 
sible, as  Cochleius  suggests,  that  Sigismund  would 
never  have  recovered  his  throne.  At  first  Zisca 
favored  the  cause  of  Corybut.  He  urged  the  people 
generally  to  accept  him  as  king.  But  the  favorable 
moment  had  now  passed.     The  nation  was  divided 

'  Guerre  dea  Hns.,  i.  169.  '  iEneas  Sylvius,  ch.  xliv. 


494  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Cu.  XVI. 

into  fierce  parties,  embittered  by  prejudice  and  mu- 
tual aggressions.  The  old  church  party  began  again 
to  raise  its  head, — and  these  at  one  extreme,  and  the 
Taborites  at  the  other,  were  irreconcilably  opposed 
to  Corybut.  It  was  in  vain  tliat  Zisca,  here  difiPering 
from  the  Taborites,  espoused  his  cause. 

The  diet  that  was  held  at  Prague  toward  the  close 
of  the  year  (Nov.,  1421)  to  determine  the  question 
in  regard  to  the  election  of  a  king,  was  much  divided. 
Zisca  urged  harmony,  and  the  exercise  of  a  kindly 
and  forbearing  spirit.  "  Forgive  one  another,"  said 
he,  "  that  you  may  unite  in  saying  '  Our  Father.' " 
On  the  other  hand,  he  did  not  fail  to  reprove  the 
violence  of  the  Taboi'ites.  He  exhorted  them  to 
"  honor  the  elders,  and  deal  justly,  not  with  violence, 
so  that  God  may  be  with  us."  But  his  counsels  and 
persuasions  were  vain.  There  was  an  utter  lack  of 
unanimity.  Corybut,  for  the  present  at  least,  de- 
spaired of  the  election,  and  prepared  to  leave  Prague. 

It  was  not  such  words  as  those  of  Zisca  that  would 
heal  the  division.  The  veno^eance  of  the  Taborites 
for  the  murder  of  the  Premonstrant  monk  had  been 
signal,  and  had  embittered  their  foes.  They  had 
unwittingly  given  the  latter  a  great  advantage.  In 
their  excitement  the  mob  had  proceeded  to  great 
lengths.  They  had  plundered  the  library  of  the 
university,  and  destroyed  the  records  of  the  council- 
house.  They  had  sacked  the  houses  of  the  council- 
lors, and  had  even  assaulted  the  dwellings  of  the 
Jews. 

As  if  this  provocation  was  not  enough,  the  citizens 
of  Prague  were  indignant  and  took  offence  at  the 


Cu.  XYI.]       CALIXTINES    UNITE    AGAINST   ZISCA.  405 

tone  in  which  Zisca  had  addressed  them.  They  com- 
phiined  of  it  as  too  authoritative.  They  disliked  him 
the  more  that,  while  on  many  points  he  differed  from 
the  Taborites,  he  was  still  their  general,  and  lent  to 
them  the  strength  and  sanction  of  his  name.  Against 
him  therefore  their  animosity  was  now  directed. 

But  Zisca  was  not  a  man  to  be  trampled  upon  by 
those  whom  he  had  so  often  protected  from  invasion. 
Their  insults  could  not  be  directed  against  him  with 
impunity.  He  saw,  moreover,  that  unless  the  present 
movement  in  favor  of  Sigismund  was  checked,  Bo- 
hemia would  be  subjected  to  his  control,  and  not 
only  the  Taborites,  but  the  Calixtines  would  be  given 
over  to  the  counsels  of  such  men  as  the  Bishop  of 
Leitomischel,  who  were  living  embodiments  of  the 
spirit  of  the  crusade.  Even  Corybut,  favoring  the 
Calixtines  as  the  stronger  party,  and  the  one  from 
whom  he  had  the  most  to  expect,  was,  however  un- 
wittingly, playing  into  the  emperor's  hands.  Zisca 
withdrew  from  Prague,  brooding  over  his  plans  of 
vensfeance,  which  he  was  not  slow  to  execute  ao:ainst 
those  barons  whose  counsels  were  betraying  the 
freedom  and  the  interests  of  their  country.  He  at- 
tacked their  partisans  and  ravaged  theii'  estates. 

The  Calixtines  promptly  armed  to  repel  his  as- 
saults,^ and  endeavored  to  crush  him  whom  they 
now  regarded  as  an  open  enemy.  All  their  former 
jealousies  were  revived  and  embittered.  He  stood 
in  the  way  of  their  coming  to  terms  with  Sigismund 
— terms  which,  however  ignominious,  they  were  will- 
ing to  accept.     Czenko  of  Wartemberg,  former  gov- 

Guerre  des  Hus.,  i.  195. 


496  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XVI. 

ernor  of  the  castle,  gathered  an  army,  largely  com- 
posed of  the  nobility,  and  marched  against  Zisca. 
But  the  Taborite  general  was  victorious,  and  the 
Calixtines  were  severely  beaten.  Distributing  the 
booty  among  his  soldiers,  Zisca  with  only  three  days' 
delay  pushed  on  to  Kozagedy,  which  he  took  by 
storm.  Terror  preceded  him,  and  devastation  marked 
his  track.  He  mercilessly  cut  down  all  that  opposed 
him,  and  laid  castle  and  fortress,  as  well  as  all  that 
offered  resistance,  in  ashes. 

But  his  incessant  activity  and  unwearied  energy 
were  too  much  for  his  soldiers.  When  he  ordered  a 
night  march  upon  Koniggratz,  they  began  to  com- 
plain. "Zisca,"  said  they,  "is  blind,  but  we  are  not. 
We  cannot  fight  like  him  in  the  dark."  They  threat- 
ened to  halt  upon  their  march,  and  tke  plans  of  their 
general  against  Koniggratz  were  in  danger  of  being 
defeated.  Zisca  reasoned  with  them.  He  endeavored 
to  overcome  their  reluctance  to  follow  him.  Him- 
self a  Calixtine  in  sentiment,  though  not  in  sympa- 
thy, his  arguments  were  the  more  forcible.  "  It  is 
for  your  sake,"  said  he,  "  that  I  fight.  It  is  no  con- 
cern of  mine,  personally.  I  could  make  peace  for 
myself  if  I  chose.     All  is  for  your  good." 

Soothing  their  minds  with  these  reasonings,  he  at 
once  changed  his  course  of  remark,  and  surprised 
them  by  one  of  those  strokes  of  policy  which  showed 
the  inexhaustible  resources  of  his  mind.  "Come, 
now,"  he  added,  "listen  to  counsel.  In  what  neigh- 
borhood are  we  now  ? "  "  Between  the  hills  Pod- 
mokly  and  Cziniswes,"  was  the  reply.  Zisca,  who  in  a 
moment  apprehended  the  position  of  the  army,  was 


Cii.  XVI.]  CHANGE   IN    ZISCA's    POLICY.  407 

ready  with  an  expedient  to  meet  their  ol)jecti()n  of 
the  darkness  of  the  night.  "  Go  with  all  dispatch," 
said  he,  "  and  light  up  the  village  of  Miestecz,  so  that 
we  may  see  our  way."  The  command  was  obeyed, 
and  the  conflagration  of  that  village  lighted  their 
march  to  the  walls  of  Koniggratz.  The  city  fell  into 
Zisca's  hands,  with  scarce  the  show  of  resistance.  A 
friendly  party  within  aided  the  victors."  ^ 

But  the  Calixtines  of  Prague  felt  the  loss  of  the 
place  too  severely  not  to  make  strenuous  efforts  for 
its  recovery.  Borzek,  a  former  governor  of  Prague, 
led  out  an  army  to  attack  Zisca  and  regain  Konig- 
gratz. The  Taborite  general  did  not  decline  the 
offered  battle.  He  marched  out  to  meet  the  foe,  and 
a  terrible  conflict  ensued.  The  Calixtines  suftered  a 
complete  and  annihilating  defeat. 

The  course  of  events  had  wrought  a  change  in 
Zisca's  policy.  Driven  to  desperation  by  the  Calix- 
tines, he  now  conformed  to  the  Taborite  ceremonial. 
The  priests  before  him  no  longer  said  mass  in  their 
robes,  according  to  the  rites  of  the  old  church.  He 
had  been  willing  and  even  anxious  before,  that 
former  differences  between  Calixtine  and  Taborite 
should  be  compromised  by  uniting  upon  Corybut  as 
king.  But  this  expedient  failed  to  secure  unanimity, 
and  Corybut,  in  throwing  himself  into  the  arms  of 
the  Calixtines,  had  alienated  himself  more  than  ever 
from  the  Taborites.  Zisca  now  treated  him  as  an 
enemy.  He  had,  in  fact,  introduced  foreign  troops 
to  the  aid  of  the  army  of  Prague,  and  stood  ready 
to  lead  them  against  the  Taborites.     At  this  aspect 

'  Guerre  dea  Hus.,  i.  196. 
VOL.  n.  32 


498  LIFE   AND   TIJIES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Cn.  XVI. 

of  things  Zisca  felt  the  necessity  of  strengthening 
Lis  army.  Procopius,  whom  he  had  left  behind  him 
when  summoned  to  meet  the  diet  at  Prague,  and 
who  had  followed  the  enemy  across  the  frontier,  was 
probably  recalled ;  at  least  he  now  rejoined  Zisca 
with  his  forces  (May,  1422.) 

Borzek,  on  his  defeat,  in  which  he  was  badly 
wounded,  withdrew  to  his  castle.  Zisca  returned  to 
Koniggratz  and,  destroying  its  fortifications  that  it 
might  be  defenceless  in  case  it  was  seized  by  the 
enemy,  marched  to  Czaslau.  Here  he  stengthened 
himself,  and  put  the  place  in  a  state  of  defence  against 
the  new  army  which  was  marching  against  him  from 
Prague.  One  of  his  generals,  Lupak,'  with  the 
force  under  his  command,  was  cut  off  by  the  enemy. 
Zisca  upon  this  seems  to  have  withdrawn  from  Czas- 
lau, willing  probably  to  have  it  stand  a  siege  and 
delay  the  foe,  while  he  hastened  to  Moravia,  ^  where 
the  Archduke  Albert,  nephew  of  Sigismund,  was 
recovering  the  cities  which  Procopius  had  taken. 
The  archduke  laid  claim  to  Moravia  as  a  gift  from 
the  emperor,  and  exerted  all  his  energies  to  drive 
out  the  Hussites  and  subject  it  to  his  own  dominion. 
He  was  engaged  in  beleaguering  Suntenberg,  when 
Procopius  was  dispatched  to  relieve  it.  At  the 
news  of  the  approach  of  Zisca's  army,  (Aug.  12, 
1422,)  the  archduke  consulted  his  safety  by  a  hasty 
retreat.  He  was  not  anxious  even  to  face  the  ter- 
rible army  of  the  blind  old  Taborite  general. 

Zisca,  taking  summary  vengeance  upon  all  parties 
that  had  shown  any  inclination  to  fixvor  the  arch- 

'  Guerre  des  Hus.,  i.  196. 


Cb.  XVI.]  ARDUOUS    TASK    OF    ZISCA.  499 

duke,  followed  him  in  bis  retreat.  He  advanced 
into  Austi-ia  as  far  as  Stokerau,  on  the  Danube,  and 
only  four  leagues  from  Vienna.  The  archduke,  how- 
ever, had  escaped  him,  and  lay  upon  the  opposite 
bank.  Zisca  turned  aside  for  the  siege  of  Kremsen, 
when  the  army  from  Prague,  which  had  followed  on 
his  track,  came  up  with  him.  Procopius  promptly 
marched  to  his  relief;  and  the  army  of  Prague,  led 
by  John — possibly  the  archbishop — was  foiled.  Zisca, 
secure  for  the  present  from  the  archduke,  whom 
he  left  to  be  looked  after  by  his  general  Procopius, 
returned  to  Bohemia. 

Never  had  a  harder  task  than  the  present  one  been 
confided  even  to  his  hands.  The  Calixtines  and  the 
imperialists  were  virtually  in  league  together  against 
him.  The  one  within,  and  the  other  without  the 
kingdom,  attempted  to  crush  him  as  the  common 
enemy  of  both.  But  the  spirit  of  the  blind  hero 
breathed  defiance,  and  his  genius  and  skill  were 
equal  to  the  emergency.  With  Procopius  left  be- 
hind him  to  hold  the  foreign  enemy  in  check,  he 
now  turned  to  suppress  internal  hostilities.  At  Cka- 
litz,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Koniggratz,  he  fell  in 
with  a  body  of  troops  from  Prague,  which  he  cut  to 
pieces  and  dispersed.  Arnau,  however,  nine  miles 
north  of  Koniggratz,  repulsed  his  assault,  (Jan.  6, 
1423.)  The  castle  of  Mlazowicza  was  less  fortunate. 
It  fell  into  his  hands,  and  he  signalized  his  vengeance 
by  hewing  its  commander  in  pieces.  For  several 
months  he  continued  his  ravages  by  flying  marches, 
increasing  as  much  as  possible  the  strength  of  his 
army.      Klattau  was  taken    by  storm ;    T)ut   when 


500  LITE   AKD    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Cii.  XVI 

Zisca  reached  Saatz,  his  whole  force  consisted  of  only 
T,000  foot  and  500  horse.  Yet  with  this  force  he 
directed  his  marshal,  John  Bzdinka,  to  march  in  the 
direction  of  Czaslau  and  Prague.  At  Kostelez  he 
fell  in  with  the  Calixtine  army,  under  the  command 
of  Czenko.  The  Elbe  now  threatened  to  cut  off  all 
opportunity  of  retreat,  and  Czenko's  army  was  too 
strong  to  be  safely  withstood.  The  Taborites,  how- 
ever, discovei'ed  a  ford  by  which  they  were  enabled 
to  cross  the  Elbe,  and  for  three  days  the  army  of 
Czenko  followed  in  close  pursuit.  Zisca  was  over- 
taken near  Kuttenberg,  and  finding  the  ground  fa- 
vorable, no  longer  declined  battle.  Corybut,  who 
now  made  common  cause  with  the  Calixtine  army 
of  Prague,  arrived  with  a  reinforcement,  and  Zisca, 
who  had  animated  his  soldiers  by  a  speech,  in  which 
he  pointed  them  to  the  ruins  of  Kuttenberg  as  an 
illustration  of  imperial  mercy,  saw  the  opportunity 
of  gaining  a  decisive  victory  unexpectedly  snatched 
from  his  grasp.  Feigning  an  apprehension  of  defeat, 
he  slowly  retreated,  till  by  his  manoeuvres  he  had 
drawn  the  enemy  into  a  position  in  which  he  could 
safely  engage. 

Again  victorious,  Zisca  now  commenced  his  march 
directly  for  Prague,  which  he  reached  on  Sept.  11, 
(1423.)  He  had  now  thrice  defeated  the  most  pow- 
erful armies  which  his  enemies  at  Prague  could 
marshal,  and  the  intelligence  of  his  approach  filled 
them  with  consternation.  ^  They  determined,  how 
ever,  to  resist  his  attack,  and  closing  the  gates  against 
him,  forced  him  to  the  necessity  of  storming  the 

'  Guerre  des  Hus,,  L  202. 


Ch.  XVI]         ZISCA's   speech   to    1118   SOLDIERS.  501 

city.  But  here  his  soldiers  began  to  hesitate  and 
murmur.  They  had  too  often  fought  to  defend  those 
walls  wliioli  they  were  now  to  assault,  not  to  shrink 
from  an  act,  however  necessary  in  their  circum- 
stances, which  only  the  genius  and  the  vengeance  of 
Zisca  could  have  conceived  and  dared.  Though 
accustomed  to  blood,  and  hardened  to  all  the  atroci- 
ties of  the  battle-field,  their  hearts  were  affected, 
and  complaints  were  heard  when  Zisca  proceeded 
with  his  measures  for  storming  the  city. 

But  the  blind  old  warrior  could  speak  as  well  as 
fight,  and  could  marshal  and  guide  the  passions  of 
men  with  a  skill  equal  to  that  with  which  he  con- 
ducted armies.  Standing  on  a  cask,  where  he  might  be 
seen  of  those  whom  he  no  longer  saw,  he  harangued 
his  troops,  and  his  powerful  voice  at  once  kindled 
all  hearts  by  its  familiar  yet  stirring  tones.^  "  Com- 
panions," said  he,  "  why  do  you  murmur  ?  I  am  not 
your  enemy,  but  your  general.  It  is  by  me  that  you 
have  gained  so  many  victories — by  me  that  you  have 
won  fame  and  wealth.  And  yet,  for  you  I  have 
lost  my  sight,  I  am  condemned  to  ceaseless  darkness. 
.  .  .  For  all  my  labors,  what  is  my  reward  ?  Noth- 
ing but  a  name  !  It  is  then  for  you  that  I  have 
acted  ;  that  I  have  conquered.  It  is  not  my  own 
interest  that  arms  me  against  this  city.  It  is  not  the 
blood  of  a  blind  old  man  that  it  thirsts  after,  but  it 
dreads  j^our  intrepid  hearts  and  your  invincible  arms. 
When  they  shall  have  taken  me  in  their  nets,  they 
will  lay  snares  for  you,  from  which  you  will  scarcely 
escape.     Let  us  therefore  take  Prague.     Let  us  crush 

'  Guerre  des  IIus.,  L  203. 


502  LIFE    A]N^D    TBIES    OF   JOHXHUSS.  [Cu.  XVI. 

the  sedition  before  Sigismund  is  informed  of  it.  A 
few  men,  well  united,  will  do  more  against  the  em- 
peror than  a  vast  multitude  divided.  Let  no  person 
therefore  accuse  me,  for  I  act  in  your  interest.  Now 
make  your  choice.  Will  you  have  peace  ?  Take 
care  that  it  does  not  cover  some  ambush  !  Will  you 
have  war  ?     Here  I  am  !" 

These  words  had  the  desired  effect.  There  was 
no  more  murmurinof.  The  Taborites  invested  the 
city,  and  suffered  no  one  to  issue  forth  from  the 
gates.  Every  thing  was  ready  for  the  assault,  but 
Zisca  delayed  his  order  to  storm  the  city.  Perhaps 
he  had  ever  hoped,  and  still  believed,  that  he  would 
be  spared  the  terrible  necessity.  If  he  had  laid  his 
plans  to  subdue  the  city  by  terror,  he  was  not  disap- 
pointed. The  citizens  had  no  wish  to  engage  in  con- 
flict with  the  man  who  rarely  lost  a  battle — never 
succumbed  under  defeat — never  abandoned  his  pur- 
pose. They  could  not  bear  to  imagine  what  results 
might  follow  the  storming  of  the  city,  or  the  revival 
within  it  of  the  spirit  of  the  Premonstrant  monk,  a 
spirit  suppressed  and  almost  stifled,  but  still  ready  to 
show  itself,  if  occasion  permitted,  as  fierce  and  as  terri- 
ble as  ever.  They  met  to  deliberate,  and  determined 
to  send  a  deputation  to  Zisca  to  induce  him  to  relent. 

At  the  head  of  the  deputation  was  John  of  Roky- 
zan,  a  CaHxtine  preacher  of  great  credit  and  ability, 
subsequently  ai'chbishop,  who  from  the  obscurity  and 
poverty  of  his  birth  had  raised  himself  by  his  talents 
to  a  high  position.  His  representations  were  effectual 
with  Zisca,  who  in  all  probability  was  only  too  will- 
ing to  listen  to  counsels  which  might  at  once  spare 


Ch.  XVI.]  HUMILIATION    OF   SIGISMUND.  503 

Lis  own  honor  and  tlie  execution  of  liis  terrible 
threat.  To  the  entreaties  of  the  deputation  he  lent 
a  favorable  ear,  and  the  terms  of  the  treatj^  of  peace 
were  at  once  settled.  It  was  signed  in  the  camp ; 
and,  as  a  monument  of  the  alliance,  and  from  regard 
for  ancient  customs,  a  pile  of  stones  was  raised  upon 
the  spot,  as  if  to  intimate  that  the  party  which 
should  violate  its  provisions  should  perish  beneath 
the  stones  that  formed  the  rude  altar.  Zisca  then 
made  a  public  entry  into  Prague,  where  he  was  re- 
ceived with  the  greatest  honors,  and  was  allowed  to 
exercise  a  paramount  authority. 

The  emperor's  hopes,  which  he  had  based  upon 
the  divisions  of  the  Bohemian  nation,  were  baffled 
by  the  truce  which  restored  to  Zisca  the  control  of 
the  kingdom.  He  saw  that  arms  and  counsels  were 
alike  futile  to  regain  it,  while  he  had  such  a  foe  to 
watch  and  counterwork  his  designs.  He  sought 
therefore  to  win  him  over  by  the  most  liberal  prom- 
ises. "For  himself,"  he  said,  "it  was  sufficient 
that  he  should  merely  be  proclaimed  king  of  Bohe- 
mia. To  Zisca  should  be  left  the  government  of  the 
kingdom."  To  all  these  honors  Sigismund  joined 
the  promise  to  Zisca  of  immense  wealth.* 

This  was  to  the  emperor  a  most  humiliating  pos- 
ture of  affairs.  After  all  his  efforts,  supported  by 
the  bull  of  the  pope  and  successive  crusading  ar- 
mies, he  saw  himself  reduced  to  the  ignominy  of 
offering  to  accept  the  aid  and  reward  the  valor  of 
the  man  who,  in  defence  of  wliat  had  been  branded 
as  heresy,  had  demolished  and   annihilated  all  his 

Guer.  des  Hus.,  i.  205.     Fleury,  xxvi.  521.     Also,  Cochlseus,  liy.  v. 


504  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XVI. 

armies.  JEneas  Sylvius  grows  indignant  in  narra- 
ting a  proceeding  which  he  condemns  as  a  disgrace  to 
the  emperor,  and  a  stain  upon  his  royal  name.-'  That 
a  man  whom  all  Christendom  venerated,  and  of 
whom  heathen  nations  stood  in  awe — the  son  of  an 
emperor,  and  an  emperor  himself — in  the  vigor  of  his 
years,  should  be  reduced  to  treat  upon  such  terms 
with  "  a  man  hardly  noble  by  birth,  old,  blind,  heret- 
ical, sacrilegious,  with  audacity  for  any  enormity;" 
that  he  should  offer  him  the  government  of  the 
kingdom,  the  command  of  its  armies,  and  an  immense 
yearly  revenue,  in  order  to  secure  his  alliance  and 
aid ;  all  this  was  indeed,  in  the  eyes  of  the  Koman 
historian,  as  disgraceful  as  it  was  humiliating.  If 
Huss  had  ever  longed  for  revenge  upon  his  murder- 
ers, if  he  had  wished  them  an  earthly  i-etiibution  for 
their  crime,  he  could  not  have  imagined  anything 
more  bitter  as  a  dreg  in  their  cup,  than  that  they 
should  see  their  chosen  champion,  supported  by  the 
papal  bull  and  immense  armies,  forced  to  bend  the  knee 
to  a  man  who  was  regarded  at  once  as  a  rebel  and  a 
heretic,  and  whose  very  blindness  made  the  homage 
paid  him  more  bitterly  if  not  ludicrously  humiliating. 
But  the  terms  proposed  were  never  executed. 
We  do  not  even  know  how  they  were  regarded  by 
Zisca.  It  is  more  than  possible  that  he  thought 
favorably  of  them.  Specious  pretexts  were  not 
wanting  for  their  acceptance.  He  might  have  been 
king  himself  in  all  but  name,  and  none  better  than 
he  united  a  knowledge  of  the  people  with  a  capacity 
to  govern  them. 

'  iEneas  Sylvius,  ch.  xlvi. 


Cu.  XYI.]  DEATH    OF    ZISCA.  505 

But  at  tliis  culminating  point  of  Zisca's  fortunes 
death  overtook  him.  He  lived  to  foil  the  purposes 
of  Sigismund,  and  died  at  the  moment  when  his 
death  was  in  some  respects  another  defeat  to  blast 
his  hopes.  Had  he  been  longer  spared  to  his  coun- 
try, it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  nation 
would  have  been  harmonized,  if  that  were  possible, 
and  that  under  his  government  national  prosperity 
and  freedom  of  worship  would  have  gone  hand  in 
hand.  The  plague,  however,  which  was  at  the  time 
ravaging  Bohemia,  numbered  him  among  its  victims. 
He  died  Oct.  11,  1424,  while  engaged  in  the  siege 
of  a  small  town  on  the  Moravian  border.  Perhaps, 
with  a  foresight  of  the  hostility  that  might  hunt  out 
his  bones  and  drag  them  like  Wickliffe^s  from  their 
grave,  he  ordered  his  soldiers  to  abandon  his  body 
to  the  birds  of  prey,  and  to  have  his  skin  made  into 
a  drum,  the  mere  sound  of  which  would  make  their 
enemies  tremble.^ 

The  command  of  Zisca  was  not,  however,  obeyed. 
His  body  was  interred  with  honors  in  the  cathedral 
church  at  Czaslau,  and  his  iron  mace  was  suspended 
near  his  tomb.  Upon  his  monument  was  placed, 
according  to  Theobald,  in  his  history  of  the  Hussite 
wars,  the  following  inscription :  "  Here  lies  John 
Zisca,  inferior  to  no  other  general  in  military  science, 
the  rigorous  punisher  of  the  pride  and  avarice  of 
the  priesthood,  and  the  zealous  defender  of  his  coun- 
try. What  the  blind  Appius  Claudius  did  for  the 
Romans  by  his  counsel,  and  Curius  Camillas  by  his 
actions,  I  accomplished  for  the  Bohemians.     I  never 

*  Fleury,  xxvi.  522.     Guer.  dcs  IIus.,  i.  206. 


506  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XVI. 

failed  fortune,  nor  sLe  me ;  and  altliongli  blind,  I 
always  perceived  what  ought  to  be  done.  I  have 
fought  eleven  times  with  standards  displayed,  and  I 
have  always  conquered.  I  was  unceasingly  seen  de- 
fending the  cause  of  the  unfortunate  and  the  poor, 
against  sensual  and  bloated  priests,  and  therefore  did 
God  sustain  me.  If  their  hatred  did  not  oppose  it, 
I  should  be  reckoned  among  the  most  illustrious ; 
and  yet,  in  spite  of  the  pope,  my  bones  repose  in  this 
holy  place." 

In  the  biography  of  Zisca  published  at  Prague,  ^ 
another  epitaph  is  given,  more  in  keeping  with  the 
character  of  the  man,  and  which  may  have  been 
inscribed  after  the  former  was  defaced.  "  Here 
rests  John  Zisca,  the  leader  of  oppressed  freedom 
in  the  name  and  for  the  name  of  God."  We  are 
told,  moreover,  that  not  far  from  his  tomb  was  en- 
graved the  inscription — "  Huss,  here  reposes  John 
Zisca,  thy  avenger ;  and  the  emperor  himself  has 
quailed  before  him." 

Zisca's  person  was  of  middle  stature,  of  a  strong 
and  muscular  frame,  especially  in  the  shoulders 
and  chest.  His  head  was  large,  round,  and  closely 
shaven.  His  nose  was  aquiline,  and  his  long  mous- 
taches added  to  the  ferocity  of  a  countenance  that 
spoke  out,  in  its  bold  and  eagle  eye,  the  penetra- 
tion and  the  enei'gy  of  the  man.  His  complexion 
was  dark  and  bilious,  bes2:)eaking  his  capacity  for 
long  and  patient  endurance  ;  and  his  forehead  pre- 
sented that  indenture,  falling  perpendicularly  down 
it,  which  has  been  remarked  in  several  famous  war- 

»  Edition  of  1789. 


Cn.  XYI.]  GENIUS    OF    ZISCA.  507 

rioi's — and  lias  in  consequence  been  called  the  mar- 
tial line.^ 

Ilis  outward  aspect  was  no  unworthy  index  of  the 
spirit  within.  In  all  that  pertained  to  war  or  strat- 
egy, Zisca  was  the  man  of  his  age,  and  it  is  even 
douhtful  whether  the  world  has  ever  presented  any 
leaders  of  armies  who  might  not  be  honored  by 
being  accounted  rivals  of  Zisca  in  ability.  With  a 
kingdom  rent  by  dissensions,  and  the  weaker  and 
less  powerful  class  only  on  his  side,  he  had  to  repel 
successive  assaults  from  armies  immensely  superior, 
and  led  by  able  generals.  He  had  to  stand — single- 
banded  as  it  were — against  the  hosts  of  Christendom 
animated  by  the  spirit  of  religious  bigotry,  and 
breathing  exterminating  vengeance  against  all  that 
bore  the  name  of  Huss,  or  expressed  sympathy  for 
him.  But  he  met  the  tide  successfully  ;  he  stemmed 
it  and  turned  it  back.  In  the  most  desperate  cir- 
cumstances, he  never  quailed  or  wavered.  Unfore- 
seen and  overwdielming  difficulties  only  brought  out 
the  inexhaustible  resources  of  his  genius  and  sagac- 
ity, and  he  never  offered  to  caj)itulate,  but  always 
waited  to  accept  terms  of  surrender  from  the  foe. 
He  did  not  make  his  suit  to  Prague,  but  Prague 
made  its  suit  to  him.  He  did  not  solicit  the  empe- 
ror's alliance  ;  the  empei-or,  however,  solicited  his. 
The  tactics,  equipage,  and  defences  of  his  army,  as 
■well  as  their  unshrinking  courage  and  resolute  energy, 
betrayed  the  impress,  and  manifested  at  once  the 
sagacity  and  the  inspiring  power  of  Zisca's  genius. 
His  enemies  might  condemn  him  as  a  heretic.     They 

'  Bonnechose. 


508  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    nUSS.         [Cn.  XVI, 

might  blacken  his  memory  with  charges  of  crimes 
that  make  us  shudder,  but  his  ability  as  a  general, 
and  his  unapproachable  mastery  in  the  art  of  con- 
ducting battles  and  managing  armies,  were  never 
questioned. 

What  his  real  character  was  as  a  man,  is  some- 
what more  doubtful.  His  enemies  have  drawn  his 
portrait ;  and  no  fi-iendly  hand,  unless  that  which 
inscribed  his  epitaph,  has  rescued  it  from  their  cari- 
cature. It  is  evident  that  his  soul  glowed  with  the 
deepest  resentment  and  indignation  at  the  wrongs 
of  Huss,  and  the  injustice  of  the  council  that  ordered 
his  execution.  He  saw  a  whole  nation  virtually 
condemned  unheard,  and  hemmed  around  by  a 
league  of  Christendom,  marshalled  by  a  papal  crusade 
to  carry  out  the  sentence.  He  felt  himself  called 
to  be  an  avenger  of  the  wronged,  and  he  fulfilled 
his  mission  with  an  inexorable  severity.  No  tears 
flowed  from  his  blind  eyes.  Pity  was  in  his  view 
a  weakness,  of  which  he  was  rarely  known  to  be 
guilty.  His  system  of  army  discipline  was  inflexi- 
bly rigid,  and  it  extended  to  all  the  acts  and  cir- 
cumstances of  a  state  of  war.  It  was  truly  a  mili- 
tary code,  and  every  infraction  was  punished  wdth 
death. 

Zisca  was  undoubtedly  ambitious,  as  he  was  cruel, 
but  grosser  vices  were  foreign  to  his  character.  He 
distributed  the  plunder  to  the  army,  never  anxious 
to  retain  it  himself  Every  soldier  was  a  brother, 
and  that  was  the  epithet  which  he  employed  in  his 
familiar  intercourse  with  his  army.  He  was  more- 
over a  Bohemian  in  heart  and  soul.     He  loved  his 


CH.XVI.]  CHAKACTER   OF   ZISCA.  509 

country.  He  resented  ber  wrongs,  and  burned  to 
avenge  her  insulted  honor.  With  too  sound  a  mind 
to  be  carried  away  by  fanaticism,  he  knew  liow  to 
employ  the  fonaticism  of  others ;  and  yet,  in  his  own 
way  he  was  scrupulously  devout  and  religious.  In 
spite  of  all  his  cruelty  and  his  ambition,  we  must 
account  him  a  great  and  an  honest  man,  sincere  in 
his  convictions  as  he  was  terrible  in  his  vengeance. 


CHAPTEE    XYII. 

THE  LAST  CRUSADE.     DEFEAT  OF  THE  IMPERIALISTS. 

The  Council  of  Sienna.  —  Its  Persecuting  Decree.  —  The  "  Orphans." —  Proco- 
PIUS  Magnus.  —  A  New  Invasion.  —  Diet  at  Frankfort.  —  The  Four  Armies. 

—  Defeat  of  the  Imperialists. — Variance  Between  the  Calixtines  and  Ta- 
borites.  —  Convention  at  Beraun.  —  It  Proves  Futile.  — Sigismund's  Claims. 

—  Measures  of  Procopius.  —  His  Campaigns.  —  Martin  V.  Urges  a  Crusade. — 
Letter  to  the  King  of  Poland.  —  Diets  op  Presburg  and  Nuremberg.  — The 
Final  Crusade.  —  Letter  of  the  Cardinal  Legate. — Letter  of  the  Bohe- 
mians. —  Rout  of  the  Army.  —  Booty. 

Oct.  11,  1424  — Jan.,  1432. 

The  success  of  the  Taborites  was  largely  due  to 
the  impolitic  and  cruel  measures  of  the  papal  party. 
At  the  very  time  when  Zisca  was  most  closely  pressed 
by  the  imperialists,  he  found  a  most  effective,  al- 
though involuntary,  ally  in  an  unexpected  quarter. 
In  its  thirty-ninth  session,  the  council  of  Constance 
had  decreed  that  another  council  should  be  convoked, 
to  prosecute  still  further  the  reform  which  it  assumed 
to  have  initiated.  It  was  to  be  convoked  within  the 
space  of  six  years  from  the  close  of  its  own  sessions. 

The  council  thus  decreed,  was  convoked  by  a  bull 
of  Martin  V.,  and  its  opening  session  was  held  at  Pavia 
early  in  May,  1423.  But  the  thin  attendance,  and 
the  dread  of  the  plague,  which  had  commenced  its 
ravages  in  the  city,  led  to  its  transfer  to  Sienna, 
whither  the  members  were  directed  to  repair  by  the 

(510) 


Ch.  XVII.]  COUNCIL    OF   SIENNA.  511 

first  of  November  of  the  same  year.  The  first  ses- 
sion was  held  upon  the  25th,  and  the  council  pro- 
ceeded to  fulminate  the  most  sevei-e  decrees  ae:ainst 
the  followers  of  Wicklifle  and  Huss.  Temporal 
princes  were  enjoined  to  drive  them  out  of  their  do- 
minions ;  spiritual  rewards  were  promised  to  such  as 
should  inform  against  them,  or  give  them  over  into 
the  hands  of  the  inquisitors.  It  was  ordained,  more- 
over, that  the  decree  granting  indulgences  should  be 
read  yearly  to  the  people,  in  an  audible  voice,  on  the 
first  and  fourth  Sundays  of  Lent,  and  on  several  of 
the  festivals  of  the  church.  All  intercourse  with  the 
condemned  heretics  was  forbidden.  Such  as  fur- 
nished them  with  food,  spices,  salt,  or  weapons  of 
w\ar,  were  to  be  subjected  to  severe  penalties.^  Secu- 
lar princes  were  to  spare  no  effort  for  their  complete 
extermination. 

No  measure  could  have  been  more  unwise  than 
this  of  the  council.  It  could  not  fail  to  stren^rthen 
the  prejudice,  and  exasperate  anew  the  feelings  of 
the  Bohemians  against  the  papal  party.  Undoubt- 
edly it  strengthened  the  cause  it  was  meant  to  crush, 
and  deferred  for  years  the  hope  of  compromise. 

The  death  of  Zisca  left  the  Taborites  without  an 
acknowledged  leader.  Some  of  them — to  indicate 
their  deep  sense  of  the  loss  which  they  had  sustained 
— called  themselves,  The  Orplian-s.  Zisca  had  been 
a  father  to  them,  and  his  death  was  bewailed  with 
an  unaffected  grief.  Others  were  absorbed  by  the 
Horebites,  while  others  still  chose  to  retain  their  old 


name.^ 


'  Richerius,  iii.  279, 282.  '  Fleuiy,  xxvi  623. 


512  LIFE   AND   TUIES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.        [Ch.  XVn. 

Among  the  ablest  generals  who  survived  Zisca, 
were  Procopius  Magnus  (or  Rasus,  for  he  had  origi- 
nally been  a  monk-^)  and  Procopius  Parvus,  the  for- 
mer of  whom  had  been  thoroughly  trained  in  Zisca's 
school,  and  had  eminently  justified  the  confidence 
which  the  latter  reposed  in  his  ability.  The  course 
of  events  soon  elevated  him  to  the  position  of  virtual, 
if  not  acknowledged,  leader  of  the  party.  But  the 
death  of  Zisca  had  been  equivalent  to  a  sore  defeat. 
It  was  impossible  that  some  degree  of  disorganiza- 
tion should  not  follow  upon  the  loss  of  a  leader  of 
such  preeminence.  Civil  disorders  again  prevailed. 
Sigismund  and  Martin  V.  were  not  inattentive  ob- 
servers of  events,  and  with  renewed  hope,  determined 
to  avail  themselves  of  this  favorable  moment  for  the 
execution  of  their  long-cherished  but  oft  defeated 
designs.  A  renewal  of  tlie  crusade  was  preached  at 
the  instigation  of  the  pope,  and  an  army  100,000 
imperialists  was  gathered  under  the  invading  ban- 
ners. They  marched  to  the  relief  of  the  town  of 
Ausch  which  had  been  besieged  by  the  Hussites,  but 
were  repulsed  with  a  severe  loss  of  from  nine  to 
twelve  thousand  men.  The  battle  was  fought  June 
15,  1426,  and  the  intelligence  was  speedily  carried  to 
Nuremberg,  where  a  diet  had  been  assembled,  and 
where  another  invasion  of  Bohemia  had  been  re- 
solved upon,  at  the  instigation  of  the  papal  legate, 
Pontanus  Orsini.  But  the  terror  caused  by  this  de- 
feat was  such,  that  all  measures  for  executing  this 
resolve  of  the  diet  were  at  once  stayed. 

A  year  was  sufiered  to  pass  before  the  electoral  and 

'  Life  of  Procopius.    Prague,  1789. 


Cn.  XVII.]  CRUSADING    ARMY   DEFEATED.  513 

other  princes  could  unite  on  any  further  measures. 
A  diet  was  then  held  at  Frankfort,  at  which  it  was 
unanimously  resolved  that  four  distinct  armies  should 
be  assembled  for  the  invasion  of  Bohemia.  Every 
sokiier  was  required  to  confess  and  hear  mass  once  a 
week.  Nothing  was  neglected  to  secure,  by  ritual 
devotion,  the  divine  favor.  The  Cardinal  of  Win- 
chester assumed  the  chief  command.  Actins:  under 
the  special  directions  of  the  pope,  and  authorized  to 
use  at  discretion  the  spiritual  or  the  temporal  sword,^ 
he  ui'ged  forward  the  preparations  for  a  decisive 
campaign.  A  numerous  army  was  gathered,  a  por- 
tion of  which  proceeded  to  the  siege  of  Miess,  a  small 
town  on  the  western  borders  of  Bohemia,  in  the 
circle  of  Pilsen. 

Intelligence  of  the  invasion  soon  reached  the  Ta- 
borites.  All  internal  dissensions  were  immediately  at 
an  end.  They  marched  with  the  utmost  promptitude 
to  the  relief  of  the  beleaguered  city.  Scarcely  was 
the  German  army  aware  of  their  approach,  when 
they  appeared  within  sight  of  the  walls.  A  panic 
terror  seized  the  imperial  host.  Without  waiting  to 
meet  a  foe  which  their  fears  magnified,  they  broke 
and  fled  in  confusion.  Their  terror  was  infectious. 
The  next  division  of  the  imperial  army  was  thrown 
into  hopeless  disorder,  and  the  iron  flails  of  the 
Horebites  did  feaiful  execution  upon  the  broken, 
ranks  of  the  invaders.  An  immense  booty,  com- 
posed of  almost  every  description  of  military  stores, 
was  the  reward  of  Bohemian  valor.* 

The  princes  of  the  empire  had  learned  a  lesson 

'  Fleury,  xxvL  651.  '  ./Eneas  Sylvius,  ch.  zL 

VOL.  II.  33 


514  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   n^JSS.        [Cu.  XVII 

wticli  was  not  soon  forgotten.  Several  yeara  passed 
before  the  attempt  to  subdue  Bohemia  was  renewed. 
The  removal,  however,  of  external  danger,  again 
allowed  scope  for  internal  dissension.  The  Calix- 
tines  and  Taborites  were  soon  at  variance.  No  one 
showed  himself  more  anxious  to  conciliate  the  oppos- 
ing parties,  and  restore  peace  to  the  kingdom,  than 
Pi'ocopius  Magnus.  By  his  able  generalship  and 
terrible  victories,  he  had  acquired  a  fame  second 
only  to  that  of  Zisca.  But  he  was  less  ambitious  of 
military  distinction  than  anxious  to  secure  civil  peace 
and  order.  As  occasion  required,  he  appeared  by 
turns  the  theologian,  the  negotiator,  the  general. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  year  1428,  a  con- 
vention was  held  at  Beraun  to  see  what  could  be 
done  toward  a  general  pacification  of  the  nation. 
The  Taborites,  Orphans,  and  Calixtines  from  Prague 
were  present.  But  there  was  no  possibility  of  bring- 
ing the  different  parties  to  stand  upon  a  common 
platform.  Procopius  and  his  Taborites  contended 
that  sacerdotal  habits  were  not  necessary  to  the 
proper  solemnization  of  the  eucharist,  and  that  there 
was  no  need  of  elevating  or  adoring  the  host.  The 
Calixtine  view  of  the  seven  sacraments  was  rejected 
by  those  Avhom  he  represented,  while  differences 
were  also  developed  in  regard  to  the  doctrines  of 
free-will,  justification,  and  predestination.^ 

The  convention  broke  up  without  accomplishing 
anything.  Procopius,  somewhat  provoked  at  the 
course  of  the  Calixtines,  withdrew  to  Raudnitz,  there 
to  meet  and  welcome  the  Taborite  Smirckzic,  who 

'  Guerre  des  Hus.,  i.  267. 


Cii.  XVII.]  THE   TABOKITES    AND    ORPHANS.  515 

Kacl  been  imprisoned  at  Prague  for  sedition,  but  who 
had  managed  to  escape.  The  Orphans  of  Kuttenberg 
phmned  and  executed  an  invasion  of  Silesia,  marking 
their  way  by  ravaged  villages  and  desolated  monas- 
teries. At  Nissa  they  were  arrested  b)^  an  obstinate 
resistance ;  and,  even  when  Procopius  had  marched 
to  their  relief,  were  forced  to  retreat  with  loss.  This 
was  only  the  earnest  of  a  more  serious  defeat  suffered 
by  the  Taborites  and  Orphans  at  Briinn,  in  Moravia. 

The  imperialists  prudently  declined  to  pursue  their 
advantage.  They  did  not  wish  to  confront  men  who 
might  be  goaded  to  desperate  courage  by  another 
assault.  The  Taborites  were  suffered  to  withdraw 
to  Austria,  and  the  Orphans  to  Bohemia.  They  first 
extended  their  ravages  to  Cornenbui'g  and  Vienna; 
but,  apprehensive  of  an  attack  from  Hungary,  with- 
drew to  Tabor.  The  fortified  town  of  Bechin  had 
meanwhile  begun  to  act  upon  the  offensive.  Proco- 
pius took  it,  after  a  siege  of  four  months,  and  gar- 
risoned it  with  Taborites. 

The  Orphans,  at  the  same  time,  prosecuted  the 
siege  of  Lichtenberg.  In  want  of  food,  they  marched 
into  Silesia,  leaving  but  a  small  portion  of  their  forces 
behind  them.  The  besieged  did  not  fail  to  improve 
the  occasion  to  make  a  sortie.  A  partial  success 
encouraged  them  in  their  hopes  of  a  successful  resist- 
ance, but  in  December  (1428)  they  were  forced  to 
surrender. 

Assisted  by  a  junction  with  a  portion  of  the  Tabor- 
ites, the  Orphans  now  executed  their  plan  of  a  new 
invasion  of  Silesia.  Every  thing  was  put  to  fii-e  or 
sword.     Several  of  the  nobility  who  offered  resistance 


516  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.        [Ch.  XVH. 

were  slain.  After  a  bloody  conflict  the  Silesians 
were  completely  routed,  and  left  to  the  Bohemians 
their  wagons  and  baggage.  The  severity  of  the 
winter  arrested  the  progress  of  the  invaders,  and 
they  returned  to  Bohemia. 

The  emperor  had  been  no  inattentive  spectator  of 
wliat  was  taking  place.  While  the  different  parties 
were  vainly  seeking  a  common  basis  of  conciliation, 
he  again  proposed,  by  a  deputation — which  at  Kutten- 
burg  met  the  citizens  of  Prague,  the  Orphans,  and 
the  Taborites — that  the  Bohemians  should  accept 
him  as  king.  He  urged  his  rights  to  the  kingdom, 
and  seemed  to  be  willing  to  make  some  concessions. 
But  the  Bohemians  could  not  trust  him.  They  replied, 
that  Sigismund,  by  the  effusion  of  blood  which  he 
had  occasioned,  and  by  his  complicity  in  the  death 
of  Huss  and  Jerome,  as  well  as  in  the  crusades  to 
the  dishonor  of  the  nation,  had  forfeited  all  right  to 
the  kingdom,  since  his  whole  conduct  showed  that 
he  had  sworn  its  destruction. 

Procopius,  who  was  still  at  Bechin,  invited  the 
ambassadors  to  visit  him  at  Tabor.  It  is  more  than 
possible  that  he  hoped  to  obtain  for  himself  the  same 
conditions  which  had  been  offered  by  the  emperor  to 
Zisca,  and  thus  close  the  war  with  honor  to  himself, 
and  restore  peace  and  security  to  a  desolated  laud. 
The  ambassadors  furnished  him  a  safe-conduct,  that 
he  might  visit  Sigismund  and  confer  with  him  in 
person.  He  did  so,  but  the  emperor  spurned  the 
terms  which  Procopius  was  disposed  to  offer;  and  the 
latter,  irritated  by  such  treatment,  returned  to  Tabor 
"  meditating  vengeance." 


Cii.  XVII.]  DISSENSIONS    AT   PRAGUE.  517 

The  motives  of  Sigismund  it  is  not  difficult  to  sur- 
mise. Events  throughout  Bohemia,  and  especially 
at  Prague,  showed  that  the  division  between  the  two 
parties  of  the  Bohemians  was  bitter  and  irreconcila- 
ble. Early  in  the  year  (Jan.  30,  1429)  the  citizens 
of  Old  and  New  Pi-ague  had  come  to  an  open  rup- 
ture. Each  party  chose  itself  leaders,  and  the  city 
was  for  the  whole  day  a  scene  of  desperate  and 
deadly  conflict.  A  truce  for  a  few  days  was  effected, 
which  was  subsequently  extended  till  the  25th  of 
July,  when  the  states  of  the  kingdom  met  at  Prague, 
to  effect,  if  possible,  a  general  pacification.  Procopius 
was  present  at  the  assembly.  He  proj^osed  to  receive 
Sigismund  as  king,  provided  that  he,  with  his  Hun- 
garian subjects,  would  receive  and  follow  the  Holy 
Scripture,  commune  under  both  kinds,  and  grant  such 
requests  as  they  should  see  fit  to  make. 

These  terms  were  laid  before  the  diet  which  soon 
met  at  Presburg.  Procopius  was  at  the  head  of  the 
Bohemian  dej^utation,  which  consisted  of  several 
nobles  and  Calixtines  from  Old  Pracrue.  For  ei<rht 
days  the  deliberations  were  continued,  without  attain- 
ing any  satisfactory  result.  At  length,  after  consult- 
ing with  parties  at  Prague,  it  was  determined  to  ac- 
cept Sigismund  as  king.  Deputies  from  the  different 
orders  were  named,  to  go  and  inform  Sigismund  of 
the  conclusion  which  had  been  reached.  But  the 
Orphans  boldly  opposed  the  mea-^^ure.  "A  free  people," 
they  said,  "  needed  no  king."  This  was  the  signal  for 
the  recommencement  of  hostilities.  At  Prasrue,  and 
throughout  Bohemia,  the  civil  strife  was  immediately 
renev/ed. 


518  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.        [Ch.  XVII. 

But  the  refusal  of  Sigismund  to  accept  the  terms 
offered  by  the  Bohemians,  had  the  effect  of  producing 
a  conciliatory  spirit  between  the  opposing  parties. 
Glorying  in  his  orthodoxy  as  the  patron  of  the  church, 
he  rejected  alike  the  articles  of  the  Calixtines  and 
the  Taborites.  It  was  now  quite  evident  that  the. 
acceptance  of  Sigismund  by  the  nation  would  be  the 
signal  for  the  commencement  of  a  bitter  persecution 
a2:ainst  all  who  refused  to  return  to  the  communion 
of  the  Roman  church.  Under  the  direction  and  by 
the  management  of  Procopius,  a  plan  of  conciliation 
between  the  opposing  parties  of  Calixtines  and  Ta- 
borites was  agreed  upon.  An  enormous  fine  was  the 
penalty  of  infringing  it;  and  Pi'ocopius,  the  principal 
author  of  this  compact,  was  elected  generalissimo. 

Conscious  of  the  difficulties  of  his  position,  aware 
of  the  necessity  of  still  inspiring  his  foes  with  ter- 
ror, and  sagacious  enough  to  perceive  that  the  best 
security  for  internal  peace  was  the  employment  abroad 
of  an  army  accustomed  to  action,  Pi'ocopius  resolved 
to  seize  the  occasion  for  punishing  the  presumption 
of  the  Misnians,  from  whose  attacks  the  Bohemians 
had  often  suffered.  "  It  is  the  moment  to  act,"  said 
he ;  "  the  hour  of  great  things  has  an-ived."  ^  The 
words  were  greeted  with  loud  acclamation.  Proco- 
pius led  forth  his  army,  crossed  the  Elbe,  and  fell  on 
Misnia,  Saxony,  Brandenburg,  Bavaria,  and  Austria. 
Dreadful  ravages  marked  his  progress.  Churches 
and  monasteries  were  destroyed.  Many  towns  were 
reduced  to  ashes,  and  their  defenders  perished  with 
them.      Over   the    smoking    ruins   the   conquerors 

*  Guerre  des  Hus.,  i.  274. 


CH.XVII.]  RAVAGES    OF    THE    TABORITES.  519 

shouted,  "Behold   the  funeral   obsequies   of   John 
Huss ! " 

Returning  from  this  campaign,  the  Taborites  dis- 
tributed themselves  into  several  bands  in  different 
places,  adopting  names  according  to  their  fancy. 
Some  were  known  as  Collectors^  ^omQ  as  Small- Ca^^^ 
some  as  Little  Cousiris,  others  as  Wolf-hands.  The 
winter  was  no  sooner  passed  than  they  were  ready 
(1430)  again  to  unite  for  a  new  campaign.  With 
20,000  cavalry,  30,000  infantry,  and  3,000  chariots, 
and  with  Procopius  the  Great  and  other  able  gene- 
rals at  their  head,  they  again  renewed  their  invasion 
of  Misnia.  Continuing  their  march  to  Dresden,  they 
left  behind  them,  desolated  or  reduced  to  ashes, 
Kolditz,  Mogeln,  Dablen,  Godelberg,  and  more  than 
a  hundred  towns  and  villages.  The  Elector  of  Bran- 
denberg  vainly  attempted  to  arrest  their  progress. 
John  of  Pollentz  met  with  no  better  success.  Seve- 
ral of  the  neighboring  princes,  impelled  by  a  common 
appi'ehension  lest  their  own  turn  for  invasion  should 
at  last  come,  prepared  to  offer  a  united  resistance ; 
but  divisions  of  feeling  and  opinion  paralyzed  their 
energies,  and  the  Bohemians  were  left  almost  unmo- 
lested. In  the  region  of  Grim,  Colditz,  and  Altem- 
burg,  the  invaders  successively  spread  their  ravages. 
At  Leipsig  the  news  of  their  approach  produced 
great  apprehension.  Verden,  Reichembac,  Averbach, 
and  Olsnisch  were  laid  in  ashes.  Germany  took  the 
alarm,  and  began  to  rouse  itself  to  a  sense  of  the  ne- 
cessity of  measures  to  resist  the  terrible  invaders. 
City  after  city  had  been  forced  to  purchase  immunity 

'  Petit  chapeaus.     L'Enfant. 


520  LIFE   AND   TDIES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.        [Ch.  XVII. 

by  pecuniary  bribes.  The  Bishop  of  Bamberg  ran- 
somed the  place  by  the  payment  of  9,000  golden 
ducats.     Nuremberg  paid  a  still  larger  sum. 

The  policy  of  Martin  V.  toward  the  Hussites  was 
summed  up  in  one  word — a  crusade.  For  twelve 
years  this  had  been  his  uniform  reply,  when  pressed 
for  a  solution  of  the  Bohemian  question.  He  ex- 
horted the  emperor  and  kings  and  princes  to  unite, 
and  crush  out  forever  the  dangerous  heresy.  To  the 
king  of  Poland  he  sent  a  master  of  the  sacred  palace, 
Andrew  of  Constantinople,  as  his  ambassador  to 
induce  him  to  take  active  measures  in  concert  with 
Sigismund.  He  represented,  in  a  letter  which  the 
ambassador  bore  with  him,  that  pi'udence  as  well  as 
religion  required  the  suppression  of  a  people  whose 
dogmas  were  fatal  to  all  government,  opposed  to 
the  authority  of  kings,  and  destructive  of  all  human 
legislation.  They  favored,  he  said,  many  dangerous 
errors  and  superstitions,  denied  sovereigns  their  trib- 
ute, and  held  that  all  property  was  common  and  all 
men  equal.  The  attempt  to  check  and  subdue  them 
had  been  vain  hitherto,  and  it  seemed  that  provi- 
dence had  expressly  reserved  the  work  that  the 
king  of  Poland  might  have  this  left  him  to  crown  his 
other  conquests. 

The  pontiff,  in  a  second  letter,  renewed  his  appli- 
cation,~  (Jan.  13,  1430,)  representing  to  the  king 
that  he  could  do  "  nothing  more  acceptaV)le  to  God, 
more  useful  to  the  world,  or  glorious  to  himself,  than 
to  turn  all  his  thou2:hts  and  all  his  strens^th  to  the 
extirpation  of  the  perfidious  heresy"  of  the  Bohe- 
mians.    Help,  however,  was  not  to  come  from  this 


Ch.  XVII.]  DIET   AT   NUEEMBEEG.  521 

quarter.  Domestic  dissensions — even  liad  tLe  king 
of  Poland  been  disposed — effectually  prevented  his 
compliance  with  the  exhortation  of  the  pope. 

Sigisraund,  meanwhile,  had  been,  diligently  pur- 
suing his  own  measures.  The  untoward  fortune  of 
his  campaigns  against  the  Turk  had  materially  af- 
fected the  energy  with  which  he  had  prosecuted  his 
purpose  to  recover  Bohemia  to  his  allegiance.  But 
the  alarm  excited  by  the  Hussite  invasions  aided  his 
project,  and  a  diet  was  summoned  to  meet  at  Vienna, 
Nov.  1,  1429,  before  which  the  matter  was  to  be 
brought.  The  delay  of  Sigismund  in  reaching  the 
place,  led  to  a  transfer  of  the  diet  to  Presburg.  The 
subject  which  invited  attention  was  the  course  which 
should  be  adopted  to  restore  peace  to  the  empire,  so 
that  its  entire  strength  might  be  concentrated  upon 
an  invasion  of  Bohemia.  After  some  deliberation, 
several  of  the  princes  urged  a  postponement  of  any 
decisive  action  until  after  another  diet,  in  which  the 
German  states  should  be  more  fully  represented,  and 
which  should  be  held  at  Nuremberg  or  Frankfort. 
Sigismund  reluctantly  acquiesced  in  the  proposal  to 
meet  at  Nuremberg.  He  spoke,  in  his  indignation, 
of  throwing  down  the  imperial  sceptre,  and  relieving 
himself  of  the  burdensome  and  vexatious  duties  of 
his  position.  "Hungary,"  he  said,  "is  enough  to 
furnish  me  with  bread."  But  his  threats  availed 
nothing.  The  German  princes  were  resolved  to  hold 
a  diet  on  their  own  soil. 

The  object  of  the  assembly  was  to  find  a  solution 
for  the  standing  problem  of  the  Bohemian  heresy. 
After  many  delays,  enough  were  assembled  to  pro- 


,622  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.        [Cu.  XYII 

ceed  to  business.  For  eight  months  the  delibera- 
tions were  protracted  ;  and  at  length  nearly  all  the 
prelates  and  princes  of  the  empire  were  brought 
together,  either  in  person  or  by  ambassadors.  Martin 
V.  sent  to  the  diet  the  Cardinal  St.  Angelo,  Juliano 
Csesarini,  who  afterward  presided  at  the  council 
of  Basle.  By  his  influence  the  reluctance  of  the 
diet  to  act  upon  the  offensive  was  overcome.  It 
was  finally  resolved  to  make  still  another  invasion  of 
Bohemia.  The  papal  legate  came,  provided  for  the 
emergency.  He  had  brought  with  him  a  bull  of 
Martin  V.  ordaining  a  crusade,  which  was  now  oppor- 
tunely to  be  published.  It  exhorted  all  believers  to 
assume  the  cross,  and  set  forth  on  this  holy  expedi- 
tion. Indulgences  were  profusely  promised  to  those 
who  should  engage  in  the  enterprise,  or  contribute  to 
its  promotion.  Those  who  should  fast  and  pray  for 
its  success,  should  have  a  remission  of  penance  for 
sixty  days.  From  other  vows  interfering  with  en- 
listment in  the  holy  war,  a  dispensation  should  be 
freely  bestowed.^ 

The  greatest  efforts  were  now  put  forth  to  secure 
a  successful  issue  for  this,  the  sixth '^  invasion  of 
Bohemia  by  the  imperialists.  The  time  fixed  for  the 
expedition  was  June  24,  1431.  The  princes  and 
prelates  exerted  themselves  to  assemble  a  powerful 
army.  To  John  Hoffman — the  old  opponent  of  Huss 
doubtless,  but  now  Bishop  of  Misnia^ — the  legate 
wrote  a  letter,  in  which  he  exhorted  him  to  unite 
in  "the  holy  league."    "Alas!"  he  exclaims,  "the 

*  Guerre  des  IIus.,  i,  299.  sade  published   and  proclaimed   by 

»  It  was  ouly  the  third  papal  cru-    bulls  of  Martiu  V.  '  Or,  Miesa. 


Cn.  XVII.]       PROCLAMATION    OF   THE    CRUSADE.  523 

abominable  heresy  of  the  Wickliffites  and  Hussites 
exceeds  to-day  in  cruelty  all  the  heresies  of  preced- 
ing ages.  It  has  inspired  them  to  a  fierce  obstinacy,  so 
that,  like  the  adder,  they  shut  their  ears  to  the  voice 
and  doctrine  of  the  church  their  mother,  reckless  of 
all  the  methods  which  she  may  take  to  bring  them 
back  to  reason.  Not  content  with  their  poisonous 
dogmas  and  their  blasphemies,  they  have  despoiled 
all  humanity  and  all  piety,  and  have  become  like 
ferocious  beasts,  to  be  satisfied  only  with  the  blood 
of  Catholics." 

He  then  dwells  indignantly  upon  the  violence, 
pluuderings,  and  sacrilege  of  the  Hussites,  vindica- 
ting the  wisdom  of  the  princes  in  arming  for  their 
extermination.  He  closes  with  the  solemn  and  formal 
command  to  proclaim,  or  have  proclaimed,  without 
delay,  in  all  cathedral  and  parish  churches  of  his 
diocese,  the  bull  of  "  Apostolic  Indulgences." 

The  bishop  rendered  a  prompt  obedience.  Similar 
measures  doubtless  were  taken  in  most  of  the  other 
dioceses  of  the  empire.  The  emperor  meanwhile, 
to  test  the  spirit  of  the  Bohemians,  advanced  to 
Egra,  and  sent  two  of  his  nobles  forward  to  Prague, 
to  propose  terras  upon  which  he  should  be  received 
as  king.  The  Taborites  and  Calixtines  were  engaged 
in  warm  disputes.  At  the  opportune,  moment,  the 
two  nobles  interposed  their  propositions.  The  citi- 
zens of  Prague,  and  Procopius  and  Kerski,  the  lead- 
ers of  the  Taborites,  favored  them  as  a  basis  of  nego- 
tiation. In  spite  of  the  opposition  of  the  Orphans, 
a  deputation  of  four,  one  of  whom  was  a  Taborite 
priest,  were  sent  to  confer  with  the  emperor. 


524  LIFE   AND   TBIES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.        [Ch.  XVIL 

More  than  two  weeks  were  spent  in  useless  confer- 
ence, when  the  deputation  from  Prague  became  sat- 
isfied that  the  only  object  of  the  emperor  was  to 
amuse  and  deceive  them  till  he  was  ready  to  strike 
a  decisive  blow.  Complaining  of  this  to  the  emperor 
himself,  they  protested  that  henceforth  their  enemies 
alone  were  responsible  for  the  continuance  of  this 
terrible  and  bloody  conflict.  For  themselves,  they 
were  ready  for  peace,  and  the  fault  of  preventing  it 
did  not  rest  upon  their  heads. 

The  deputation  returned  to  Prague.  Their  report 
produced  great  consternation  in  the  city.  The  mag- 
istrates took  measures  for  publishing  throughout 
Bohemia  the  imminency  of  the  threatened  danger. 
The  populace  were  bitter  in  their  maledictions  and 
curses  of  the  emperor.  The  most  moderate  and 
cautious  were  satisfied  that  he  had  attempted  to 
dupe  and  betray  them,  and  that  his  proposed  nego- 
tiations for  peace  were  only  intended  to  mislead  them 
into  a  false  confidence. 

Prompt  measures  were  immediately  taken.  The 
states  of  the  kingdom  were  informed  of  the  danger 
of  a  new  crusade,  and  the  Taborites  and  Orphans 
were  recalled  from  foreign  conquests  to  defend  their 
native  land.  In  execution  of  their  purpose  at  the 
close  of  the  previous  campaign,  they  had  gone  abroad 
spreading  on  every  side  the  desolation  of  their  rav- 
ages and  the  terror  of  their  arms.  Divided  among 
themselves,  and  not  rarely  at  open  variance,  this 
dread  of  a  common  foe  was  necessary  to  bring  them 
again  together.  The  old  leagues  and  confederations 
were    revived.      Old   feuds  were    forgotten.     The 


Ch.  XVII.]  THE   CAKDINAl's   LETTER.  525 

barons  of  Bohemia  and  Moravia,  the  Calixtines  of 
Prague  and  the  indomitable  Taborites  and  Orphans, 
again  united  to  repel  the  invader.  In  a  few  weeks 
50,000  infantry,  7,000  cavalry,  and  3,600  chariots 
were  gathered  for  review  at  Chotischau,  in  the  circle 
of  Pilsen. 

Meanwhile,  with  some  unexpected  delay,  the  cru- 
sading forces  had  been  got  together.  They  were 
estimated  to  number  130,000  men.  But  they  were 
not  ready  to  march  until  the  month  of  August. 
The  Elector  of  Brandenberg  was  appointed  to  the 
chief  command.  Amid  scenes  of  the  most  imposing 
ceremonial,  the  sword  was  placed  in  his  hand  by  the 
cardinal  legate.  The  Count  of  Hohenlohe  presented 
him  with  the  imperial  banner,  and  the  highest  hopes 
were  entertained  of  the  success  of  the  campaign. 

But  before  the  invading  army  crossed  the  frontiers 
of  Bohemia,  the  cardinal  determined  to  see  what 
could  be  accomplished  by  persuasion  and  argument. 
He  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Bohemians,  overflowing 
with  tenderness  and  anxiety  for  their  spiritual  wel- 
fare.    He  vaunted  the  tender  mercies  of  the  church, 
and  protested  that  the  aim  of  the  invaders  was  kind 
and  Christian,  and  that  if  the  Bohemians  would  only 
submit  and  return  to  the  unity  of  the  church,  they 
should  be  left  entirely  unharmed.     In  a  tone  of  ear- 
nest entreaty,  as  if  any  act  of  violence  or  cruelty  was 
most  remote  from  his  thought,  he  urged  and  besought 
them  to  give  up  their  heresies,  and  accept  the  charity 
which  the  church  was  ready  to  bestow. 

The  eloquence  of  the  letter  in  other  circumstances 
might  have  been  credited  in  part  to  sincerity  and 


526  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.        [Ch.  XVII. 

affectionate  anxiety,  but  the  author  of  it  must  himself 
have  felt  that  its  success — if  it  met  any — would  be 
due  to  the  armed  legions  who  stood  ready  to  enforce 
its  application.  No  doubt  a  large  number  of  the 
Bohemians  were  prepared  to  meet  it  with  a  favorable 
response ;  but  as  a  general  thing,  Calixtine  as  well  as 
Taborite  had  learned  only  too  thoroughly  to  distrust 
the  professions  of  the  enemy  and  the  good  faith  of 
Sigismund.  The  reply  that  was  made  was  one  in 
which  all  parties  could  unite,  and  one  which  betrayed 
no  trace  of  variance  between  the  different  elements 
of  opposition.  While  laying  down  the  four  Calixtine 
articles  as  the  only  basis  upon  which  any  measures 
of  negotiation  or  conciliation  were  possible,  it  pro- 
ceeds in  an  unsparing  manner  to  expose  the  policy 
hitherto  pursued  by  the  imperialists  and  the  enemies 
of  Bohemia.  It  was  a  document  well  calculated  to 
kindle  anew  the  patriotic  zeal  of  the  nation,  and  fire 
it  to  fierce  indignation  against  the  arts  and  arms  of 
the  invader.  Its  closing  paragraphs  glowed  with  an 
indomitable  and  defiant  spirit  worthy  of  Zisca  him- 
self It  declared  that  the  Bohemians  would  maintain 
their  rights  to  the  end,  and  repel  force  by  force,  by 
whomsoever  offered.  "  Your  trust,"  say  the  authors 
of  the  letter,  addressing  the  party  of  the  cardinal, 
"  is  in  an  arm  of  flesh ;  but  our  trust  is  in  the  God 
of  armies." 

This  reply  to  the  cardinal's  letter  was  in  reality 
the  manifesto  of  the  Bohemians,  and  it  was  sent  not 
only  to  the  cardinal,  but  to  the  different  states  of 
the  kingdom.  This  correspondence  took  place  dur- 
ing the  months  of  June  and  July,  (1431,)  while  the 


Ch.  XVII.]  THE    FINAL    INVASION.  527 

imperialists  were  marshalling  their  army,  and  the 
different  parties  in  Bohemia  were  uniting  their  forces 
for  a  desperate  resistance. 

The  cardinal  legate  attended  in  person  the  march 
of  the  main  body  of  the  imperialists.  He  sought, 
by  all  the  ecclesiastical  resources  at  his  command, 
to  enkindle  the  fanatic  zeal  of  the  crusaders.  The 
son-in-law  of  the  emperor,  Albert  of  Austria,  was 
prepared  to  make  a  diversion  in  favor  of  the  imperi- 
alists on  the  side  of  Moravia,  while  80,000  infantry, 
40,000  cavalry,  and  a  formidable  artillery  approach- 
ed the  western  frontiers  of  Bohemia.  The  Elector 
of  Saxony  invested  Taschau,  while  another  corps  pro- 
ceeded to  Batisbon.  At  the  entrance  of  the  Frauen- 
berg  forest,  the  imj^erialists  halted.  A  council  of 
war  was  held,  and  scouts  sent  out  to  make  explora- 
tions. Procopius,  not  unmindful  of  his  danger,  took 
pains  to  deceive  them,  and  lead  them  into  the  belief 
that  the  Hussites  were  divided.  The  imperialists 
were  duped,  and  in  the  confidence  of  security  enter- 
ed the  forest  near  Tausch.  Of  a  sudden  the  report 
spread  that  the  Hussites  were  united,  and  were  rapid- 
ly advancing  in  order  of  battle.  The  Archduke 
of  Bavaria,  and  all  his  troops,  seized  with  a  panic, 
broke  up  in  the  night  and  fled.  Abandoning  all 
their  stores,  they  hurried  back  in  the  greatest  disorder 
to  Riesenburg.  The  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  with 
the  division  under  his  command,  betrayed  the  same 
terror.  His  soldiers  tore  up  their  standards  and  fled.^ 

*  Wenzel  (History  of  Germany,  ii.  the  honor  of  the  empire,  and  to  march 

17'7)  says,  "  The  free  knights  of  tlie  against  the  Hussites,  on  condition  of 

empire,  filled  with  shame  at  this  cow-  no   prince   being   permitted   to    join 

ardly  discomfiture,  vowed  to  restore  their  ranks.    The  nobility  cast  all  the 


626  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.        [Ch.  XVil. 

affectionate  anxiety,  but  the  author  of  it  must  himself 
have  felt  that  its  success — if  it  met  any — would  be 
due  to  the  armed  legions  who  stood  ready  to  enforce 
its  application.  No  doubt  a  large  number  of  the 
Bohemians  were  prepared  to  meet  it  with  a  favorable 
response ;  but  as  a  general  thing,  Calixtine  as  well  as 
Taborite  had  learned  only  too  thoroughly  to  distrust 
the  professions  of  the  enemy  and  the  good  faith  of 
Sigisinund.  The  reply  that  was  made  was  one  in 
which  all  parties  could  unite,  and  one  which  betrayed 
no  trace  of  variance  between  the  different  elements 
of  opposition.  While  laying  down  the  four  Calixtine 
articles  as  the  only  basis  upon  which  any  measures 
of  negotiation  or  conciliation  were  possible,  it  pro- 
ceeds in  an  unsparing  manner  to  expose  the  policy 
hitherto  pursued  by  the  imperialists  and  the  enemies 
of  Bohemia.  It  was  a  document  well  calculated  to 
kindle  anew  the  patriotic  zeal  of  the  nation,  and  fire 
it  to  fierce  indignation  against  the  arts  and  arms  of 
the  invader.  Its  closing  paragraphs  glowed  with  an 
indomitable  and  defiant  spirit  worthy  of  Zisca  him- 
self. It  declared  that  the  Bohemians  would  maintain 
their  rights  to  the  end,  and  repel  force  by  force,  by 
whomsoever  offered.  "  Your  trust,"  say  the  authors 
of  the  lettei',  addressing  the  party  of  the  cardinal, 
"  is  in  an  arm  of  flesh ;  but  our  trust  is  in  the  God 
of  armies." 

This  reply  to  the  cardinal's  letter  was  in  reality 
the  manifesto  of  the  Bohemians,  and  it  was  sent  not 
only  to  the  cardinal,  but  to  the  different  states  of 
the  kingdom.  This  correspondence  took  place  dur- 
ing the  months  of  June  and  July,  (1431,)  while  the 


Ch.  XVII.]  THE    FINAL    INVASION.  527 

imperialists  were  marshalling  their  army,  and  the 
different  parties  in  Bohemia  were  uniting  their  forces 
for  a  desperate  resistance. 

The  cardinal  legate  attended  in  person  the  march 
of  the  main  body  of  the  imperialists.  He  sought, 
by  all  the  ecclesiastical  resources  at  his  command, 
to  enkindle  the  fanatic  zeal  of  the  ci'usaders.  The 
son-in-law  of  the  emperor,  Albert  of  Austria,  was 
prepared  to  make  a  diversion  in  favor  of  the  imperi- 
alists on  the  side  of  Moravia,  while  80,000  infantr}^, 
40,000  cavalry,  and  a  formidable  artillery  approach- 
ed the  western  frontiers  of  Bohemia.  The  Elector 
of  Saxony  invested  Taschau,  while  another  corps  pro- 
ceeded to  K-atisbon.  At  the  entrance  of  the  Frauen- 
berg  forest,  the  imperialists  halted.  A  council  of 
war  was  held,  and  scouts  sent  out  to  make  explora- 
tions. Procopius,  not  unmindful  of  his  danger,  took 
pains  to  deceive  them,  and  lead  them  into  the  belief 
that  the  Hussites  were  divided.  The  imperialists 
were  duped,  and  in  the  confidence  of  security  enter- 
ed the  forest  near  Tausch.  Of  a  sudden  the  report 
spread  that  the  Hussites  were  united,  and  were  rapid- 
ly advancing  in  order  of  battle.  The  Archduke 
of  Bavaria,  and  all  his  troops,  seized  with  a  panic, 
broke  up  in  the  night  and  fled.  Abandoning  all 
their  stores,  they  hurried  back  in  the  greatest  disorder 
to  Riesenburg.  The  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  with 
the  division  under  his  command,  betrayed  the  same 
terror.  His  soldiers  tore  up  their  standards  and  fled.^ 

*  Wenzel  (History  of  Germany,  ii.  the  honor  of  the  empire,  and  to  march 

IT?)  says,  "  The  free  kniglits  of  the  against  the  Hussites,  on  condition  of 

empire,  filled  with  shame  at  this  cow-  no   prince   being   permitted   to    join 

ardly  discomfiture,  vowed  to  restore  their  ranks.    The  nobility  cast  all  the 


528  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HTISS.       [Ch.  XVII. 

The  cardinal  legate  alone  showed  more  presence  of 
mind.  He  rallied  the  fugitives  again  at  Riesenburg, 
a  few  miles  distant  from  Tausch,  and  his  glowing 
words  restored  shame  if  not  enthusiasm  to  the  sol- 
diery. But  the  approach  of  the  Bohemians  renewed 
the  old  terror.  The  army  was  dispirited  and  dis- 
organized. They  fled,  and  the  flight  was  a  complete 
rout.  The  Bohemians  met  .no  resistance.  They  had 
nothing  to  do  but  massacre  the  fugitives  and  seize 
the  booty.  The  mass  of  the  imperialists  obstructed 
their  own  escape.  Eight  thousand  wagons  full  of 
military  stores,  with  all  the  heavy  artillery,  fell  into 
the  hands  of  Procoj^ius  and  his  Hussite  soldiers. 
The  strong  chest  of  the  imperial  army  was  seized, 
and  the  cardinal  himself  barely  escaped,  with  the  loss 
of  his  hat,  cross,  sacerdotal  robes,  and  the  bull  of 
the  crusade.  The  last  was  long  preserved  at  Tausch 
as  a  glorious  trophy  of  the  Hussite  victory. 

So  disastrous  a  defeat  effectually  crushed  the  hopes 
that  had  hitherto  been  cherished  of  subjecting  the 
Bohemians  by  force  of  arms.  Even  the  cardinal 
Julian,  who  had  instigated  the  crusade  so  effectually, 
now  declared  himself  in  favor  of  adopting  more 
conciliatory  measures.  The  time  was  approaching 
for  the  assembling  of  the  council  summoned  at  Basle, 
and  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Bohemians  in  the  most 
gentle  tone,  hiviting  them  to  be  present  and  discuss 
their  grievances  and  present  their  demands,  with  the 
assurance  that  they  should  be  allowed  the   fullest 

blame  on  the  cowardly  or  egotistical  to  serve  against  the  Hussites,  whose 

policy  pursued  by  the  princes :   the  cause  was  deemed  by  them  both  glori- 

flight,  however,  chiefly  arose  from  the  ous  and  just." 
disinclination  of  the  common  soldiers 


Ch.  XVII.]  INVITATION    OF   THE    COUNCIL.  529 

freedom.  The  council  itself  (which  met  Dec,  1431*) 
renewed  tlie  invitation.^  It  was  accompanied  by  a 
safe-conduct,  the  substance  of  which  declared  that 
they  should  have  entire  liberty  to  remain  at  Basle, 
to  act,  decide,  treat,  and  enter  into  arrangements 
with  the  council ;  that  they  should  celebrate  with 
perfect  liberty,  in  their  own  houses,  their  peculiar 
forms  of  worship ;  that  in  public  and  in  private, 
they  should  be  allowed  from  scripture  and  the  holy 
doctors  to  advance  proof  of  their  fo2i7'  articles^  against 
which  no  preaching  of  the  Catholics  should  be  allowed 
while  they  remained  within  the  city ;  that  any  at- 
tempt at  the  violation  of  their  safe-conduct  should 
be  severely  punished,  and  that  on  their  return  they 
should  be  accompanied  by  a  safe  escort  to  the  Bohe- 
mian frontier.  But  even  these  conditions,  f^ivorable 
as  they  were,  could  not  at  once  overcome  their  deep 
distrust.  In  fact,  the  source  fmm  which  they  came 
could  not  fail  to  excite  suspicion.  They  who  but 
just  now  breathed  only  a  spirit  of  exterminating 
invasion — who  had  incited  all  Christendom  to  engage 
in  a  crusade  to  be  mai-ked  by  plunder  and  carnage — 
assume  a  tone  too  gentle  to  accord  with  their  former 
threats. 

*  The  council  had  been  summoned  1431 ;   but  the  number  of  members 

to  meet  at  Basle  at  a  much  earlier  present  was  so  small,  that  the  first 

date,  and  was  in  fact  opened  at  the  session  was  not  held  till  Dec.  24. 

cathedral  church  of  Basle,  July  23,  ■    ''  Richerius,  iii.  398. 


VOL.  II. 


84 


CHAPTER  XVIIl. 

THE  COUNCIL  OF  BASLE.     CALIXTINE  ASCENDENCY. 

Necessity  of  a  Council. —  Demand  for  Reform. —  Sigismund's  Assumed  Leki- 
ENcr. —  Conciliatory  Plan  of  the  Council. —  Dissatisfaction  of  the  Pope. 
—  The  Council  of  Basle  Declared  to  be  Dissolved. — The  Surprise  Occa- 
sioned.—  Reply  of  Cardinal  Julian. —  The  Council  Resolve  to  Continue 
their  Sessions. —  The  Legate  Remonstrates  with  the  Pope. —  Firmness  op 
THE  Council. —  The  Emperor. —  Italy. —  The  Pope  Cited. —  The  Bohemians 
AT  Basle. —  Their  Reception.  —  How  their  Reluctance  was  Overcome. — 
Hostages  demanded  —  The  Bohemians  before  the  Council. —  Rokyzan. — 
The  Calixtine  Articles  Defended. —  Terms  Offered  by  the  Bohemians.— 
Discussion  in  the  Council. —  Unsatisfactory  Issue.— Return  of  the  Bohe 
mians  to  Prague.  —  Deputation  of  the  Council  at  Prague. —  The  Ultima 
tum. —  Concessions. —  The  Compactata. —  The  Calixtines  and  Taborites  ai 
Variance. —  Conflict. —  Defeat  and  Death  of  Procopius.— Strength  of  the 
Taborites  Broken.  —  Demand  of  the  States  of  Bohemia.  —  Conspiracy 
against  Sigismund. —  His  Resolution. — His  death. —  Albert  of  Austria. — 
George  Podiebrad. —  The  Taborite  Supremacy  Suppressed. 

1432  — 146'7. 

Meanwhile,  however,  changes  were  taking  place  iu 
the  relative  position  of  the  parties  hitherto  combined 
against  Bohemia — changes  which  enforced  the  policy 
of  conciliation.  Germany  was  loudly  and  urgently 
insisting  upon  her  demand  for  ecclesiastical  reform. 
The  disappointment  of  her  hopes  at  the  council  of, 
Constance  only  made  her  more  earnest  that  some 
measures  should  now  be  adopted,  which  should 
effectually  check  the  corruption  of  the  church.  The 
cardinal  legate,  who  had  carefully  surveyed  the 
ground,  and  had  received  information  which  excited 
his  alarm,  felt  that  it  would  no  longer  answer  to  trifle 

(530) 


Ch.  xviii.]  eeasons  for  a  council.  531 

with  the  demand.  He  boldly  declared,  that  unless 
something  was  done  it  would  be  to  no  purpose  to 
eradicate  the  Bohemian  heresy.  Other  heresies 
would  spring  up  to  supply  its  place,  and  introduce 
new  divisions  into  the  church.  Unless  there  was  a 
reformation  in  the  clergy,  the  result  was  inevitable.^ 
The  license  and  excesses  of  the  German  clergy — so 
he  wrote  to  Pope  Eugenius  IV.  (Gabriel  Condulmer, 
who  had  succeeded  to  the  tiara  on  the  death  of 
Martin  V.,  Feb.  20,  1431)— "had  irritated  the  laity 
beyond  measure  against  the  ecclesiastical  order,"  ^  so 
that  it  was  to  be  feared  lest,  imitating  the  example 
of  the  Hussites,  the  popular  indignation  should  rise 
up  and  sweep  away  the  entire  hierarchy. 

Nor  was  this  all.  The  Bohemians  would  be  so 
encouraged  by  the  corrupt  state  of  things  in  Ger- 
many, as  to  be  inspired  to  greater  audacity  in  their 
invectives  and  complaints.  To  shut  their  mouths, 
and  to  take  away  every  excuse  for  their  course,  it 
was  absolutely  essential  that  the  council  should  pro- 
ceed with  the  task  of  reform.  If  a  general  council 
was  not  held,  a  provincial  council  was  absolutely 
essential.  The  danger  was  imminent.  The  entire 
hierarchy  was  threatened  with  destruction. 

Such  were  the  views  of  the  legate,  boldly  expressed. 
They  were  shared  fully  by  most  of  those  acquainted 
with  the  facts  of  the  case.  Sigismund  himself  felt 
that  hostile  measures  for  the  invasion  of  Bohemia 
were  no  longer  wise  or  practicable.  With  his  ready 
dissimulation  he  assumed  a  supplicating  attitude,  and 
hypocritically  assured  the  Bohemians  in  writing  of 

*  Richerius,  iii.  323.  ■'  lb.,  822. 


532  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHlSr   HUSS.       [Ch.  XVia 

liis  good-will  and  of  his  present  inclination  to  come 
to  terms ;  to  which  they  made  reply — indicative  of 
their  distrust — that  his  real  intention  was  to  draw 
them  away  from  the  truth.  In  these  circumstances 
his  only  hope  was  in  the  conciliatory  policy  of  the 
council. 

This  policy  was  strongly  urged  by  the  cardinal 
legate.  He  had  seen  enough  to  satisfy  him  that  the 
hope  of  subjecting  Bohemia  by  crusading  zeal  was 
vain  and  illusive.  He  had  no  wish  to  try  again  his 
previous  experiment.  Yet  he  was  deeply  in  earnest 
to  bring  back  the  Bohemians  to  the  unity  of  the 
church.  By  means  of  the  council  which  was  now  to 
be  convoked,  he  hoped  that  the  object  might  be 
accomplished. 

The  spiritual  and  temporal  lords  generally  took 
the  same  view  of  the  case.  They  were  strongly 
inclined  to  make  concessions.  But  this  did  not  suit 
the  plans  of  the  new  pontiff.  He  was  opposed  to  all 
negotiation  or  compromise.  He  was  urgent  for  a 
renewal  of  the  crusade,  and  scorned  the  humiliation 
of  treating  with  heretics  who  assumed  a  defiant  atti- 
tude. Perhaps  his  fear  of  the  council,  which  he 
dreaded  scarcely  less  than  the  Bohemian  infection, 
had  not  a  little  to  do  with  it. 

He  beheld  with  apprehension  the  convocation  of 
a  council  in  a  city  not  only  beyond  his  own  juris- 
diction, but  where  it  would  be  subject  to  imperial 
influence.  He  dreaded  the  freedom  of  its  utterance. 
He  had  reason  to  fear  the  bearing  of  its  decisions 
upon  himself.  The  precedent  of  the  council  of  Con- 
stance filled  him  with  alarm.     The  result  was,  that 


Ch.  XVIII.]    THE  COUNCIL  PRONOUNCED  DISSOLVED.        533 

in  spite  of  the  emperor,  the  council  of  Basle  was 
pronounced  to  be  dissolved,  and  was  convoked  anew 
to  meet  at  Bologna,  (Nov.  11,  1431.)     The  reasons 
adduced  by  the  pope  for  this  procedure,  were,^  that 
Basle  was  not  a  place  sufficiently  secure,  in  part,  on 
account  of  the  Hussites,  and  in  part,  on  account  of 
the   internal  conflicts  of  the  German  princes;  and 
that  it  was  too  distant  for  the  deputation  from  the 
Greek  chui-ch,  in  case  they  wished  to  prosecute  the 
business  of  their  union  with  the  church  of  Rome.  For 
this  purpose  an  Italian  city  would  be  far  preferable.^ 
This  measure  of  the  pope  took  the  assembled  bish- 
ops and  theologians  by  surprise.     Even  the  Cardinal 
Julian  was  dissatisfied  with  it,  as  at  least  impolitic. 
He  replied  to  each  of  the  reasons  which  the  pope 
had  adduced  for  the  transfer  of  the  council.     The 
Greeks,  he  said,  had  been  talking  for  three  hundred 
years  about  union,  but  nothing  had  come  of  it ;  and 
as  to  the  Hussites,  or  the  civil  discords  and  conflicts 
in  Germany,  no  danger  was  to  be  apprehended.    An 
uncertainty  should  nat  be  surrendered  for  a  certainty. 
The  emperor  and  the  princes  regarded  the  council 
as  the  last  resource  for  restoring  peace  to  Bohemia ; 
and,  beside  all,  it  was  to  be   feared  that  if  there 
were  no  speedy  reform  in  the  morals  of  the  German 
clergy,  the  laity,  who  already  had  them  in  derision, 
would   treat  them   no  better  than  they  had  been 
treated  by  the  Hussites. 

'  Schmidt's  Geschichte  der    Deut-  Basle  adhered  to  the  doctrines  of  the 

Bchen,  iv.  159.  heretical  and  excommunicated  Huss, 

"  In  addition  to  these  reasons  for  and  that  the  presence  of  the  council 

the  transfer  of  the  council,  the  pope  there  would  breed  daily  scandals  and 

stated  that  many  of  the  citizens  of  quarrels. — Bower,  iii.  219. 


534  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.      [Ch.  XVIH. 

In  spite  of  the  papal  mandate,  the  council  resolved 
unanimously  to  remain  at  Basle,  and  proceed  to  busi- 
ness. The  condition  of  Bohemia  first  invited  their 
attention;  but  the  papal  urgency  for  the  crusade 
was  rendered  futile  by  the  open  controversy  between 
Eugenius  and  the  council.  At  Basle  it  was  no  longer 
the  question  whether  Bohemia  should  be  subdued 
by  force  of  arms.  The  Archduke  of  Austria  and 
the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  who  would  have  been  selected 
as  leaders  in  case  of  a  crusade,  were  at  open  vari- 
ance. It  would  be  no  longer  possible  to  combine  in 
a  single  enterprise  the  forces  of  the  empire.  The 
invitation,  moreover,  given  by  the  council  to  the 
Bohemians  to  be  present  at  Basle,  with  the  assur- 
ance that  they  should  be  indulgently  heard,  was  a 
step  which  the  pope  represented  as  prejudicial  to 
the  authority  of  previous  councils  which  had  con- 
demned them  as  heretical.  He  therefore  renewed 
his  decree  removing  the  council  to  Bologna. 

The  old  difficulty  of  the  council  of  Constance  was 
thus  renewed.  The  pope  and  the  council  were  at 
variance.  It  was  in  vain  that  Cardinal  Julian  at- 
tempted to  dissuade  Eugenius  from  the  inflexibility 
of  his  purpose.  "  What,"  he  asks,^  "  will  the  heretics 
say  who  have  been  already  invited  to  Basle  ?  Will 
they  not  be  more  strenuous,  and  must  not  the  church 
confess  itself  overcome,  if  it  refuses  to  await  the  ar- 
rival of  those  whom  it  has  invited  ?  Will  they  not 
think  they  see  the  finger  of  God  in  it,  that  after  so 
many  armies  have  been  routed,  the  church  itself  flees 
before  them,  making  it  plain  that  the  heretics  can 

'  Riclieriua,  iii.  326. 


Ch.  XVIII.]  FIEMNESS    OF   THE    COUNCIL.  535 

be  overcome  neitter  by  arms,  nor  by  leai'iiing  and 
conviction  ?  What  will  the  world  say  of  the  clergy  ? 
Will  they  not  hold  that  its  corruption  must  be  per- 
petual, and  that  if  so  many  councils  have  been  held 
in  vain,  its  reformation  is  hopeless  ?  The  whole 
world  is  waiting  in  expectation  of  some  result.  If 
this  is  again  to  be  defeated,  men  will  say  that  we 
are  making  a  mock  of  God  and  man ;  and  as  the  hope 
of  reform  vanishes,  the  laity  will  persecute  us  as  the 
Hussites  have  done."  In  a  similar  strain  the  emperor 
himself  addressed  the  pope.  But  all  was  in  vain. 
Either  the  court  of  Rome  had  gone  too  far  in  its 
course  of  opposition  to  retreat  with  honor,  or  it  was 
inspired  by  a  deeper  policy  than  that  which  it 
avowed.  The  council  of  Basle  was  an  object  of  pro- 
found distrust.  There  was  no  relying  upon  it  unless 
it  was  removed  to  some  Italian  city.  The  cry  of  re- 
formation had  become  exceedingly  obnoxious,  and 
the  pope  could  not  be  dissuaded  from  his  purpose  to 
suppress  it. 

But  on  its  side,  the  council  was  equally  firm.  It 
felt  that  the  eyes  of  the  world  were  directed  toward 
the  measures  which  it  should  adopt  for  restoring 
Bohemia  to  the  unity  of  the  church.  It  was  said 
openly  at  Basle,  that  the  Roman  court  was  opposed 
to  all  reform,  and  resolved  to  sacrifice  the  welfare  of 
all  Christendom  to  its  own  interest.  The  decrees  of 
the  fourth  and  fifth  sessions  of  the  council  of  Con- 
stance were  confirmed,  establishing  the  superiority  of 
general  councils  to  the  authority  of  the  pope.  The 
decisions  of  Eugenius  against  the  rights  of  the  assem- 
bly were  declared  null,  and  it  was  decided  that  in  case 


536  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.      [Ch.  XVIII. 

the  Holy  See  should  become  vacant,  the  election 
should  take  place  at  Basle  and  no  where  else.  The 
nomination  of  cardinals,  pending  the  sessions  of 
the  council,  was  forbidden,  and  the  pope  himself  was 
summoned  to  appear  at  Basle  within  the  space  of 
three  months. 

These  decisions  were  regarded  at  Rome  as  a  for- 
mal declaration  of  war  against  the  papal  authority 
Nor  were  the  measures  of  Eugenius  more  favorably 
interpreted  at  Basle.  Each  party  prepared  itself  for 
the  conflict,  determined  to  maintain  its  superiority. 
The  ground  was  disputed,  step  by  step.  Eugenius 
imagined  that  he  had  one  decisive  advantage.  Sigis- 
mund  had  never  yet  received  the  imperial  crown  at 
the  hands  of  the  pope.  He  was  now  anxious  for  his 
coronation.^  Eugenius  determined  to  make  his  own 
terms,  and  these  were,  the  submission  or  transfer  of 
the  council.  Sigismund  was  in  no  condition  to  en- 
force his  demand.  For  a  year  he  lingered  in  Italy, 
and  vainly  summoned  the  German  princes  to  his  aid. 
None  came.  But  even  thus  Sigismund  held  out. 
He  would  not  betray  the  cause  of  the  council.  Eu- 
genius at  last  receded  so  far  as  to  consent  that  a 
general  council  summoned  by  him  should  be  held  at 
Basle.  But  this  would  not  satisfy  the  council  already 
assembled.  What  would  be  the  fate  of  the  sessions 
already  held  ?  They  persevered  in  their  cause  in 
spite  alike  of  the  threats  and  intrigues  of  the  pope. 

'  The  pope  deferred  the  ceremony  to  be  placed  awry  on  Sigismund's 

as  long  as  possible.      He  at  length  head    by   another    ecclesiastic,   and 

yielded  to  Sigismund's  demands,  but  then  pushed  it  straight  with  his  foot 

in  doing  so,  gave  full  vent  to  his  dis-  as  the   emperor  knelt  before  him.— 

oleasure.      He    caused   "  the  crown  MenzeVs  Germany,  ii.  118. 


Ch.  XVIII.]  THE   BOHEMIANS    AT   BASLE.  537 

At  length,  in  the  eleventh  session,  they  cited  him 
agtiin  to  appear  at  Basle,  threatening  him  with  sus- 
pension if  he  failed  to  comply,  and  in  case  of  con- 
tinued persistence  in  his  refusal,  with  deposition. 
Again  the  pope  yielded,  but  the  capitulation  was 
partial.  He  recalled  his  decree  dissolving  or  trans- 
ferring the  council.  The  return  of  the  emperor  from 
Italy  suspended  further  hostile  proceedings,  and  the 
year  (1432)  closed  with  an  appai-ent  reconciliation  of 
the  two  parties,  whose  mutual  irritation  and  violent 
designs  were  cloaked  by  hypocritical  professions.^ 

The  Bohemians  at  length  were  led  to  confide  in 
the  sincerity  of  the  invitations  that  had  been  ex- 
tended to  them  from  Basle.  Conscious  of  their  own 
strength,  they  saw  that  the  Roman  church  was  no 
longer  in  a  condition  to  prosecute  hostile  measures 
against  them,  and  the  obvious  weakness  produced  by 
its  threatened  schism  secured  a  confidence  in  its  as- 
surances which  promises  and  safe-conducts  alone 
never  could  have  afi*orded.  It  was  in  the  beginning 
of  the  next  year  (Jan.  4,  1433)  that  the  Bohemian 
deputation,  numbering  three  hundred,  was  chosen, 
from  among  the  most  noble  in  the  land,  and  with  Pro- 
copius  the  Great,  the  colleague  of  Zisca,  the  hero  of 
many  battles,  the  leader  of  many  invasions,  at  its 
head.  A  curious  spectacle  was  this — the  reception 
with  public  honors,  by  a  council  representing  the 
orthodoxy  of  Catholic  Christendom,  of  a  body  of 
men  who  had  stood  forth  for  years,  with  arms  in 
hand,  as  the  champions  of  the  martyred  Huss — 'the 
heretic  of  Constance.     They  came  in  the  conscious- 

'  Richerius,  iii.  412,  414. 


538  LIFE   AND   TBIES    OF   JOHN  HTSS.       [Ch.  XVIII. 

ness  of  strength,  with  the  hard-won  reputation  of 
invincible^  and  in  their  bold,  fearless,  and  haughty 
bearing,  presented  a  striking  contrast  to  the  entrance 
of  Huss  or  Jerome  upon  the  scenes  of  their  trial  and 
martyrdom.  They  came  with  no  tokens  of  inferi- 
ority or  marks  of  submission,  but  to  treat  on  equal 
terms  with  a  body  which  represented  the  power  and 
authority  of  the  whole  Catholic  church. 

The  greatest  curiosity  prevailed  to  see  these  men 
who  had  rendered  their  names  terrible  throuo-hout  the 
world,  and  against  whose  impetuous  heroism  succes- 
sive imperial  armies  had  been  dashed  and  shattered. 
Strange  stories  of  their  valor  had  gone  abroad. 
The  very  means  employed  by  calumny  to  make  them 
odious  and  even  horrible,  had  lifted  them  to  fame. 
Procopius,  with  his  hawk  nose  and  his  dark  and  omi- 
nous-looking countenance,  led  the  band.  He  was  at- 
tended by  the  shrewd  and  crafty  Rokyzan,  the  head  of 
the  Bohemian  clergy,  Nicolas  Biscupek,  "  The  Little 
Bishop,"  the  leading  preacher  among  the  Taborites, 
Ulric,  the  principal  speaker  among  the  Orphans,  and 
Peter  Payne,  the  Englishman. 

As  the  Bohemians  approached  the  city,  they  were 
met  by  an  immense  crowd,  embracing  a  large  number 
of  the  members  of  the  council  itself,  who  had  dis- 
persed themselves  without  the  walls  in  anticipation 
of  tlieir  arrival.  "The  public  places  and  streets, 
along  their  passage,  were  thronged  with  spectators. 
Women,  children,  and  even  youug  girls  filled  the 
windows  and  occupied  the  roofs  of  the  houses.  The 
lookers-on  pointed  out  to  each  other  these  foreign 
costumes,  which  had  never  before  been  seen  there. 


Ch.  xviil]  distrust  overcome.  539 

They  gazed  witli  surprise  at  the  visages  marked  with, 
scars,  and  those  terrible  eyes  ;  and  in  beholding  men 
of  stern  appearance,  they  were  the  less  astonished  at 
the  things  which  fame  related  of  them."  ^  But  it 
was  to  Procopius  himself  that  particular  attention 
was  drawn.  He,  the  hero  of  so  many  sieges  and 
battles,  the  destroyer  of  so  many  towns,  who  had 
subdued  mighty  armies,  and  was  scarcely  less  terrible 
to  his  own  countrymen  by  his  massacres  and  plunder- 
ings  than  to  the  enemy  by  his  victories,  was  the  ob- 
ject of  universal  curiosity. 

It  had  been  only  by  pressing  invitations,  and 
strenuous  efforts  to  overcome  their  distrust,  that  the 
Bohemians  had  been  drawn  to  Basle.  The  first  let- 
ters sent  them  had  remained  unanswei*ed.  No  notice 
even  was  given  the  council  that  they  had  been  re- 
ceived. They  had  been  first  sent  to  Egra,  and  thence 
transmitted  to  Prague.  The  deputies  of  the  council, 
anxious  for  the  success  of  their  mission,  sent  through 
the  senate  of  Nuremberg  to  inquire  of  the  citizens  of 
Egra  how  the  invitation  had  been  received  at  Prague. 
On  learning  that  the  Calixtine  party,  which  prepon- 
derated there,  had  been  inclined  to  regard  it  with 
favor,  they  renewed  their  application  in  hope  of 
finally  succeeding  in  their  object.  A  reply  was  re- 
turned, proposing  a  conference  at  Egra  between  the 
deputies  of  the  council  and  the  neighboring  princes 
on  one  side,  and  the  Hussite^  on  the  other,  for  the 
purpose  of  securing  safe-conducts.  The  twenty- 
seventh  day  of  April  (1432)  was  appointed  for  the 
conference.     But  the  Bohemians,  on  the  ground  that 

'^neas  Sylvius.    Cochlseus,  24 Y. 


540  LITE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.      [Ch.  XVIII. 

no  assurance  had  "been  given  for  their  safety,  even  at 
the  conference,  failed  to  appear.  This  difficulty  was 
at  last  overcome  ;  but  the  Bohemians,  complaining  of 
the  injuries  and  wrongs  they  had  suffered,  and  not 
unmindful  of  the  violation  of  the  safe-conduct  of 
John  Huss,  demanded  hostages  for  the  fulfilment  of 
the  promises  made  by  the  deputies  of  the  council. 
Nor  would  they  accept  any  but  those  of  princely  or 
noble  birth.  At  length  the  princes  pledged  them- 
selves to  see  that  the  safe-conducts  were  f^iithfully 
observed.  Even  thus,  however,  the  distrust  of  the 
Bohemians  could  not  be  overcome  until  they  had 
sent  two  of  their  countrymen  to  Basle  to  be  more 
fully  certified  of  the  honest  intentions  of  the  council. 
Upon  their  favorable  report  that  the  invitation  was 
sincerely  and  truly  given,  the  deputation  of  the  Bo- 
hemian nation  was  elected. 

The  next  day  after  their  arrival  at  Basle,^  the 
Bohemian  deputation  appeared  before  the  council. 
They  were  graciously  received,  and  addressed  by 
Cardinal  Julian,  who  presided  at  its  sessions.  In  be- 
half of  the  Bohemians,  Kokyzan  replied.  His  ad- 
dress, composed  for  the  most  part  of  select  passages 
of  scripture  skilfully  adapted  to  express  the  feelings 
and  views  of  the  Bohemians,  and  expressing  a  meas- 
ured confidence  in  the  council,  closed  with  demand- 
ing tliat  a  day  should  be  appointed  on  which  they 
might  be  heard.  The  sixteenth  day  of  January  was 
appointed  for  opening  the  discussion,  which  was  con- 
tinued with  few  intervals  for  more  than  two  months. 

The  Bohemians  presented  and  defended  their  four 

'  Some  say  January  9 . 


Ch.  XVIII.]  TERMS    OF   THE   BOHEMIANS.  541 

Calixtine  articles.  "  These  articles,"  say  they,  "  we 
present  to  you,  that,  appreheuding  the  unusual  desire 
felt  for  peace  and  security,  you  may  consent  to  ap- 
prove them  in  the  form  subscribed,  so  that  they  may 
be  freely  held,  taught,  and  irrevocably  observed  in 
the  kingdom  of  Bohemia  and  the  march  of  Moravia, 
and  such  places  as  adhere  to  the  views  they  hold."  ^ 

In  evidence  of  the  sincerity  of  their  desire  for 
peace,  the  Bohemians  say,  "  We  are  ready  to  be 
united,  and  to  become  one  in  the  way  in  which  all 
Christian  believers  are  bound  to  be  united,  accord- 
ing to  the  law  of  God,  and  to  adhere  to  and  obey 
all  legitimate  ecclesiastical  rulers  in  whatever  they 
command  accordant  to  the  divine  law.  So  that  if 
council,  pope,  or  prelate  shall  determine  or  com- 
mand that  to  be  done  which  is  forbidden  of  God,  or 
shall  pass  over,  or  command  to  pass  over,  what  is 
written  in  the  canon  of  the  Bible — since  the  canons 
pronounce  such  things  execrable  and  anathema — we 
shall  be  under  no  obligation  to  respect  them  or 
render  them  obedience.  These  conditions  we  offer, 
to  be  accepted  and  concluded  mutually  between  you 
and  ns." 

The  Bohemians  also  insisted,  that  in  cage  of  the 
acceptance  of  their  articles,  the  council  should  united- 
ly use  its  influence  to  produce  concord  in  Bohemia 
and  Moravia,  silencing  or  restraining  by  its  authority 
such  as  might  be  disposed  to  make  disturbance,  so 
that  a  safe  and  permanent  peace  might  be  the  result. 

The  discussion  of  the  articles  was  commenced  by 
Rokyzan,  who  spoke  for  three  days  in  defence  of  the 

'  Richerius,  iv.  400. 


542  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.       [Ch.  XVIII. 

first,  on  the  communion  of  the  cup.  The  second 
was  argued  by  Nicholas  de  Peletz,  who  occupied  two 
days ;  the  third  by  Uh^ic,  who  occupied  two  more, 
and  the  fourth  by  Peter  Payne,  who  spoke  for  three 
successive  days.  A  perfect  freedom  of  speech  was 
allowed,  and  the  council. was  compelled  patiently  to 
hear  Wickliffe  and  Huss,  who  had  been  condemned 
as  heretics  at  Constance,  spoken  of  as  evangelical 
doctors.  In  conclusion,  the  Bohemians  thanked  the 
council  for  the  gracious  hearing  which  had  been 
allowed  them.  ^ 

John  of  Ragusa,  a  theological  professor,  afterward 
a  cardinal,  then  demanded  to  be  heard  in  reply  on 
the  subject  of  the  first  article.  For  eight  successive 
days  he  disputed  the  positions  taken  by  Rokyzan. 
Before  he  commenced,  however,  John,  a  Cistercian 
abbot,  exhorted  the  Bohemians  to  submit  to  the 
decisions  of  the  church  as  represented  by  the  council. 
But  a  blind  submission  was  not  to  their  taste,  and 
they  indignantly  rejected  the  offensive  proposal. 
They  preferred  a  full  and  free  discussion.  John  of 
Ragusa  then  proceeded  with  his  remarks,  but  the 
terms  "  heretic  "  and  "  heresies  "  were  so  frequent  upon 
his  lips,  that  the  patience  of  Procopius  was  exhausted. 
He  rose  up  and  indignantly  complained  to  the  coun- 
cil against  such  injustice.  "  This  our  countryman," 
said  he,  "  does  us  great  wrong,  so  often  calling  us 
heretics."  "As  I  am  your  countryman  both  by 
tongue  and  nation,"  replied  the  speaker,  "  I  do  the 
more  desire  to  bring  you  back  to  the  church."  Some 
of  the   Bohemians  were,  however,  so  offended,  that 

'  Cochlasus,  250. 


Ch.  XVm.]  A    DILEMMA.  543 

they  left  the  council,  and  would  not  hear  the  re- 
mainder of  his  disputation.  Ten  days  more  were 
occupied  by  others  in  reply  to  the  three  remaining 
articles,  till  the  Bohemians  grew  weaiy  of  the  tedious 
and  protracted  discussion.  Still  they  maintained 
their  ground.  ^  Rokyzan  defended  his  first  positions 
for  six  successive  days. 

At  last  it  was  evident  that  the  parties  were  brought 
no  nearer  together  by  prolonged  disputations,  and 
at  the  instance  of  the  Duke  of  Bavaria,  protector 
of  the  council,  another  plan  was  devised  to  reconcile 
matters.  This  was,  that  a  certain  number  of  the 
Bohemians  and  a  certain  number  from  the  council 
should  meet  together,  and  in  friendly  conference 
decide  upon  terms  of  agreement.  But  here  again 
they  were  met  by  an  insuperable  difficulty.  Those 
of  the  council  demanded  that  the  Bohemians  should 
first  unite  with  the  council,  and  then  be  bound  by 
its  decisions.  But  to  this  it  was  replied  that  there 
must  first  be  a  decision  in  regard  to  the  four  articles. 
All  present  union  would  be  frivolous  which  resulted 
in  a  final  disagreement.  It  was  in  vain  that  Cardinal 
Julian  urged  the  Bohemians  to  acquiesce  in  the  de- 
cisions of  the  council.  They  only  replied,  that  they 
came  to  Basle  to  propound  their  four  articles,  and 
that  not  in  their  own  name,  but  in  the  name  of  the 
whole  kingdom  of  Bohemia.  At  length,  as  the  Bo- 
hemians were  preparing  for  their  return  home,  it 

'  During  the  discussion,  Procopius  can  they  be  ? "    he  boldly  replied ; 

■was  reproached  with  having  said  that  "  for  they  were  instituted  neither  by 

the  monks  were  an  invention  of  the  Moses,  by  the  prophets,  nor  by  Christ 

devil.     He  did  not  palliate  his  guilt  — Menzel,  ii.  170. 
or  deny  the  charge.     "  Whose   else 


544  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.      [Ch.  XVIII. 

was  resolved  to  send  a  deputation  of  the  council 
with  tliem,  to  see  what  could  be  effected  at  Prague. 

The  citizens  of  Prague,  however,  were  no  more  in- 
clined to  sacrifice  the  integrity  of  their  four  articles 
than  their  ambassadors  to  the  council  had  been. 
The  eloquence  of  the  dej^utation  was  wasted  upon 
ears  that  had  listened  to  the  powerful  arguments  and 
representations  of  Rokyzan.  The  resolution  of  the 
Bohemians  was  inflexible,  and  the  deputation  could 
only  carry  back  to  Basle  the  four  articles  as  the 
idtimatum.  The  council  was  reluctantly  compelled 
so  far  to  acquiesce  as  to  send  back  word  that  if  the 
Bohemians  would  accept,  with  the  three  articles,  the 
union  of  the  church,  they  should  not  be  molested  in 
regard  to  the  fourth  on  the  communion  of  the  cup. 
To  this,  their  reply — indicative  of  their  wise  and 
just  caution — was,  that  they  could  give  no  decisive 
answer  until  they  had  a  clearer  understanding  of 
what  was  to  be  done  on  the  subject  of  the  commun- 
ion of  the  cup. 

The  formulary  of  the  council's  reply  was  drawn 
up  with  great  art.  It  granted  for  a  time  permission 
to  the  Bohemian  clergy  to  administer  the  communion 
in  both  kinds,  enjoining  however  upon  the  communi- 
cants to  believe  that  the  body  of  Jesus  Christ  was 
not  merely  in  the  bread,  and  that  his  blood  was  not 
merely  in  the  wine,  but  that  his  body  entire  was  to  be 
found  in  the  sacrament  under  both  kinds. 

With  these  concessions  many  of  the  Calixtines 
were  fain  to  acquiesce.  The  ambition  of  Kokyzan 
was  flattered  with  the  hope  of  obtaining  the  arch- 
bishopric of  Prague,  and  multitudes,  weary  of  civil 


Ch.  XVIII.]  DISSENSIOiS-    AT   PEAGUE.  545 

war  and  intestine  conflict,  were  ready  to  accept  almost 
any  conditions  on  which  peace  could  be  restored. 
In  the  city  of  Prague  the  party  composed  of  these 
had  the  preponderance,  and  through  their  influence 
deputies  were  sent  to  the  council.  In  the  following 
year  the  definitive  conditions  of  union,  known  in 
history  as  the  CooTvpactata^  were  signed  by  both  par- 
ties. 

But  if  these  measures  were  intended  to  secure  the 
peace  of  the  kingdom,  they  failed  in  their  design. 
The  Taborites  could  scarcely  have  been  satisfied,  even 
with  the  full  and  entire  concession  of  the  four  Calix- 
tine  articles.  They  had  other  demands  and  grievan- 
ces which  these  did  not  meet.  The  proposed  agree- 
ment became  therefore  the  occasion  of  new  disquiet. 
Civil  war  broke  out  in  the  kingdom  more  furiously 
than  ever.  The  Catholics  and  the  Calixtines,  with  a 
large  portion  of  the  nobility  anxious  for  peace,  formed 
one  party,  however  incongruous  in  its  elements,  while 
the  Taborites,  Orphans,  and  Horebites,  united  under 
the  two  Procopii,  formed  the  other.  By  the  last, 
the  concessions  of  the  council  were  regarded  as  per- 
fectly illusory,  and  for  the  most  part  no  union  was 
desired  with  the  Catholic  church.  But  their  former 
violence  and  the  memory  of  their  terrible  ravages 
stood  in  the  way  of  their  success.  The  nobility  were 
anxious  that  their  vassals  and  serfs  should  return 
to  the  cultivation  of  their  neglected  domains,  and 
that  a  stop  should  be  put  to  the  desolations  of  ma- 
rauding bands. 

The  first  open  conflict  occurred  at  Prague.     The 
Calixtines  of  the  Old  town  rose  against  the  Taborites 
VOL.  u.  35 


546  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.      [Ch.  XVIIl. 

and  Orphans  who  predominated  in  the  New.  A 
bloody  battle  was  fought,  and  the  Calixtines  were 
victorious.  Twenty  thousand  men  were  left  on  the 
field ;  and  the  lesser  Procopius  with  the  survivors 
joined  his  namesake,  who  was  engaged  in  the  siege 
of  Pilsen. 

Upon  intelligence  of  the  calamitous  battle  of 
Prague,  the  siege  was  raised,  and  the  two  Procopii, 
with  all  their  forces,  marched,  in  imitation  of  Zisca's 
former  policy,  upon  the  capital.  They  were  met 
four  miles  and  a  half  from  Prague  by  the  opposing 
army  under  Kosemberg,  Newhauss,  and  Koska.  Pro- 
copius resolved  not  to  engage  unless  at  a  manifest 
advantage.  But  the  indiscretion  of  a  part  of  his 
troops  precipitated  the  conflict.  Confusion  ensued 
on  the  part  of  the  Taborites,  and  the  orders  of  Pro- 
copius were  imperfectly  understood.  His  chariots 
were  captured,  and  the  general  of  his  cavalry  fled 
from  the  field.  Gathering  his  bravest  men  around 
him,  Procopius  threw  himself  into  the  thickest  of 
the  fight,  and  made  a  manful  stand  against  the  hostile 
squadrons.  But  he  was  at  last  overcome  by  numbers, 
and,  amid  the  unceasing  shower  of  darts  by  which 
he  was  overwhelmed,  he  fell  pierced  by  an  unknown 
hand,  "  tired  of  conquering,  rather  than  vanquished." 
Procopius  the  Less  also  fell  in  this  terrible  battle, 
and  the  prophecy  of  Sigismund^  was  fulfilled,  that 
"  the  Bohemians  will  only  be  conquered  by  them- 
selves." 

The  Taborites  never  recovered  from  this  defeat. 
Internal  peace  was  to  a  certain  extent  restored,  but 

*  Menzel,  ii.  111. 


Ch.  XVIII.]  THE   TABOEITES    SUBDUED.  547 

Bohemia  was  terrible  no  longer.  The  heroism  of 
the  nation  was  quenched  in  Taborite  blood.  While 
it  lived,  it  resisted  and  defied  pope,  council,  and  em- 
peror combined.  It  had  met  the  successive  hosts  of 
crusading  armies,  and  hurled  them  back  routed  from 
the  Bohemian  frontier.  But  the  treacherous  conces- 
sions of  the  council  had  shorn  it  of  its  unity,  and 
Calixtine  and  Catholic  banded  together  to  crush  what 
they  regarded  as  a  common  foe.  The  last  of  the  more 
prominent  Taborites,  Pardo  Von  Czorka,  was  hunted 
down  like  a  wild  beast,  found  under  a  rock,  and 
hanged. 

No  obstacle  stood  any  longer  in  the  way  of  Sigis- 
mund's  recovery  of  his  hereditary  kingdom,  except 
such  feeble  demands  as  the  emasculated  energy  of 
the  Calixtine  party  might  choose  to  present.  But  even 
these  demands,  which  Sigismund  did  not  dare  to  re- 
fuse, show  how  strongly  the  doctrines  of  Huss  and 
Jacobel  had  rooted  themselves  in  the  Bohemian 
mind.  The  Corrvpactata  between  the  council  and  the 
states  of  Bohemia  were  approved  by  the  emperor, 
July  12,  1436,  but  still  further  concessions  were  de- 
manded and  secured  in  treating  with  him.  The  cit- 
izens of  Tabor  were  allowed  for  five  years  full  and 
entire  liberty  of  conscience.  The  emperor  promised 
not  to  recall  the  banished  monks,  to  leave  the  present 
possessors  of  ecclesiastical  property  unmolested,  and 
to  confirm  Rokyzan  in  the  archbishopric  of  Prague. 
But  these  promises  were  extorted  by  fear,  and  were 
soon  violated.  The  necessity  of  the  occasion  forced 
his  assent  to  what  his  inclinations  disavowed.  He 
put  his  own — a  papal — interpretation  upon  the  Com- 


548  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.       [Ch.  XYIII. 

pactataj  restored  the  Roman  worship  in  the  kingdom ; 
reopened  the  monasteries ;  recalled  the  monks ;  and, 
with  a  retribution  just  in  providence,  but  iniquitous 
on  his  part,  defeated  the  grasping  ambition  of  Koky- 
zan  by  withholding  from  him  the  promised  archbish- 
opric unless  he  consented  to  abjure. 

But  the  spirit  of  Huss  was  not  yet  extinct  in  Bo- 
hemia, and  the  rashness  of  Sigismund  almost  lost  him 
his  hard-won  crown.  The  states  of  Bohemia  pre- 
sented their  complaints  and  demands  at  the  council 
of  Basle,  in  1438,  and  by  their  tenor  was  manifested 
the  tenacity  with  which  the  nation  still  clung  to  the 
four  articles.  Among  other  things,  they  ask  that  the 
permission  of  the  use  of  the  cup  shall  not  be  tempo- 
rary only,  and  that  the  "  gospels,  epistles,  and  creed 
may  be  sung  and  read  in  our  vulgar  tongue  before 
the  people,  to  move  them  to  devotion."  But  the  dan- 
ger to  Sigismund  was  not  merely  in  the  yet  unsub- 
dued spirit  of  the  nation,  which  might  be  provoked 
too  far,  but  it  found  a  place  within  his  own  household. 
He  had  designed  his  rich  inheritance  for  Albert,  Arch- 
duke of  Austria,  his  son-in-law;  but  his  second  wife,  by 
culpable  intrigues,  countermined  and  frustrated  his 
projects.  She  represented  to  the  Bohemians  the  dan- 
ger which  threatened  them  in  case  the  sceptre  should 
fall  into  the  hands  of  an  ardent  Catholic  like  Albert 
of  Austria,  and  she  hoped  to  inflame  the  ambition 
of  the  king  of  Poland  by  the  offer  of  her  hand  and 
the  rich  inheritance  of  the  empire,  uiyon  the  death 
of  Sigismund,  prospectively  near. 

The  intelligence  of  the  conspiracy  reached  Sig- 
ismund  at  Prague.     There,  dangerously  ill,  almost 


Ch.  XVIIL]  SIGISMUND    leaves   PRAGUE.  549 

alone,  and  surrounded  by  a  populace  in  wliicli  he 
could  not  confide,  be  saw  and  felt  the  impending 
danger.  Calling  around  him  his  Hungarian  nobility, 
objects  like  himself  of  popular  odium,  he  spoke  to 
them  of  his  approaching  death,  and  warned  them 
for  their  own  safety  to  flee  with  him  from  a  city  in 
which  their  lives  would  be  no  longer  safe,  the 
moment  he  expired.  He  procured  the  circulation 
of  a  report  that  he  was  going  forth  to  meet  his 
dausrhter  whom  he  wished  to  embrace  before  he 
died,  and  then,  "  resuming  all  his  dignity,  he  wreathed 
his  brow  with  laurel  leaves,  as  on  solemn  feast-days, 
invested  himself  with  his  imperial  robes  and  insignia, 
and  decorated  still  more  with  his  long  white  hair 
which  flowed  freely  over  his  shoulders,  with  his  long 
majestic  beard,  and  the  nobility  stamped  on  his  pale 
visage,  he  had  himself  borne  through  the  city,  in  an 
open  litter,  in  the  sight  of  all,  followed  by  his  faith- 
ful Hungarians.  It  is  said  that  he  shed  tears  in  re- 
garding this  city  where  his  ancestors  had  so  gloriously 
reigned,  and  which  he  was  beholding  for  the  last 
time.  The  people,  afl^ected  at  this  unexpected  and 
imposing  spectacle,  forgot  their  vengeance,  and  sa- 
luted, with  their  adieus,  their  aged  emperor."  ^  The 
illness  and  fatigue  of  the  emperor  allowed  him  to 
proceed  no  further  than  Znoima  in  Moravia.  Here 
he  had  the  empress  arrested  and  imprisoned,  and  held 
a  long  and  secret  conference  with  his  son-in-law, 
Albert  of  Austria.  As  his  death  drew  near,  he 
charged  the  Hungarian,  Moravian,  and  Bohemian 
noblemen  around  him  to  remain  united  and  loyal  to 

'  CocUflBus,  312. 


550  LIFE   AND    TI]VIES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.      [Ch.  XVIII. 

the  archduke,  whom  he  designated  as  worthiest  to 
succeed  hira,  even  if  he  was  not  his  relative.  Ob- 
taining their  assent,  he  named  deputies  who  should 
secure  the  recognition  of  Albert  as  his  successor  to 
the  throne.  Among  these  was  his  able  chancellor, 
Caspar  Schlick,  who  had  so  resented  the  sentence 
of  the  council  of  Constance  against  Jerome.  Almost 
immediately  Sigismund  expired  (1437.) 

The  death  of  Simsmund  left  Bohemia  asraln  a 
prey  to  faction  and  popular  turbulence.  The  acces- 
sion of  Albert  of  Austria  to  the  Bohemian  crown 
provoked  opposition  at  Prague,  where  Cassamir,  a 
younger  brother  of  the  king  of  Poland,  was  set  up 
against  him  by  those  who  still  cherished  the  memory 
of  Huss.  Scarcely  had  he  grasped  the  sceptre,  when 
death  snatched  it  from  his  hands,  (1439,)  and  under 
the  minority  of  his  infant  son,  the  control  of  the 
kingdom  was  a  prize  for  the  ambition  of  the  nobility. 
In  spiritual  matters  Rokyzan  regained  his  former 
supremacy,  and  in  temporal  affairs  Ptaczeck  and 
George  de  Podiebrad  were  the  3'eal  masters.  The 
hist  was  elected  king  on  the  death  of  Ladislaus, 
(1457,)  although  for  many  years  the  supreme  power 
had  been  vested  in  his  hands. 

For  fourteen  years  more  George  de  Podiebrad 
governed  Bohemia.  His  abilities  and  energy  secured 
respect,  and  restored  peace  to  the  kingdom.  A  Cal- 
ixtine  in  sentiment,  policy  forced  him  sometimes  to 
violate  his  more  humane  convictions,  and  he  yielded 
to  the  pressure  which  impelled  him  to  treat  the  rem- 
nants of  the  Taborite  party  at  times  with  great 
severity.     He  hoped  to  appease  the  pope  and  the 


Ch.  XVIII.]  THE    CALIXTINES    PERSECUTED.  551 

Galixtine  party  by  making  tbern  a  sacrifice  to  relig- 
ious bigotry.  In  this  course  he  was  abetted  by  the 
time-serving  Rokyzan.  But  it  was  not  long  before 
he  discovered  his  error.  The  pope's  favor  was  not 
to  be  secured  even  at  such  a  price.  In  maintaining 
what  he  conceived  the  course  of  justice — the  concor- 
dat of  Iglau — George  drew  down  upon  himself  the 
anger  of  the  pontiff,  Pius  II.,  which  manifested  itself 
in  the  form  of  interdict.  The  articles  of  Pras^ue — the 
Convpactata — were  revoked,  under  the  'pretext  that 
no  pope  had  signed  them.  The  Catholics  were  incited 
to  rise  against  the  Calixtines,  and  when  Paul  II.  succeed- 
ed to  the  tiara,  the  zeal  of  the  Roman  court  against 
the  Bohemian  heretics  became  still  more  violent. 

Meanwhile  the  warlike  Taborites  had  disappeared 
from  the  scene.  They  no  longer  formed  a  national 
party.  But  the  feeble  remnants  of  that  multitude 
that  had  once  followed  the  standards  of  Zisca  and 
Procopius  still  clung  to  their  cherished  faith,  and, 
with  the  word  of  God  as  their  only  supreme  authori- 
ty, the  United  Brethren  appear  as  their  lineal  repre- 
sentatives. How  from  such  an  orisrin  should  have 
sprung  a  people  whose  peaceful  virtues  and  mission- 
ary zeal  have  been  acknowledged  by  the  world,  is  a 
problem  only  to  be  solved  by  admitting,  that  in  the 
faith  of  the  old  Taborites,  however  they  may  have 
been  guilty  of  fanatical  excesses,  there  was  to  be 
found  that  fundamental  piinciple  of  reverence  for 
the  authority  of  scripture  alone,  which  they  bequeath- 
ed as  a  cherished  legacy  to  those  who  could  apply 
and  act  upon  it  in  more  favorable  circumstances  and 
in  more  peaceful  times.^^^ 


CHAPTER    XIX. 

THE    TABORITES  AND    MORAVIANS.' 

Early  Histoey  op  the  Moravians.  —  Council  of  Basle.  —  Compactata  of 
Iglau. —  Course  of  Rokyzan. — Persecuting  and  Violent  Measures. — 
Bands  of  Exiles.  —  "  The  United  Brethren." —  Trying  Period,  —  Rokyzan's 
Timidity. — System  op  Church  Order. — Synods.  —  Bishops. — Foreign  Sym- 
pathy Sought.  —  The  Calixtines.  —  War  Between  Bohemia  and  Hungary. 
—  Death  of  George  Podiebead.  —  Lenient  Measures. —  Persecution  Re- 
newed.—  Michael  Pollack. — Projected  Massacre. — Diet  of  14S5. — The 
■"Agreement"  of  the  Brethren.  —  Calumny.  —  Political  Influence. — -Per- 
secuting Spirit  of  the  Calixtines.  —  Churches  of  the  Brethren. — Propo- 
sal to  Extirpate  the  Brethren.  —  A  Disputation  Appointed.  —  Sevrre 
Edicts. — Anecdote  of  one  op  the  Brethren.  —  Cruelties  in  1510.  —  For- 
eign Sympathy.  —  Erasmus.  —  Period  op  Trial.  —  Recognition  of  other 
Christians.. 

1460  —  1517. 

The  early  history  of  tlie  Moravian  cliurcli  abounds 
in  scenes  of  deep  and  thrilling  interest.  For  nearly 
three  hundred  years  before  John  Wesley  was  the 
admiring  witness  of  their  calm  faith  amid  ocean  per- 
ils, they  had  exhibited  to  the  world  the  most  sublime 
illustrations  of  heroic  constancy,  under  the  severest 
hardships  and  persecutions.  There  might  seem  but 
little   congeniality  between   the   warlike  Taborites 

^  Thelnaterials  of  this  chapter  have  by  Benjamin  La  Trobe,  was  published 

been  derived  from  the  various  histo-  in  London  in  two  8vo  volumes  in  1780. 

ries   of  the   Moravians,  and   from   a  Best's   History  of  the  IMoravians  is 

valuable  work  entitled  "  Reformation  a   smaller   and  more   popular  work, 

and   Anti-Reformation   in   Bohemia,"  Pescheck's  volumes  are  largely  com- 

by  Dr.  Pescheck  of  Zittau,  translated  piled  from  extended  documents,  and 

and  published  in  London  in  two  8vo  are   arranged   with   little   regard   to 

volumes,  in  1845.     "  The  History  of  system,  although  for  the  most  part  of 

the  Brethren,  or  Unitas  Fratrum"  by  imquestionable  authority    and    gath- 

David  Crantz,  translated  into  English  ered  with  great  diligence. 

(552) 


Ch.  XIX.]  COURSE   OF   EOKTZAlSr.  553 

who  followed  the  invincible  Zisca  to  the  field,  and 
the  humble,  peaceful,  and  peace-loving  brethren, 
whose  gentle  manners,  honest  industry,  and  simple- 
minded  devotion  made  Hernhut  the  radiating  centre 
of  missionary  influences,  that  have  extended  from 
Greenland  to  the  islands  of  tropic  seas,  from  the 
Eastern  to  the  Western  continent ;  but  in  the  faith 
of  the  former,  who  bowed  with  imj^licit  submission 
to  the  sole  authority  of  the  word  of  God,  we  recog- 
nize that  living  germ  of  the  church  of  the  United 
Brethren,  which  more  than  two  centuries  of  pro- 
tracted persecution  was  unable  to  suppress.  Through 
a  tedious  but  far  from  fruitless  discipline,  they  were 
brought  to  the  exercise  of  those  rare  graces  of  the 
spiritual  life  which  have  commended  them  to  the 
sympathy  and  resj^ect  of  the  Christian  world.  Like 
the  Israelites  of  old,  they  had  their  Eed  Sea  and 
desert  to  pass  through ;  but  the  first  was  red  with 
the  blood  of  martyrs,  and  the  last  was  bitter  with 
the  pains  of  plundered  want  and  weary  exile. 

The  attempts  made  through  successive  years,  after 
the  close  of  the  council  of  Constance,  to  crush  out 
the  Bohemian  heresy  and  subdue  the  followers  of 
Huss,  had  proved  futile.  Milder  measures,  as  we 
have  already  seen,  were  at  last  found  necessary,  and 
the  council  of  Basle  (1431)  listened  patiently,  for 
fifty  days,  to  discussions  conducted  by  the  Bohemians 
on  one  side,  and  the  representatives  of  the  Romish 
church  on  the  other.  Through  the  influence  of  the 
able  but  intriguing  Rokyzan,  a  compromise  was  at 
last  effected.  The  Bohemians  were  to  retain  the  use 
of  the  cup,  but  in  other  respects  were  to  conform  to 


654  LIFE   AND    TBIES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  XIX. 

the  rites  and  doctrines  of  the  church,  promising  obe- 
dience to  the  Papal  See.  These  articles — soon  con- 
firmed by  the  Emperor  Sigismund  at  Iglan,  and  after- 
ward known  as  the  Compactata  of  Iglau — failed  to 
satisfy  the  demands  of  the  more  zealous  portion  of 
the  Hussites ;  but  they  were  now  in  the  minority ; 
and  when  their  opposition  had  been  effectually 
crushed  in  a  new  appeal  to  arms,  (1434,)  they  found 
themselves  constrained  either  to  acquiesce  in  the 
prevalent  policy  of  the  Utraquists,  or  enjoy  their 
proscribed  worship  in  solitudes  or  secret  retreats. 

But  the  compromise  measures  were  scarcely  more 
acceptable  to  the  papal  party  than  they  had  been  to 
the  Taborites.  They  had  been  carried  by  the  influ- 
ence of  Rokyzan,  who  aspired  to  become  Archbishop 
of  Prague.  The  object  of  his  ambition  seemed  just 
within  his  grasp.  At  the  diet  of  1435,  he  was  elected 
to  the  post,  and  his  election  was  confirmed  by  the 
emperor.  But  the  papal  party  refused  to  acknowl- 
edge him,  and  he  was  denied  investiture  unless  he 
would  abandon  the  doctrine  of  the  cup.  Indignant 
at  being  thus  foiled  in  his  purpose,  and  having  the 
object,  whose  pursuit  must  have  cost  him  many  a 
reproof  of  conscience,  snatched  from  his  grasp,  Roky- 
zan  threatened  to  break  entirely  with  the  Roman 
Catholic  church.  His  hearers  urged  him  on.  In  the 
diet  of  1450  he  succeeded  in  procuring  the  appoint- 
ment of  an  embassy  to  Constantinople,  to  seek  a 
union  with  the  Greek  church.  The  Patriarch  Nico- 
medis  promised  to  ordain  the  Bohemian  bishops,  but 
the  Turkish  conquest  (1453)  defeated  the  execution 
of  the  design.     Kokyzan  became  now  more  timid. 


Ch.  XIX.]  PERSECUTION    REVIVED.  555 

Hitherto  he  had  not  hesitated  to  denounce  the  Com- 
pactata  which  he  had  been  so  largely  instrumental 
in  procuring.  He  publicly  taught  that  the  forms  of 
religion  should  be  established  according  to  the  law 
of  Christ  alone.  He  introduced  hymns,  in  the  vulgar 
tongue,  into  the  churches  and  schools  of  Bohemia. 

But  at  length  he  began  to  draw  back.  He  was  too 
hesitating  to  take  a  decided  step,  or  countenance  the 
measures  of  the  Taborites.  The  Regent,  George 
Podiebrad,  (1450,)  was  moreover  inclined  to  adopt  a 
tempoi'izing  policy,  and  Rokyzan  henceforth  stood 
more  aloof  from  the  "Brethren."  His  convictions 
were  in  their  favor,  but  his  ambition  would  not  allow 
him  to  act  upon  them.  When  their  assemblies  were 
broken  up,  he  replied  to  their  complaints  by  advis- 
ing them  to  maintain  communion  among  themselves, 
and  seek  their  mutual  edification  by  the  reading  of 
the  Bible  and  of  good  books.  They  had  hoped  for 
his  sanction,  but  could  not  obtain  it.  Severe  cruel- 
ties were  inflicted  upon  them,  through  the  influence 
of  papal  emissaries;  and  even  Gregory — although 
a  near  friend  of  Rokyzan — was,  as  one  of  their 
number,  cast  into  prison. 

In  1451,  Peter  Maldoniewitz,  the  faithful  notary 
of  John  de  Chlum,  and  the  friend  of  Huss  at  Con- 
stance, who  had  for  many  years  been  a  Hussite 
preacher,  engaged  with  others  in  zealous  efforts  to 
disseminate  the  knowledge  of  the  gospel  throughout 
Bohemia.  But  their  efforts  were  met  by  violent 
opposition.  Persecution  was  more  bitterly  revived. 
Three  deacons  of  the  Hussites  were  compelled  to 
sacrifice  their  lives  for  their  creed.     One   of  them, 


556  LIFE   AND    TBIES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XIX 

Jolin,  was  burnt  at  Sobieslau ;  Wenzel  was  beheaded 
at  Horzowitz,  and  the  third,Yitus,  not  improbably  the 
friend  of  Jerome  at  Constance,  curate  of  Holonuz, 
was  killed  with  several  of  his  hearers  in  the  church 
itself,  for  having  administered  the  communion  under 
both  forms.^ 

But  the  zeal  of  their  enemies  went  yet  further. 
People  of  all  ages  and  both  sexes  were  made  the 
victims  of  cruel  intolerance.  The  pope  sent  to  Bo- 
hemia bands  of  crusaders,  warriors  with  the  sign  of 
the  cross,  who  volunteered  to  attack  the  heretics, 
and  who  performed  their  task  in  the  spirit  of  brig- 
ands. Many  of  them  were  students  from  Erfurth 
and  Leipsig,  in  whom  the  ancient  sj)irit  of  animosity 
against  Prague  had  been  revived.  For  years  they 
ravaged  Bohemia,  encouraged  by  allies  in  the  country 
itself.  Many  towns  were  plundered  and  burnt.  The 
pursuits  of  agriculture  were  suspended,  and  hundreds 
perished  of  famine.  To  murder  children  was  a  mere 
amusement  to  the  brutal  invaders.  But  the  popular 
vengeance,  thus  bitterly  provoked,  overtook  them  at 
last.  Near  Klattau  3,000  were  left  dead  on  the  field 
of  battle. 

It  was  at  this  period  that  the  first  band  of  exiles 
left  their  homes,  (1453.)  Composed  in  part  of  Ta- 
boriteSjWith  Calixtine  priests  and  even  nobles  among 
them,  they  retired  in  a  numerous  body  to  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Lititz  not  far  from  the  Silesian  mountains. 
Their  avowed  object  was  the  enjoyment  of  the  free- 
dom of  a  purer  worship.  The  Compcictata  of  Iglau 
were  pronounced  by  them  unsatisfactory.     The  su- 

*  Pescheck,  i.  30. 


Ou.  XIX.]  BOHEMIAN   EXILES.  557 

perfluous  ceremonies  which  had  been  retained  hith- 
erto by  the  Calixtines,  were  rejected  by  the  exiles. 
None  were  admitted  to  their  communion  except  upon 
an  examination  as  to  their  personal  piety.  Gregory 
— already  mentioned  as  the  nephew  of  Rokyzan — 
a  man  of  knightly  rank,  once  a  monk  of  Prague, 
joined  them,  and  became  afterward  consenior  of  the 
church  of  the  Brethren.  In  1457,  a  band  under  Mi- 
chael Bradazius,  j  oined  them  at  Kunewald,  founding 
then'  church  on  what  they  considered  gospel  prin- 
ciples, and  calling  themselves  "  Brethren  of  the  Rule 
of  Christ."  As  others  joined  them,  they  took  the 
name  which  they  ever  after  retained,  of  the  "  United 
Brethren."  Multitudes  throughout  Bohemia,  who 
were  not  yet  prepared  to  become  exiles  from  their 
native  land,  found  in  them  the  organization  toward 
which  their  own  sympathies  were  peculiarly  drawn. 

Already  the  time  had  arrived  that  would  put  their 
principles  to  the  test.  Taught  by  the  errors  and 
experience  of  the  Taborites,  as  well  as  by  the  lessons 
of  the  word  of  God,  that  carnal  weapons  belong  not 
to  the  armor  of  the  Christian  soldier,  they  forswore 
all  appeal  save  to  prayer,  reason,  and  the  word  of 
God.  Yet  if  anything  might  have  provoked  them 
to  a  departure  from  their  principles,  it  was  the  treat- 
ment to  which  they  were  subjected,  by  Calixtines  as 
well  as  Romanists.  By  both  alike  they  were  charged 
with  being  heretics  and  anarchists.  They  were  sum- 
moned before  the  consistory  of  Prague,  and  were 
accused  of  schism,  even  by  Rokyzan,  though  they 
claimed  to  have  acted  by  his  advice. 

The  regent,  (George  Podiebrad,)  although  inclined 


558  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.         [Ch.  XIX 

to  lenient  measures,  dared  not  venture  so  far  to  dis- 
regard bis  oath  "  to  root  out  heretics,"  as  to  interpose 
in  their  behalf.  Outrage  of  almost  every  kind  was 
heaped  upon  them.  They  were  known  by  the  hated 
name  of  Picards.  Notwithstanding  their  "  apologies," 
stringent  laws  were  enacted  against  them.  They 
were  denied  civil  rights.  In  the  cold  of  winter 
they  were  driven  from  city  and  village,  and  their 
goods  were  plundered.  Their  character  was  assailed 
with  malicious  slanders.  They  were  accused  of  blas- 
phemy, murder,  and  witchcraft.^  Some  were  appre- 
hended, and  thrown  into  prison.  The  sick  were 
forced  to  leave  their  homes,  and  perished  in  the  fields. 
To  perform  worship  without  Catholic  ceremonies  was 
forbidden  absolutely,  under  pain  of  death.  The 
members  of  the  church  of  the  Brethren,  in  Bohemia 
and  Moravia,  were  forbidden  to  assemble  together. 
Some  of  their  persecutors  proposed  imprisonment, 
and  some  recommended  the  punishment  of  death. 
The  Bishop  of  Breslau  opposed  the  last  on  the 
ground  that  martyrdom  multiplied  the  numbers  of 
the  Brethren.  He  advised  their  expulsion,  with  the 
hope  that,  sooner  than  leave  their  native  land,  they 
would  rejoin  the  Romish  church. 

Upon  this  many  took  refuge  in  the  forests.  They 
lived  in  pits  and  caves,  and  thus  obtained  the  nick- 
name of  Pit-dwellers  {Gruhenlieimer^.  In  the  day- 
time they  dared  not  kindle  a  fire,  lest  the  smoke 
should  betray  them.  At  night  they  studied  the 
scriptures  by  the  light  of  their  blazing  fagots.  Lest 
the  traces  of  their  footsteps  should  be  detected  in 

*  Pescbeck,  i.  89. 


Ch.  XIX.]  MERCILESS    PERSECUTIONS.  559 

the  snow,  they  trod  all  in  the  same  line,  the  last  of 
the  party  obliterating  their  tracks  with  the  branch 
of  a  tree,  to  give  their  path  the  appearance  of  hav- 
ing been  made  by  a  peasant  dragging  his  brushwood 
after  him.  ^  Sometimes,  notwithstanding  their  pi-e- 
cautions,  they  were  arrested,  and  forced  by  cold, 
hunger,  chains,  and  torture,  to  confess  their  revolu- 
tionary projects,  or  betray  the  names  of  their  asso- 
ciates. If  nothing  could  be  extorted  from  them, 
they  were  cruelly  maimed.  Sometimes  their  hands 
and  feet  were  cut  off.  Sometimes  they  were  hung, 
or  quartered,  or  buried  alive.  Many  perished,  and 
multitudes  were  reduced  to  the  extreme  of  wretch- 
edness. 

The  Brethren  at  Lititz  did  not  fail  to  send  encour- 
aging counsels  to  those  whom  they  had  left  behind. 
They  were  admonished  that  "such  as  would  live 
godly  in  Christ  Jesus,  must  suffer  persecution."  Greg- 
ory, once  the  friend  of  Rokyzan,  who  bore  the 
message,  was  reported  to  be  in  a  dying  state  in  the 
prison  where  he  had  been  cast.  He  was  visited  by 
Rokyzan,  who  was  constrained,  by  the  anguish  of  a 
guilty  conscience,  to  exclaim  as  he  saw  him,  "  Nephew, 
I  would  that  I  were  where  you  are  now  ! "  His  lan- 
guage excited  hope  in  the  Brethren,  that  all  good 
had  not  died  out  of  the  primate's  heart.  They  were 
encouraged  to  apply  to  him  as  the  ecclesiastical 
head  {summus  theologu-s)  of  the  kingdom,  to  urge 
forward  the  cause  of  evangelical  reform,  and  relieve 
them  from  the  accusation  of  schism.  He  answered 
them  kindly,  confessed  his  high  estimate  of  their 

*  Pescheck,  i  89. 


560  LIFE   AOT)    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XIX. 

religious  character,  but  told  them  that  in  attempting 
to  aid  them  he  could  accomplish  nothing  of  any 
account,  and  should  only  injure  himself.^ 

The  Brethren  were  disappointed.  Rokyzan  was 
a  trimmer  and  time-server.     In  takino'  leave  of  him 

o 

they  could  not  suppress  the  expression  of  their  min- 
gled grief  and  disgust.  "  Thou  art  of  the  world 
and  wilt  perish  with  the  world,"  said  they.  The 
language,  however  honest,  truthful,  or  well  meant, 
was  at  least  impolitic.  Rokyzan  was  provoked  to 
renew  the  persecution  against  them.  At  his  instance 
the  diet  of  1468  issued  what  have  justly  been  called 
"  the  bloody  decrees." 

The  hope  of  church  reform  by  means  of  the  eccle- 
siastical authorities  was  thus  extinguished.  The 
Brethren  found  that  they  must  provide  for  their 
own  government.  Their  numbers,  increased  by 
accessions  from  the  ranks  of  the  more  conscientious 
Calixtines,  had  made  this  a  necessity.  To  the  New 
Testament  they  looked  for  their  model  of  church 
order  and  discipline.  If  here  they  were  in  some 
respects  at  fault,  it  was  from  no  intentional  depar- 
ture from  their  acknowledged  standard,  but  because 
their  j)eculiar  circumstances  modified  the  application 
of  their  principles.  A  high  testimony  to  their  con- 
scientious fidelity  in  framing  their  form  of  church 
government  is  found  in  the  language  of  Luther,  who 
declared  its  greater  accordance  with  scriptural  sim- 
plicity than  his  own.  First  of  all,  they  elected  elders 
of  their  own  number,  by  a  majority  of  voices,  and 
to  the  discretion  of  those  who  were  thus  elected,  the 

» Pescheck,  i.  88. 


Ch.  XIX.]   CHURCH  ORDER  OF  THE  BRETHREN.     561 

rule  of  the  churclies  was  committed.  At  their  sum- 
mons the  most  eminent  of  the  Bohemian  and  Mora- 
vian Brethren  were  convoked,  to  form  such  regu- 
lations as  the  interest  of  the  churches  required. 
General  rules  for  the  conducting  of  their  worshi]), 
the  observance  of  fast  days,  the  doctrines  and  gov- 
ernment of  the  church,  were  subjects  of  discussion, 
and  these  were  definitely  settled. 

To  settle  the  question  of  an  independent  minis- 
try, a  synod  was  held  at  Lhota  in  1467.  For 
teachers,  nine  candidates  were  elected  by  ballot. 
Twelve  lots  were  prepared,  nine  of  them  blank, 
and  three  inscribed  Est.  All  were  placed  in  an 
urn,  and  to  each  of  the  candidates,  one,  as  drawn 
by  a  child,  was  presented.  Among  those  drawn 
were  the  three  inscribed  Est.  Had  all  drawn 
blanks,  it  would  have  been  regarded  as  the  voice 
of  God  against  the  project.  Thus  by  the  "Apos- 
tolic lot,"  for  the  first  and  only  time  in  the  early 
history  of  the  Brethren,  was  such  an  important 
question  decided/*^^ 

At  another  synod  the  question  arose  whether 
presbyters  might  be  ordained  without  a  bishop.  It 
was  answered  in  the  affirmative.  Both  orders,  it 
was  said,  were  originally  equal.  Still,  to  avoid  ail 
occasion  for  scandal,  it  was  deemed  best  to  secure 
episcopal  ordination.  The  three  who  had  been 
elected  as  preachers  were  therefore  sent  for  this 
purpose  to  the  Waldensian  church — the  only  one 
which  they  could  recognize  as  pure  and  scriptural. 

VOL.  II.  36 


562  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUS3.  [Cn.  XIX. 

These,  after  their  ordination,  returned  to  the  Breth- 
ren and  ordained  others,  as  tlie  necessities  of  the 
church  required. 

The  circumstances  of  thie  Brethren — persecuted  by 
the  Komanists,  and  disowned  by  the  Calixtines,  who 
were  apprehensive  of  the  result  if  they  should  be- 
come in  the  least  identified  with  them — ^led  them  to 
look  abroad  for  sympathy.  Might  there  not  be — 
they  asked — in  other  lands,  those  whose  views  and 
doctrines  accorded  witli  their  own  ?  Only  among 
the  Waldenses  could  such  be  found.  But  even  of 
tbem,  it  was  said  that  they  did  not  confess  tke  whole 
truth.  Persecution  had  made  them  shrink  from  a 
bold  and  fearless  avowal  of  all  their  convictions. 
Notwithstanding  this,  it  was  resolved  that  communion 
with  tliem  should  be  proposed,  while  they  should  be 
admonished  of  what  tke  Brethren  regarded  as  errors. 
The  admonition  was  kindly  received.  The  proposal 
of  communion  was  accepted.  The  common  faith 
which  they  held  was  endeared  to  them  the  more  by 
the  common  hardships  which  a  persecuting  spirit 
inflicted  on  both.  The  result  was  most  disastrous 
to  the  Waldenses.  The  fact  of  their  communion 
with  the  Brethren  (Picards)  was  betrayed.  Their 
leader.  Bishop  Stephen,  along  with  several  others, 
was  burned.  Some  were  scattered  abroad  in  other 
lands.  Some  fled  to  the  march  of  Brandenburg,  and 
others  joined  the  Brethren.  This  year  (1480)  was 
marked  by  quite  an  accession  to  the  church  of  the 
exiles,  from  this  as  well  as  other  sources. 

Meanwhile  the  Utraquists  were  not  left  unmolest- 
ed.    George  Podiebrad,  who  from  Kegent  had  be- 


Ch.  XIX.]       PEESECUTION    OF   THE    CALIXTINES.  563 

come  king,  was  unwilling  to  favor  the  Brethren,  or 
restrain  their  persecutors,  lest  the  infamy  of  the 
hated  "Picards"  should  attach  to  himself  Calixtine 
in  sentiment,  he  held  by  the  Compactata  of  Iglau. 
But  this  came  far  short  of  the  standard  of  papal 
orthodoxy.  Pius  II.,  who  had  long  pretended  friend- 
ship for  the  king,  at  last  won  over  to  himself  Mat- 
thias of  Hungary,  and  in  separating  him  from  Greorge, 
threw  off  the  mask.  The  articles  of  Prague — allow- 
ing toleration  to  the  Calixtines — were  revoked,  and 
George  was  put  under  interdict. 

Paul  II.  (1465)  was  even  more  violent  than  his 
predecessor.  In  his  zeal  against  the  Bohemian  here- 
tics, he  dispatched  a  legate,  Rudolf,  Bishop  of  La- 
vant,  to  Silesia,  Saxony,  and  Bohemia,  to  preach  up 
a  crusade.  The  ambassadors  of  the  king  were  driven 
out  of  Rome  with  rods.  A  murderous  war  sprang 
up  on  the  frontiers  of  Bohemia  between  Catholics 
and  Calixtines,  each  party  branding  its  prisoners 
with  the  cup  or  the  cross.-^  The  invading  hosts  were 
manfully  resisted ;  but  at  this  juncture  (1471)  the 
king  died.  Ladislaus  of  Poland,  whom  the  excom- 
municated monarch  recommended  on  his  death-bed 
as  his  successor,  adopted  another  policy.  He  perse- 
cuted the  Calixtines  in  order  to  conciliate  the  pope. 
A  revolt  took  place.  The  exasperated  citizens  threw 
the  Burgomaster  out  of  the  window  of  the  council- 
house,  and  beheaded  some  of  the  town  councillors. 
Their  most  furious  attacks,  however,  were  directed 
against  the  priests  and  monks.  Tranquillity  was  at 
last  restored  by  the  sons  of  the  late  king,  and  Ladis- 

^  Menzel,  ii.  192. 


564  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF    JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  XIX. 

laus  consenting  to  treat  the  Utraquists  with  less 
rigor. 

The  pope  moreover  found  violent  measures  impol- 
itic. He  determined  to  try  what  kindness  could 
effect.  He  withdrew  therefore  the  excommunication 
and  crusade,  and,  agreeably  to  the  Co7npactata^  de- 
clared the  Bohemians,  the  Utraquists  included,  good 
sons  of  the  church. 

All  this  however  was  but  a  temporary  expedient, 
demanded  by  the  emergency.  The  oppressive  meas- 
ures were  only  deferred  to  a  time  more  favorable  to 
their  execution.  A  short  interval  only  elapsed  before 
the  administrators  of  the  Utraquistic  consistory,  and 
several  other  ministers,  were  arrested  and  imprisoned. 
Some  were  put  to  the  rack,  or  treated  with  such 
severity  that  they  did  not  long  survive. 

On  the  21st  of  August,  1480,  Michael  Pollack, 
curate  of  St.  Giles  in  Old  Prague,  a  man  of  irre- 
proachable character  and  distinguished  for  his  elo- 
quence, and  three  other  curates,  were  seized,  because 
they  had  called  the  pope  Antichrist,  and  conveyed 
to  the  royal  castle  (Kaiistein),  where  Pollack  per- 
ished of  hunger  and  hardship,  and  the  others  were 
scarcely  released  at  the  intercession  of  the  states. 
Other  persons  were  banished,  or,  apprehensive  of 
danger,  fled  the  city.  Among  the  latter  were  Lucas 
of  Prague — subsequently  a  bishop  of  the  Brethren — 
and  his  friend  John  Nix,  a  man  of  learning.  The 
king  moreover  prohibited  the  singing  of  certain 
Hussite  hymns,  and  when  the  prohibition  was  disre- 
garded, the  transgressors  were  committed  to  prison, 
and  some  were  put  to  death  by  torture. 


Ch.  XIX.]       CONTEMPLATED    MASSACRE    DEFEATED.         565 

The  monks,  who  had  become  more  bold  and  even 
extravagant  in  their  rage,  "  condemned  the  Hussites 
to  hell."  It  was  in  vain  that  the  people  murmured. 
The  magistrates  of  Prague  conspired  with  the  nobili- 
ty opposed  to  reform,  to  exterminate  the  Calixtines. 
Various  royal  edicts  of  a  persecuting  nature  were 
issued,  and  the  night  of  the  24th  of  September, 
1483,  was  long  remembered  as  one  that  threatened 
to  become  almost  as  memorable  for  wholesale  massa- 
cre as  the  French  St.  Bartholomew's  of  the  succeed- 
ing century.^ 

The  plot,  however,  was  discovered.  A  great  uproar 
took  place  among  the  people.  Three  public  halls, 
and  all  the  monasteries  were  plundered,  and  several 
monks  and  senators  were  killed.  Ladislaus,  at  first 
indignant,  refused  to  interfere  when  he  learned  how 
great  had  been  the  provocation  offered  to  the  Utra- 
quists.^ 

In  the  public  diet  of  1485,  the  king,  who  seems  to 
have  become  disgusted  with  the  harsh  measures  of 
the  persecutors,  ordered  a  treaty  to  be  confirmed 
between  the  opposing  parties.  They  were  required 
to  promise  mutual  toleration  and  friendship.  But 
in  spite  of  this,  mutual  hatred  still  continued.  The 
Calixtines  as  well  as  the  Brethren  were  for  many 
years  subjected  to  vexatious  and  harrassing  modes  of 
persecution.  Some  of  the  more  yielding  among  them 
joined  the  Catholic  church.  Others  steadfastly  ad- 
hered to  their  peculiar  views,  and  refused  to  accept 
the  ordination  of  the  Romish  bishops.    Some  of  their 

'  other  authorities  give  the  date  of    failure  of  the  first  attempt  may  have 
the  contemplated  massacre   as   Dec.     led  to  a  second. 
24th,  1485.      It  is  possible  that  the         ^  Pescheck,  I  43. 


566  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF    JOHN"   HUSS.         [Ch.  XIX. 

preachers  were  sent  to  Armenia,  with  commendatory 
letters  from  the  University  of  Prague  (1499).  As 
reports  of  the  Bohemian  heresy  had  already  reached 
that  country,  they  were  closely  examined.  But  their 
general  agreement  of  doctrine  with  the  Armenian 
church,  especially  in  the  use  of  the  vulgar  tongue 
in  church  service,  secured  their  approval,  and  they 
w^ere  consequently  ordained.  Among  them  were 
Martin  of  Tabor  and  his  deacon,  who  were  after- 
wards burned  by  their  persecutors  at  Randnitz.^  At 
length,  after  the  appearance  of  Luther,  the  Utraquists 
— many  of  them — preferred  the  ordination  of  the 
reformers  of  Wittemberg  to  that  of  the  Catholics. 

The  Brethren,  meanwhile,  notwithstanding  the 
harshness  of  their  treatment,  were  increasing  in  num- 
bers. To  the  false  accusations  brouo^ht  ao-ainst  them 
before  the  king,  they  replied  by  presenting  him  a 
confession  of  their  faith,  (1493,)  and  a  refutation  of 
the  ci'imes  laid  to  their  charo^e.^  No  one  can  read 
their  "  Agreement,"  drawn  up  by  the  Brethren  in  the 
mountains  of  Richenau,  and  "given  forth  b}^  the 
seniors,"  as  their  bishops  were  called,  without  an  ad- 
miration of  its  kindly.  Christian,  and  Evangelical 
spirit.^  "  Before  all  other  things,"  it  proceeds  to  say, 
"we  have  agreed  among  ourselves,  that  we  will 
preserve  to  ourselves  the  ftiith  of  the  Lord  Jesus 
Christ  in  purity,  and  confirm  it  in  righteousness  which 
is  of  God,  abiding  together  in  love,  and  putting  our 
trust  in  the  living  God.  This  we  are  faithfully  to 
manifest,  in  word  and  deed.  One  is  to  assist  another 
faithfully  in  love,  to  lead  a  blameless  life,  and  be  ex- 

'  Pescheck,  i.  40.  »  lb.,  35.  '  lb.,  45. 


Oh.  XIX.]  VINDICATION    OF    THE    BRETHREN.  567 

ercised  in  humility,  submission,  meekness,  continence, 
and  patience,  in  order  to  prove  thereby  that  we  have 
a  true  faith,  real  love,  and  sure  hope,  which  is  laid 
up  for  us.  We  have  also  agreed  together  that  we 
will  unanimously  observe  a  willing  and  perfect  obe- 
dience, even  as  the  scriptures,  given  of  God,  enjoin 
upon  us.  One  is  to  receive  of  another,  instruction, 
warning,  exhortation,  and  correction  in  the  y^ay  of 
brotherly  kindness,  thereby  to  keep  the  covenant 
which  we  have  made  with  God  throuo-h  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  in  spirit.  We  have  also  unanimously 
agreed  to  strengthen  one  another  in  the  truth  which 
we  confess,  by  the  grace  of  the  Lord,  according  to 
the  measure  which  is  given  to  each  of  us,  and  willing 
to  do  and  undertake  everything  which  shall  be 
'judged  conducive  to  edification  and  improvement;' 
but  especially  to  observe  Christian  obedience,  to  ac- 
knowledge one  another  in  want  and  poverty,  to  be 
humble  and  in  subjection,  to  have  the  fear  of  God 
always  before  our  eyes,  to  improve  after  exhortation 
or  correction,  and  acknowledge  our  guilt  before  God 
and  man.  But  if  one  be  found  not  to  abide  in  all 
these,  and  refuse  to  keep  the  covenant  made  with 
God,  and  likewise  with  faithful  Christian  brethren, — • 
we  declare  with  sorrow  that  we  cannot  ensure  such 
a  one  of  his  salvation ;  but  the  result  may  be,  that 
we  shall  withdraw  from  him,  and  be  under  the 
necessity  of  excluding  him  from  our  communion  in 
divine  service.  And  if  one  be  overtaken  in  a  griev- 
ous sin,  or  in  a  decided  heresy,  for  which  he  ought 
to  be  put  away,  we  cannot  readmit  him,  until  he 
has  entirely  purged  himself  from  it,  and  evidently 


508  LIFE   AND    TEVIES    OF   JOHN"   HUSS.         [Ch.  XIX. 

amended  his  life.  It  has  been  moreover  determined, 
tliat  every  one  is  to  abide  faithfully  in  his  calling, 
and  in  all  things  to  keej)  a  good  conscience,  according 
to  the  apostolic  injunction.  The  priests  and  teachers 
in  particular  are  to  set  a  good  example,  and  in  word 
and  deed  so  to  behave  toward  others  that  punish- 
ment and  reproof  may  be  avoided." 

Faithful  to  the  principles  and  rules  thus  clearly 
announced,  the  lives  of  the  Brethren  extorted  praise 
even  from  their  persecutors.  The  constancy  of  their 
faith  and  the  purity  of  their  morals  were  exem- 
plary. One  wretch,  who  had  been  a  main  instrument 
of  their  persecution  by  the  slanders  to  which  he 
testified,  refused  longer  to  perjure  himself,  and  con- 
fessed that  he  knew  no  ill  of  the  Brethren.^  His 
testimony  had  been  accounted  so  important,  that 
he  had  been  taken  by  the  persecuting  party  from  vil- 
lage to  village,  and  city  to  city,  that  he  might  retail 
his  calumnies  in  the  audience  of  the  people.  Copies 
of  his  confession  were  sent  where  he  could  not  be 
taken  in  person.  In  this  manner  it  was  sought  to 
overwhelm  the  Brethren  with  odium.^  But  the  con- 
science of  the  wretch  smote  him  for  his  perjury,  and 
he  was  terrified  by  the  apprehension  of  the  mischiefs 
which  he  was  bringing  down,  in  the  basest  manner, 
upon  the  heads  of  the  innocent. 

This  event  tended  much  to  the  furtherance  of  their 
cause.  Many  were  led,  from  curiosity  or  other  motives, 
to  frequent  the  meetings  of  the  Brethren.  Some  began 
to  do  it  privately  and  in  disguise;  but  what  they  saw 
won   their  approval,  and  at  last  led  them   openly 

'  Pescheck,  i.  40.  "  Bost.  54. 


Ch.  XIX]  JIILDEK   POLICY.  569 

to  join  the  calumniated  and  persecuted  disciples. 
Among  the  accessions  to  their  ranks  were  several  of 
the  nobility  of  Bohemia  and  Moravia,  who,  in  various 
districts,  erected  for  them  churches  and  houses  of 
prayer.  The  king,  moreover,  was  favorably  impress- 
ed by  a  perusal  of  their  confession  and  apologies, 
and  mitigated  the  severity  of  his  persecuting  edicts. 
He  even  received  with  favor  to  his  Bohemian  king- 
dom a  portion  of  the  church  of  the  Brethren  who  had 
been  driven  from  Hungary,  and  for  several  years 
had  dwelt  in  Moldavia. 

A  favorable  influence  upon  the  condition  of  the 
Brethren  was  also  exerted  by  the  political  events  of 
the  time.  Ladislaus,  upon  his  accession  to  the  throne 
of  Bohemia,  (1471,)  had  succeeded  to  the  position 
and  duties  of  George  de  Podiebrad,  as  the  enemy  of 
Matthias  of  Hungary.  Eleven  years  later  (1482) 
the  common  interests  of  Ladislaus  and  the  emperor 
in  opposing  him,  cemented  between  them  an  alliance 
which  resulted  in  the  defeat  of  Matthias  near  Bruck 
on  the  Leytra.  But  the  latter,  regaining  strength, 
laid  siege  to  Vienna,  whose  inhabitants  vainly  im- 
23lored  help  of  the  emperor.  The  city  fell  into  the 
hands  of  Matthias,  (1485,)  but  by  the  generous  aid 
of  Albert  of  Saxony,  he  was  soon  after  defeated. 
In  1493,  Maximilian  succeeded  his  father  Frederic 
on  the  imperial  throne.  A  milder  policy  for  a  time 
prevailed.  The  daughter  of  Ladislaus  was  married 
to  the  Archduke  Ferdinand,  son  of  Maximilian,  and 
Bohemia  was  thus  again  brought  under  the  control 
of  the  house  of  Hapsburg.  During  most  of  this 
period  the  external  dangers  of  Bohemia  and  the  em- 


570  LIFE    AND   TBIES    OF    JOHN  HUSS.  [Oh,  XIX. 

pire,  whose  interests  were  one,  withdrew  attention 
from  the  Taborites  and  Calixtines.  These  might  be 
regarded  as  well-nigh  subjected,  while  the  Turk, 
thundering  at  the  gates  of  Christendom,  excited  pa- 
pal anxiety  and  more  general  apprehension. 

Strange  as  it  may  seem,  the  Calixtines  were  now 
more  disposed  to  persecute  the  Brethren,  than  were 
the  party  avowedly  papal.  Their  aim  was  to  retain 
the  cup,  and  yet  be  allowed  the  name  of  Catholic. 
They  wished  to  have  their  bishops  consecrated  at 
Rome.  To  recommend  themselves,  it  seemed  politic 
to  appear  as  distinct  as  possible  from  the  maligned 
and  hated  "  Picards."  Hence  they  were  jealous  of 
their  reputation,  and  willingly  adopted  even  perse- 
cuting measures  to  vindicate  it  from  the  reproach  of 
common  sympathy  with  the  Brethren.  One  result 
of  this  course  however,  was,  to  drive  the  more  honest 
and  conscientious  of  the  Calixtines  over  to  the  per- 
secuted body.  The  closing  period  of  the  fifteenth 
century  witnessed  the  slow  but  sure  increase  of  the 
churches  of  the  Brethren.  Although  far  from  being 
unmolested,  they  yet  enjoyed  comparative  rest.  At 
the  commencement  of  the  sixteenth  century,  their 
churches  numbered  two  hundred  in  Bohemia  and 
Moravia.  Almost  all  their  communities  possessed 
each  their  own  house  of  prayer.  The  scriptural  sim- 
plicity of  their  I'ites  and  the  purity  of  their  doctrines 
were  confirmed  by  their  familiarity  with  the  sacred 
writings.  They  procured  the  printing  of  two  edi- 
tions of  the  Bohemian  Bible,  the  first  at  Venice,  and 
the  second  at  Nuremberg.  But  these  were  insuffi- 
cient to  supply  the  demand,  and  three  presses  were 


Cii.  XIX.]  PERSECUTIOI?"   EEVIVED.  571 

procured,  and  employed  in  Bohemia  for  tlie  printing 
of  Bibles  alone.  The  version  used  was  a  translation 
of  the  Vulgate,  and  answered  its  purpose  for  a  hun- 
dred years. 

The  short  peace  of  the  Bi-ethren  was  soon  dis- 
turbed by  fresh  troubles.  Some  of  them  had  gone 
so  far  in  the  zealous  defence  of  their  non-resistance 
tenets,  as  to  declare  that  a  Christian  could  not  with 
a  good  conscience  hold  civil  office,  or  bear  arms. 
These  propositions  were  represented  to  the  king  as 
of  dangerous  tendency;  and  in  the  diet  of  1503,  he 
was  urged  to  extirpate  them  from  the  kingdom. 
Several  of  the  states  protested  against  these  insinu- 
ations, asserted  the  innocence  of  the  Brethren,  and 
opposed  the  cruel  measures  which  were  contemplated. 
But  when  the  friends  of  the  Brethren  had  withdrawn 
from  the  assembly,  their  enemies  prevailed  upon  the 
king  to  sign  a  persecuting  decree. 

Against  this  the  Brethren  entered  their  remon- 
strance. The  king  changed  his  mind,  and  sought  to 
bring  about  a  union  between  them  and  the  Calixtines. 
With  this  view  he  directed  that  some  of  their  princi- 
pal preachers  should  visit  Pj'ague,  and  confer  with 
the  professors  of  the  university  and  the  Calixtine  con- 
sistory. Though  apprehensive  of  a  plot  against  them, 
the  Brethren  complied  with  the  command,  (Dec, 
1503.)  But  on  the  very  day  on  which  the  conference 
was  to  have  been  opened,  their  most  bitter  enemy, 
the  rector  of  the  university,  died.  None  of  the  rest 
dared  to  meet  them  in  a  public  discussion.  They 
were  afraid  of  being  confounded  in  argument  in  the 
presence  of  the  citizens.   The  conference  was  deferred 


572  LITE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Oh.  XIX 

from  day  to  day,  till  under  various  pretexts  it  was 
altogether  abandoned. 

From  time  to  time,  however,  the  work  of  persecu- 
tion was  revived.  The  views  of  the  Brethren,  as 
maintained  in  their  apologies,  were  studiously  mis- 
represented. Their  non-resistance  principles  espe- 
cially were  so  perverted  by  their  enemies  as  to  make 
them  objects  of  odium  and  contempt.  In  1508  this 
malice  threatened  to  break  out  in  a  more  violent 
manner.  The  Roman  Catholic  bishops  succeeded  by 
flattery  in  obtaining  from  Ladislaus  several  severe 
decrees  against  the  Brethren.  These  were  met  by 
a  presentation  to  the  king  of  their  confession.  This, 
with  their  apologies,  was  all  the  resistance  they  could 
offer  to  the  measures  of  their  persecutors.  Yet  if 
any  thing  could  have  justified  a  departure  from  their 
principles  by  the  use  of  physical  force,  it  was  the 
decree  of  August  10th,  1508.  In  this  it  was  com- 
manded that  "  all  Picardines,  without  distinction  of 
sex  or  age,  should  be  punished  with  death."  ^  An 
anecdote  in  this  connection  illustrates  the  fearless 
spirit  of  the  Brethren,  notwithstanding  their  view  of 
non-resistance.  The  chancellor,  Albert,  on  his  return 
from  the  diet  where  the  decree  had  been  ratified, 
paid  a  visit  to  the  Baron  of  Coldicium,  and  reported 
to  him  what  all  had  agreed  upon.  The  baron  turned 
to  his  servant  Simon,  one  of  the  Brethren,  and  asked 
him  how  he  liked  it.  "  All  have  not  agreed  to  it," 
was  his  reply.  "Who  are  they,"  asked  the  chancel- 
lor, "  who  dare  oppose  all  the  states  of  the  king- 
dom ? "     "  There  is  in  heaven,"  replied  the  servant, 

*  Pescheck,  i.  41. 


Cn.  XIX.]      SYMPATHY   SOUGHT    IN    OTHER    LANDS.  5Y3 

lifting  up  his  hand,  "  One,  who  if  he  were  not  pres- 
ent at  yoiir  counsels,  you  have  taken  counsel  in  vain." 

The  murderous  character  of  the  edict  disgusted 
some  of  the  principal  nobility.  Through  their  op- 
position its  execution  was  deferred.  But  in  1510  it 
received  the  second  assent  of  the  states,  and  to  some 
extent  was  enforced.  Many  of  the  Brethren  became 
its  victims.  Numerous  were  the  cases  of  imprison- 
ment. Some  were  mutilated,  some  burned,  and  some 
put  to  death  by  drowning.  All  varieties  of  torture 
were  employed  to  subdue  the  constancy  of  the  mar- 
tyrs. So  far  did  the  power  of  persecution  prevail, 
that  divine  service  could  only  be  performed  in  secret, 
save  in  the  district  of  Baron  Schwamberg. 

Already,  as  w^e  have  seen,  the  Brethren  had 
sought  to  discover  in  other  lands  Christian  organiza- 
tions to  which  they  could  extend  their  sympathy 
and  communion.  These  they  had  found  among 
the  Waldenses  alone.  Their  effort  was  now  (1486) 
renewed.  Previous  to  this  they  had  made  the  mat- 
ter a  subject  of  deliberation.  But  in  the  synod  of  that 
year  they  gave  evidence  of  their  large  views  and 
liberal  spirit.  They  declared  that  the  Catholic 
church  of  God  was  not  limited  to  any  visible  society 
of  believers,  but  was  to  be  found  in  any  part  of 
Christendom,  wherever  the  holy  Catholic  faith, 
agreeable  to  the  truth  of  God,  prevailed.  Again 
they  sent  forth  brethren  to  E-ome,  Italy,  France,  and 
the  Waldenses,  to  search  out  those  whom  they 
might  recognize  as  their  spiritual  kindred.  They 
longed  to  enjoy  the  assurance  that  somewhere  in  the 
world  there  were  those  whose  doctrines  and  worship 


574  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.         [Ch.  XIX 

were  mainly  identical  with  their  own ;  that  in  their 
isolation,  they  were  not  altogether  separate  from 
spiritual  kindred  who  in  other  scenes  and  other  lands 
were  bearing  testimony  to  a  pure  gospel. 

Some  whom  they  sent  out  on  this  novel  errand  of 
searching  for  Christian  brethren,  went  to  Greece,  to 
Russia,  to  Scythia,  to  Egypt,  to  Constantinople,  and 
to  Thrace.  Others  visited  France,  Rome,  and  various 
parts  of  Italy.  Their  report  is  indeed  striking  and 
significant.  They  found,  they  said,  sighing  souls,  but 
no  organized  church  with  which  they  could  unite. 
Hence,  at  a  synod  at  which  the  report  was  made, 
(1489,)  it  was  resolved :  "If  God  anywhere  in  the 
world  should  stir  up  righteous  teachers  and  re- 
formers of  the  church,  they  would  make  common 
cause  with  them."  Such  was  the  truly  catholic  spirit 
by  which  they  were  animated. 

The  fame  of  Erasmus  had  already  reached  Bohe- 
mia. The  Brethren  looked  to  him — a  Biblical 
scholar — with  some  degree  of  hope.  In  1511  they 
presented  to  him  their  confession  of  faith — the  same 
which  had  been  exhibited  to  Ladislaus  in  1480. 
They  asked  him  to  point  out  its  errors,  or  show  them 
in  what  respects  it  could  be  improved.  True  to  his 
nature,  the  timid  scholar  gave  it  his  secret  approval, 
but  advised  them  to  keep  quiet.  He  excused  him- 
self from  coming  out  openly  in  their  favor,  as  it  would 
only  injure  himself  and  do  them  no  good.  In  some 
of  his  writings,  however,  he  expressed  himself  favora- 
bly in  regard  to  them.^ 

*  The  language  of  Erasmus,  in  re-  pastors  from  among  themselves,  it  is 
ply  to  one  of  the  calumniators  of  the  nothing  more  than  what  the  primitive 
Brethren,  was,  "  K  the  Brethren  elect     Christians  did ;  if  they  make  choice 


Cn.  XIX.]  SYIS^ODICAL    DECISI01S-.  575 

The  interval  between  this  and  the  appearance  of 
Luther  as  a  reformer,  was  one  of  sore  trial  to  the 
Brethren.  They  were  rarely  left  unmolested  in  the 
enjoyment  of  religious  worship.  They  grew  weary 
of  their  state  of  isolation,  separated  from  the  rest  of 
the  religious  world.  Their  condition  was,  with  many 
at  least,  that  of  seeming,  if  not  actual,  schism  from 
the  Christian  body.  Some  proposed  that  they  should 
reunite  with  the  Calixtines,  in  the  hope  of  peace 
and  larger  usefulness.  The  subject  was  brought 
before  one  of  their  synods.  Here  it  was  decided, 
that  if  in  another  church  than  their  own  a  priest  of 
pure  doctrine  and  holy  life  was  to  be  found,  it  was  a 
subject  for  gratitude  to  God ;  but  this  was  no  suffi- 
cient reason  for  reunion  or  communion  with  a  church 
which  had  been  left  because  of  its  errors.  The  suc- 
cessor of  the  priest  might  be  a  man  of  a  totally  dif- 
ferent character.  Even  though  one  might  not  enjoy 
the  membership  of  a  properly  organized  church,  all 
might  keep  the  unity  of  the  spirit  and  of  the  body 
of  Christ.  Nor  was  it  without  danger  for  believers 
to  forsake  privileges  accompanied  by  divine  grace 
among  themselves,  to  seek  them  among  strangers. 
In  case  there  should  be  found  many  priests  of  another 
church  united  together  in  the  work  of  a  faithful  min- 
istration of  the  word  of  God,  and  properly  consti- 

of  unlettered  and  uneducated  men,  less    confidence    in   their  preachers 

they  may  well  be  excused,  since  the  than  in  the  Holy  Scriptures,  that  is, 

want  of  learning  is  sufficiently  com-  if  they  put  more  confidence  in  God 

pensated   by   the   holiness    of    their  than  in  man,  they  are  right.     As  to 

lives  ;  if  they  call  one  another  brother  holy  days,   I  find   their   sentiments 

and  sister,  I  see  no  harm  in  it;  would  little  different  from  those  which  pro- 

to  God  that  this  appellation,  dictat-  vailed  in  the  times  of  Saint  Jerome 

ed  by  brotherly  love,  existed  univer-  but  festivals  have  now  increased  to 

Bally  among  Christians ;  if  they  place  an  enormous  number." 


576  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  XIX. 

tuted,  they  were  not  to  be  despised ;  but  the  elders 
of  tlie  churches  of  the  Brethren  were  to  see  whether, 
in  some  way,  a  union  might  not  be  effected  with 
them.  In  case  they  were  found  to  hold  the  funda- 
mental articles  of  the  Christian  faith,  they  were  to 
be  obeyed  and  listened  to  as  teachers.  If  in  this 
respect  they  did  not  agree  with  the  Brethren,  they 
were  not  to  be  contemned,  but  treated  with  kindr 
ness,  both  that  the  purity  of  faith  might  be  presei'v- 
ed,  and  themselves  brought  to  the  enjoyment  of  clearer 
light.  "  Finally,"  say  they,  "  we  recognize  no  mul- 
titude or  assembly,  however  numerous,  as  the  church 
catholic, — that  is,  as  containing  the  entire  number 
of  believers,  so  that  outside  of  it  are  none  of  God's 
elect ;  but  wherever  the  sole  catholic  Christian  faith 
is  kept  in  truth,  according  to  God's  word,  in  what- 
ever part  of  Christendom,  there  is  the  holy  catholic 
church,  out  of  whose  communion  there  is  no  hope  of 
salvation." 


CHAPTER    XX. 

REFORMATION  IN"  GERMANY.  THE  BRETHREN. 

Germax  Demand  for  Reform.  —  Ecclesiastical  Impositions.  — Extortion. — 
Indulgences. -Relics.  — Appearance  of  Luther.  — His  Views  Advocated 
AT  Prague.  — Thomas  Munzer.— Correspondence  with  Luther.  — He  Prints 
THE  Brethren's  Confession.  —  His  Letter  to  Melanchthon.  —  Dkputation 
to  Wittemberg.- Papal  Policy  in  Bohemia. -Measures  of  the  Legate.- 
Za-hera.  — The  Reform.ation  in  Austria. -Lenient  Policy  of  Ferdinand. 
—  Capito  and  Bucer.  — Bohemian  Sympathy  with  the  Reformers.— Harsh 
Measures  against  the  brethren.  -  The  Exiles.  -  George  Israel.- The 
Baron  op  Shanow.  -  Decree.  -  Victims  of  Persecution.  -  Introduction  op 
the  Jesuits. -Maximilian  L— Persecuting  Measures  Defeated.— John 
Crato.  —  Lenient  Policy  of  Maximilian.  —  The  Brethren's  Bible.  — Ef- 
forts FOR  Union. -Prosperity.— The  Brethren  in  Otheb  Lands.  — Ru- 
dolph II.  —  Toleration. 

1517  —  1602. 

Foe  a  whole  century  the  Taborites  and  the  United 
Brethren— as  the  followers  of  Huss— had  borne  their 
testimony  against  the  apostasy  and  errors  of  the  Ro- 
man Catholic  chui-ch.     Their  enemies  had  persecuted 
them  with  calumny  and  violence.     Pen  and  sword 
had  been  employed  against  them  without  scruple. 
The  harshest  measures  had  been  adopted  to  shake 
their  constancy.     Beyond  their  own  neighborhoods 
they  were  known  by  the  odious  name  of  Picards. 
In  all  Germany  there  was  scarcely  to  be  found  an 
individual  who  had  any  proper  acquaintance  with 
their  character  or  doctrines. 

But  their  revolt  against  the  dominant  hierarchy 
VOL.  II.  37  577 


578  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    JOHN   HUSS.  [Cn.  XX. 

was  now  to  be  justified  in  a  most  striking  manner. 
They  were  to  find  whole  nations  unconsciously  array- 
ing themselves  upon  their  side.  Germany,  from  the 
days  of  the  council  of  Constance,  had  been  indig- 
nantly demanding  reform ;  but  her  cry  had  been 
smothered.  Instead  of  meeting  the  demand,  the 
hierarchy  only  became  more  hopelessly  corrupt,  until 
the  evil  was  no  lon2:er  to  be  borne.  An  earlier 
]'eformation  might  have  been  less  radical,  but  eccle- 
siastical authority  and  interested  opposition  had 
resisted  and  turned  back  the  current  of  popular 
feeling,  until  now,  become  resistless,  it  broke  over 
all  restraint.  Luther  came  forwai'd,  the  exponent 
of  long  suppressed  convictions,  the  champion  of  a 
purer  Christianity,  the  leader  in  the  cause  of  reform  ; 
and  the  Brethren,  who  had  long  waited  and  watched 
for  the  appearance  of  one  to  whom  they  could  extend 
the  hand  of  fellowship,  greeted  him,  ere  yet  his 
prejudices  against  them  had  given  way,  as  a  fellow- 
laborer  in  their  own  great  work. 

Tardily,  but  surely,  the  career  of  Huss  and  the 
bold  views  he  had  put  forth  were  vindicated  from 
that  very  direction  from  which  the  bitterest  hostility 
against  him  had  proceeded.  Germany  had  been 
taxed  and  plundered  and  abused,  till  her  patience 
was  exhausted.  As  the  noble  gave  up  his  broad 
forests  to  the  tramp  of  beasts,  that  he  might  himself 
enjoy  the  pleasures  of  the  chase,  so  papal  avarice 
seemed  to  hold  Germany  in  reserve  as  the  hunting- 
ground  of  ecclesiastical  extortion. 

The  Germans  had  been  a  patient  people.  They 
had  borne  the  yoke  of  Home  long  and  well.     They 


Ch.  XX.]  GEOSS    EVTPOSITIONS.  5Y9 

had  complained  and  submitted,  till  it  seemed  their 
habit.  The  grossest  impositions,  the  most  absurd 
dogmas,  and  the  coolest  impudence  of  ecclesiastical 
assumption,  had  failed  to  produce  revolt.  Rome 
felt  that  she  might  venture  further.  There  was  yet 
"  in  the  lowest  deep  "  of  her  avarice,  "  a  lower  deep  " 
of  unscrupulous  and  unblushing  audacity.  Alex- 
ander VI.,  whose  unnatural  vices  and  monstrous 
crimes  had  so  eclipsed  those  of  John  XXIII.  that 
the  latter  appeared  almost  as  a  saint  by  his  side, 
had  done  all  it  was  possible  to  do  to  make  the  Papal 
See  odious  to  Christendom.  His  successor,  Leo  X., 
while  patronizing  ancient  and  modern  art,  surrounded 
himself  with  the  splendors  of  the  old  Roman  my- 
thology, with  heathen  deities,  and  all  the  forms  of 
polished  licentiousness.  The  immense  expense  occa- 
sioned by  the  erection  of  St.  Peter's  at  Rome,  drained 
Germany  and  even  Europe  of  its  wealth,  and  an 
avaricious  ingenuity  was  set  at  work  to  invent  new 
methods  of  extortion,  or  wring  new  tribute  from 
exhausted  provinces.  Novel  taxes  were  imposed. 
Forms  of  penance  were  multiplied.  The  periodical 
recurrence  of  the  jubilee  at  Rome  was  reduced  suc- 
cessively from  one  hundred,  to  fifty,  thirty-three,  and 
finally  twenty-five  years.  Millions  of  money  were 
poured  into  the  papal  treasury ;  but  the  cry  was  still 
heard,  "  Give,  give." 

The  system  of  indulgences  was  subjected  to  a 
new  process  of  development.  It  was  elaborately 
drawn  out,  and  shaped  by  chancery  rules.  Absolu- 
tion was  made  a  matter  of  traffic.  Bills  of  exchange 
on  the  court  of  heaven  might  be  had  on  demand. 


580  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch,  XX. 

for  the  premium  in  money.  Scarce  a  sin  could  be 
imagined — scarce  a  crime  ever  known  in  tlie  realm 
of  the  actual  or  ideal — but  bad  its  price.  In  politi- 
cal intrigue  and  treachery,  papal  artifice  won  the 
palm  over  every  competitor.  The  difference  be- 
tween the  papal  and  secular  courts  seemed  to  be 
merely  that  the  latter  could  not  dissolve  the  obliga- 
tion of  their  own  oaths. 

The  depravity  of  the  church  was  such  that  good 
men  shuddered  to  think  of  it.  Everywhere  it  was 
to  be  met.  The  heart  was  diseased,  and  the  whole 
body  suffered.  When  the  pope  was  a  devil  incar- 
nate, it  is  not  strange  that  prelates  and  priests  copied 
from  the  model.  Hypocrites  and  idlers  abounded. 
Nobles  were  elevated  to  bishopricks,  and  used  the 
vast  revenues  of  the  church  to  revel  in  wanton  luxury. 
The  priests  were  proverbially  ignorant,  brutal,  and 
drunken.  But  one  in  ten — by  a  concession  of  the 
popes  ^ — was  required  to  study.  The  obligations  of 
celibacy  were  unscrupulously  eluded.  The  wealthy 
priests  had  poor  vicars  in  their  pay,  who  for  the 
merest  pittance  discharged  the  drudgery  of  visita- 
tion, preaching,  and  clerical  duty.  The  disorders  of 
the  monasteries  and  convents  equalled  those  which 
had  provoked  in  Bohemia  the  vengeance  of  Zisca. 
The  wealthy  abbots  vied  with  the  powerful  secular 
lords. 

As  to  the  monks,  John  of  Goch  said  at  Mechlin, 
that  "  they  did  what  the  devil  was  ashamed  to  think." 
The  abuses  of  the  church  in  respect  to  relics  were  in 
some  instances  so  ridiculous  as  to  disarm  indication. 

*  Menzel's  Germany,  ii.  220. 


Ch.  XX.]  Luther's  work.  581 

Many  a  saint  liad  several  genuine  bodies  and  innu- 
merable limbs.  A  collection  of  the  curiosities  of 
ecclesiastical  resources  for  revenue  would  have  formed 
a  rare  museum  for  inspection.  It  would  have  had 
the  chemise  of  the  vii'gin,  six  feet  long — ^the  drum 
on  which  the  march  of  the  Jews  was  beaten  as  they 
crossed  the  Red  Sea  dry-shod — a  piece  of  the  head  of 
Tobias'  fish — at  least  five  hoofs  of  the  ass  on  which 
Christ  rode  into  Jerusalem — and  numerous  other 
treasures,  well  known  alike  in  Germany  and  in  Eng- 
land, and  long  before  made  familiar  by  Erasmus'  wit 
and  by  Chaucer's  rhymes. 

To  all  these  things  are  to  be  added  the  burlesque 
sermons,  the  Ass'  and  Fools'  festivals,  ^  the  buffoon- 
eries in  the  churches,  and  the  sacrilegious  traffic  in 
indulgences,  which  finally  exhausted  even  German 
patience,  and  placed  the  northern  portion  of  the 
empire  in  an  attitude  of  revolt  against  Rome. 

In  a  way  not  unlike  that  by  which  Huss  was  led 
to  take  the  position  he  did,  Luther  was  trained  for 
his  work.  The  cause  to  which  he  devoted  himself 
was  the  same — the  vindication  of  a  pure  Christianity 
from  corrupting  innovations  of  past  centuries.  His 
fundamental  position  moreover,  was  like  that  of  Huss 
— the  supreme  authority  of  the  word  of  God.  As 
the  tones  of  his  clarion  voice  rang  out  over  Germany, 
hosts  of  friends  rallied  to  his  side.  In  the  printing- 
press  he  found  an  ally  which  Huss  never  had.  His 
sermons  and  invectives  were  printed  and  circuLtted 
— hawked  abroad  by  colporteurs  through  the  cities 
and  villages  of  the  land.    The  pulpit  of  Wittemberg 

'  Michelet's  France. 


582  LQ'E    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   IIUSS.  [Cu.  XX. 

had  a  thousand  sounding-boards — awoke  a  thousand 
echoes.  Rome  was  boldly  impeached,  before  the  tri- 
bunal of  the  public  opinion  of  Christendom,  of  high 
crimes  and  misdemeanors.  Consternation  was  ex- 
cited among  the  advocates  of  the  old  abuses.  There 
was  alarm  at  the  court  of  Rome.  The  eyes  of  Eu- 
rope were  directed  toward  the  fearless  monk  who 
had  dared  to  burn  the  papal  bulls,  and  fling  forth 
his  challenge  against  the  world. 

We  cannot  be  surprised,  therefore,  that,  among  a 
people  holding  such  views  as  those  of  the  Brethren,  the 
appearance  of  Luther,  as  the  German  reformer,  was 
heartily  welcomed.  Nowhere  did  his  labors  excite 
more  hope  and  attention  than  in  Bohemia.  Many 
of  the  Utraquists  or  Calixtines,  as  well  as  of  the 
Brethren,  preferred  the  ordination  of  the  reformers 
of  Wittemberg  to  that  of  the  Roman  Catholic  church. 
Two  years  after  the  publication  of  Luther's  celebrat- 
ed theses,  (1519,)  his  principles  had  found  their  way 
to  Prague.  Matthias  the  hermit,  arriving  there  as  a 
pilgrim,  publicly  preached  the  doctrines  of  the  Refor- 
mation, in  connection  however  with  peculiar  opinions 
of  his  own.  Many  were  won  over  to  his  views,  but 
were  subjected  in  consequence  to  repeated  imprison- 
ments. 

The  celebrated  Thomas  Munzer  followed  Matthias 
(15^1).  The  sympathies  of  the  Brethren  were  al- 
ready strongly  enlisted  on  the  side  of  Luther.  In 
1523  they  sent  two  of  their  number  to  congratulate 
him,  and  render  an  account  of  their  doctrine  and 
discipline.  So  satisfactory  did  these  appear,  and  so 
gratified  was  he  upon   a  perusal  of  their  writings, 


Ch.  XX] 


LUTHER  AND  THE  BRETHREN". 


583 


that  lie  publicly  declared  that  the  prejudice  which 
he  had  hitherto  entertained  against  them  was  un- 
founded. Some  questions  of  church  order  for  a  time 
interrupted  the  friendliness  of  their  intercourse ;  but 
in  1532  Luther  printed  their  confession  at  his  own 
press,  and  testified  to  the  futility  of  his  own  suspi- 
cions in  regard  to  the  Brethren,  declaring  that,  not- 
withstanding diversities  of  discipline  and  ceremony, 
they  must  be  acknowledged,  with  all  true  believers, 
to  belong  to  the  one  fold  of  Christ.  "  Although  I 
cannot  accept,"  he  says,  "the  Brethren's  forms  of  ex- 
pression, I  will  neither  urge  nor  force  them  to  adopt 
mine,  so  long  as  in  fact  there  subsists  a  real  unity 
between  us."^      In  1535  he  wrote  to  Melanchthon 


*  Luthei",  on  receiving  in  1532  the 
confession  of  faitli  which  the  Brethren 
had  presented  to  George  of  Branden- 
burg, caused  it  to  be  printed  at  Wit- 
temburg  with  the  following  jireface  : 

"  While  I  was  a  papist,  my  zeal  for 
religion  made  me  cordially  hate  the 
Brethren,  and  consequently  likewise 
the  writings  of  Huss.  I  had  indeed 
early  discovered  that  he  taught  the 
doctrines  of  holy  writ,  purely  and 
forcibly,  so  much  so,  that  I  was  aston- 
ished that  the  pope  and  the  council 
of  Constance  should  have  condemned 
so  worthy  a  man  to  the  flames.  Still, 
such  was  my  blind  zeal  for  the  pope 
and  the  council,  that  without  hesita- 
tion I  abandoned  the  reading  of  his 
books,  wholly  distrusting  my  own 
judgment.  But  since  God  hath  dis- 
covered to  me  "  the  Son  of  Perdition," 
I  think  otherwise,  and  am  constrained 
to  honor  those  as  saints  and  martyrs 
whom  the  pope  condemned  and  mur- 
dered as  heretics,  for  they  died  for  the 
truth  of  their  testimony.  In  this  num- 
ber I  reckon  the  Brethren,  common- 
ly called  Picards ;  for  among  them  I 


have  found  what  I  deem  a  great  won- 
der, and  what  is  not  to  be  met  with 
in  the  whole  extent  of  popedom; 
namely,  that,  setting  aside  all  human 
traditions,  they  exercise  themselves 
day  and  night  in  the  law  of  the  Lord ; 
and  though  they  are  not  so  great  pro- 
ficients in  Hebrew  and  Greek  as  some 
others,  yet  they  are  well  skilled  in 
the  Holy  Scriptures,  have  made  expe- 
rience of  its  doctrines,  and  teach  them 
with  clearness  and  accuracy.  I  there- 
fore hope  all  true  Christians  will  love 
and  esteem  them.  Yea,  we  are  bound 
to  give  hearty  thanks  to  the  God  and 
Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  that 
according  to  the  riches  of  his  grace 
he  hath  commanded  the  light  of  his 
word  to  shine  out  of  darkness,  and 
raised  us  from  death  to  life.  We  sin- 
cerely rejoice,  both  for  their  sakes  and 
ours,  that  the  suspicion  which  hereto- 
fore alienated  us  has  been  removed, 
and  that  we  are  now  gathered  into 
one  fold,  under  the  only  Shepherd  and 
Bishop  of  our  souls,  to  whom  be  glory 
to  all  eternity.     Amen." 


584  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  XX. 

on  the  subject :  "  While  we  are  agreed  in  the  main 
articles  of  Christian  doctrine,  let  us  accept  one  an- 
other in  love,  nor  let  the  dissimilarity  of  usages  and 
ceremonies  separate  our  hearts."  Another  deputa- 
tion, in  the  following  year,  (1536,)  again  urged  a 
stricter  church  order ;  but  Luther  excused  himself 
from  compliance,  on  the  ground  that  things  were  not 
ripe  for  it,  nor  had  he  leisure  to  attend  to  it  amid 
the  many  tasks  imposed  upon  him  by  his  opponents 
in  controversy. 

In  1540  still  another  deputation  was  sent  to  Wit- 
temberg,  with  the  same  request.  It  was  headed  by 
John  Augusta,  senior  or  bishop  of  the  Brethren, 
who  in  1524  had  studied  at  Wittemberg,  and  whom 
Luther  highly  esteemed.  After  his  return  to  Bohe- 
mia— under  a  compulsory  decree  of  the  emperor,  who 
wdshed  to  prevent  the  further  spread  of  the  Refor- 
mation in  his  dominions,  and  to  this  end  commanded 
all  his  subjects  under  pain  of  severe  penalties  to 
leave  Wittemberg — he  still  kept  up  a  correspond- 
ence with  the  German  reformer.  Luther  received 
his  former  pupil  with  the  utmost  kindness,  and 
promised  that  so  soon  as  sufficient  quiet  was  restored 
he  would  act  upon  the  subject.  As  Augusta,  took 
leave,  he  extended  to  him,  in  the  presence  of  the 
other  professors,  the  right  hand  of  fellowship,  ex- 
claiming, "  Be  ye  the  apostles  of  the  Bohemians ; 
I  and  mine  will  be  the  apostles  of  the  Germans." 
"  I  admonish  you  in  the  Lord,"  so  he  wrote  Augusta 
afterward,  "  that  ye  persevere  with  us  to  the  end  in 
the  communion  of  the  spirit  and  of  doctrine." 

At  Prague,  meanwhile,  the  different  parties  became 


CH.XX.]     THE  PAPAL  LEGATE  AT  PRAGUE.      585 

more  divergent  and  alienated  from  one  another.  In 
1523,  under  tlie  impulse  and  encouragement  of  the 
Lutheran  reformation,  the  influence 'of  which  had 
powerfully  extended  to  Bohemia,  it  was  proposed  in 
a  meeting  of  the  states  to  adopt  articles  looking  to 
the  promotion  of  the  cause  of  reform.  These  articles 
were  of  a  moderately  protestant  character ;  but  they 
w^ere  strenuously  opposed  by  Gallus  Zahera,  curate  of 
Tein  church  in  Old  Prague.  Zahera  had  resided  at 
Wittemberg,  and  had  been  reputed  a  friend  of  Lu- 
ther. But  his  time-serving  policy  led  him  to  abandon 
his  former  principles,  and  he  became  an  intolerant 
Calixtine. 

It  was  at  this  juncture  that  the  pope,  apprehensive 
of  the  sj^read  of  the  reformation  in  Bohemia,  sent 
his  legate  to  Prague.  The  latter,  upon  his  arrival, 
wrote  to  several  persons  of  influence,  among  others 
to  Zahera,  insinuating  with  much  flattery  the  idea 
of  a  union  of  the  churches.  The  party  of  John  Pas- 
sack  of  Wrat,  elected  chief  magistrate  of  the  city, 
was  now  in  the  ascendant,  and  to  this  Zahera  joined 
himself.^ 

This  new  party,  in  the  name  of  the  consistory,  ex- 
tended a  favorable  reply  to  the  legate.  Articles 
were  drawn  up  which  looked  toward  a  union  of  the 
Calixtines  with  the  papal  party,  and  the  influence 
of  the  king  and  pope,  of  Passek  and  Zahera,  was 
employed  to  enforce  them.  They  were  imposed  upon 
the  laity  as  well  as  the  clergy,  and  whoever  refused 
to  subscribe  them  was  banished  from  the  city.  Six 
preachers,  including  Martin  of  the  Bethlehem  church, 

'  Pescheck,  i.  59, 


586  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF    JOHN   HUSS.  [Cii.  XX 

were  driven  fi-om  their  posts.  Sixty-five  of  the 
principal  citizens  shared  the  same  fate.  The  Evan- 
gelicals were  charged  with  conspiring  to  destroy 
their  enemies.  Three  citizens  were  put  to  the  rack 
to  extort  a  confession.  Others  were  scourged,  others 
branded,  and  still  others  cast  into  prison.  The  prog- 
ress of  the  cause  of  reform  was  checked  by  these 
measures  of  cruelty  and  violence. 

For  several  years  this  harsh  policy  prevailed. 
Scenes  of  horrid  barbarity  were  not  infrequent. 
The  hermit,  Matthias,  the  earliest  preacher  of  Luthe- 
ran doctrines  in  Bohemia,  whose  unassuming  man- 
ners and  irreproachable  life  had  secured  him  univer- 
sal respect,  was  no  longer  suffered  to  speak,  as  he 
had  been  wont,  in  the  streets  and  in  the  market- 
places. He  had  admonished  Zahera  for  his  apostasy 
and  evil-doings,  and  had  thus  invited  the  vengeance 
of  the  persecutor.  Invited  to  a  conference,  he  was 
seized  and  cast  into  prison,  and  subsequently  banished. 
The  fate  of  Nicolas  Wrzetenarz  was  still  more  cruel. 
He,  with  his  aged  housekeeper,  who  shared  his  faith, 
was  condemned  to  the  flames.  Both  met  with  a  cheer- 
ful and  heroic  spirit  their  terrible  fate.  From  time 
to  time  the  funeral  pile  was  lighted,  but  brighter  than 
its  flames  glowed  the  faith  of  its  victims. 

Meanwhile  the  influence  of  the  reformation  had 
extended  into  the  Austrian  dominions.  The  doctrines 
of  Luther  were  preached  at  Vienna  by  Paul  von 
Spretten  (Speratus),  and  were  widely  disseminated 
in  the  whole  country  around."^  In  spite  of  violence, 
the  new  opinions  made  progress.     Speratus  was  ban- 

'  Menzel,  ii.  244. 


Cn.  XX.]  BRIGHTER    PROSPECTS.  587 

ished,  and  liis  successor,  Tauler,  was  condemned  to  the 
stake.  Hubmaier  of  Waldsbut  was  also  burnt.  But 
fresh  preachers,  patronized  by  the  nobility,  arose  to 
disseminate  thyir  views,  and  the  emperor,  engaged 
in  a  contest  with  the  Turk,  was  constrained  to  leave 
them  for  the  most  part  unmolested.  In  1528  he 
found  that  almost  the  entire  Austrian  nobility  had 
embraced  Lutheranism.  In  1532  the  estates  de- 
manded religious  liberty;  and  in  1541  they  repeated 
their  demand  with  new  emphasis.  For  ten  years, 
previous  to  1538,  not  a  single  student  in  the  Univer- 
sity of  Vienna  had  turned  monk. 

During  this  period  Bohemia  had  fallen,  by  the 
death  of  Louis,  to  the  Archduke  Ferdinand,  w*ho,  to 
distance  his  rivals  and  win  the  Calixtines,  initiated  a 
milder  policy.  There  was  good  reason  for  it.  Per- 
secution might  well  by  this  time  have  grown  weary 
in  its  task.  The  people  became  disgusted  with  such 
scenes  of  intolerance.  Several  who  had  been  fore- 
most in  the  cruel  work,  were  overtaken  by  sudden 
and  startling  calamity,  which  was  regarded  in  the 
lis^lit  of  divine  venofeance  for  their  crimes.  One 
hung  himself  in  his  own  house,  and  w^as  secretly 
buried.  Zahei-a  was  banished,  and  ended  his  life 
miserably  in  Franconia.  The  king,  Ferdinand,  on 
his  accession  to  the  throne,  changed  the  city  council, 
and  the  year  1530  was  a  season  of  jubilee  to  the 
exiles,  who  were  allowed  to  return. 

Better  prospects  now  opened  before  the  Brethren. 
As  the  reformation  spi'ead,  they  found  new  sympa- 
thizers, and  a  deeper  interest  was  taken  in  their  con- 
dition and  doctrines.     Their  fame  went  abroad.     At 


588  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  XX. 

Strasbourg,  Capito  and  Bucer  heard  of  them.  They 
wrote  to  inquire  more  carefully  in  regard  to  their 
views  and  usages.  They  even  sent  one  of  their 
number,  Matthias  Erythreus,  to  obtain  fuller  informa- 
tion. So  satisfactory  was  the  report,  and  so  grateful 
to  the  feelings  of  Bucer,  that  at  the  assembly  of  the 
Strasbourg  theologians  he  could  not  restrain  himself 
from  tears.  "  I  believe,"  so  he  wrote  to  the  Brethren, 
"  that  at  this  present  time  ye  are  the  only  ones 
among  whom  not  only  a  pure  doctrine,  but  a  becom- 
ing, gentle,  and  useful  church  order  prevails." 

Calvin  was  present  at  the  time  at  Strasbourg.  He 
was  deeply  interested  in  the  accounts  which  he  re- 
ceived of  the  Brethren,  and,  in  the  church  constitu- 
tion which  he  afterward  framed  at  Geneva,  adopted 
several  of  their  peculiar  principles.  Thus  the  in- 
fluence of  the  Brethren  reached  both  the  leading 
reformers  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Without  be- 
coming involved  in  any  of  their  peculiar  controver- 
sies, they  had  the  sympathy,  friendship,  and  respect 
of  both,  extending  to  each  the  hand  of  Christian 
fellowship. 

From  this  period,  their  cause  is  identified  with 
that  of  the  Reformation  generally.  In  the  hopes 
and  fears  of  the  German  protestants,  they  likewise 
shared.  The  merciless  resolve  of  Charles  V.  to 
crush  out  the  reformers  from  every  part  of  his 
dominions,  excited  in  their  behalf  the  ardent  sym- 
pathy, not  only  of  the  Brethren,  but  to  a  great 
extent  of  the  Bohemian  Calixtines. 

At  the  time  of  the  celebrated  league  of  Smalcald, 
the  authority  of  Ferdinand  over  his  subjects  was 


Ch.  XX.]  THE    "  BLOODY    DIET.'  589 

insufficient  to  enable  liim  to  j^rocure  levies  from 
Bohemia  to  aid  the  imperial  arms.  The  object  of 
the  war  was  to  crush  what  the  Brethren  regarded 
as  their  own  cause.  Here  they  were  sustained  by  a 
large  portion  even  of  the  Calixtines.  So  strong 
were  the  feelings  of  repugnance  and  disgust  at  the 
demand  of  Ferdinand  for  auxiliary  troops,  that  the 
states  and  free  towns,  one  and  all,  excused  them- 
selves from  compliance.  On  the  ground  of  their 
common  faith,  as  well  as  that  of  their  ancient  con- 
federacy with  the  house  of  Saxony,  they  declined 
acceding  to  the  demand. 

This  provocation  was  not  forgotten  by  Ferdinand. 
When  the  triumph  of  the  emperor's  arms  had  laid 
Germany  at  his  feet,  the  crime  of  the  Bohemains 
was  recalled,  and  they  were  charged  with  rebellion. 
Ferdinand  entered  Bohemia  with  his  victorious  army, 
and  seized  the  city  of  Prague  (1547.)  The  "  bloody 
diet "  was  convened.  Many  of  the  nobles,  barons, 
and  citizens  were  thrown  into  prison.  Some  were 
scourged,  others  beheaded.  Some  were  almost  beg- 
gared by  the  heavy  fines  imposed ;  others  were 
utterly  despoiled  of  their  estates.  Prague  was  de- 
prived of  its  arsenal  and  all  its  privileges.  Many 
of  the  inhabitants  were  banished,  and  more  went 
into  voluntary  exile. 

But  while  the  rage  of  the  king  was  directed 
against  the  Calixtines  generally,  the  Brethren  were 
especially  pointed  at  as  the  authors  of  rebellion. 
Every  effort  was  made  to  draw  down  upon  them  the 
hatred  of  the  king.  The  calumnies  against  them 
were  poured  into  willing  ears,  and  the  churches  of 


590  LIFE   AND    TBIES    OF   JOHIST    HUSS.  [Ch.  XX. 

the  Bretliren  were  first  ordered  to  be  closed.  All 
who  professed  their  doctrines  were  then  commanded 
to  leave  the  country,  unless  they  would  connect  them- 
selves with  the  Roman  Catholics  or  the  Utraquists. 
Six  weeks  only  were  allowed  them  to  make  their 
choice.  The  test  was  a  severe  one,  but  the  Brethren 
met  it  in  the  spirit  of  martyrdom.  Dear  as  their 
native  land  was  to  them,  those  who  were  able  to 
remove  preferred  exile  to  a  violation  of  their  con- 
scientious convictions. 

Some,  however,  were  not  allowed  to  escape  unmo- 
lested. The  senior  of  the  Brethren,  John  Augusta, 
was  thrice  tortured  to  extort  from  him  a  confession 
of  his  guilt,  and  when  these  measures  failed,  was 
cast  into  prison,  where  he  remained  for  sixteen  years. 
Many  other  teachers  were  arrested,  and  subjected  to 
similar  treatment.     There  was  no  safety  but  in  flight. 

The  exiles  emigrated  for  the  most  part  in  three 
divisions.  The  first,  gathered  from  parts  about  Lei- 
tomischel,  Bidschow,  and  Chlumer,  amounting  to 
five  hundred  souls,  passed  with  above  sixty  wagons 
through  the  country  of  Glatz  and  upper  Silesia. 
The  second  band,  consisting  of  three  hundred,  pro- 
ceeded by  the  way  of  lower  Silesia.  The  third,  like 
the  second,  from  Brandeis  and  Turnau,  took  the 
same  route.  Some  of  their  deliverances  upon  their 
journey  were  remarkable.  Several  bands  of  rob- 
bers attempted  to  plunder  them  of  their  scant  treas- 
ures. Their  course  led  them  through  Poland,  at 
that  time  entirely  pajDal;  yet  a  kind  Providence 
carried  them  safe  to  their  common  destination  at 
Posen,  not  without  a  large  experience  of  sympathy 


Ch.  XX.]  TEEATMENT    OF   THE    EXILES.  591 

and  kindness  from  those  wlio  were  of  the  same  faith 
with  their  royal  persecutor. 

At  Posen  they  were  courteously  and  hospitably 
entertained,  but  even  here  they  were  not  allowed 
to  rest.  An  order  was  received  from  the  king^  fur 
their  expulsion.  They  were  thus  forced  to  proceed, 
and  directed  their  steps  to  the  confines  of  Prussia. 
To  Duke  Albert  of  Brandenburg  they  sent  a  depu- 
tation, asking  leave  to  settle  in  his  dominions.  At 
Konigsberg  they  were  examined  by  the  Lutheran 
theologians,  and  by  them  were  acknowledged  as 
brethren.  Seven  towns,  among  them  Soldau  and 
Guidzin,  were  assigned  them  for  their  residence. 
The  bishop,  Paul  Sprettin  (Speratus),  a  former 
pupil  of  Luther,  who  was  well  acquainted  with  their 
ritual  and  doctrine,  showed  them  many  tokens  of 
Christian  kindness. 

One  by  one,  as  they  were  able  to  make  good  their 
escape,  their  teachers  followed  them.  George  Israel, 
pastor  of  the  church  of  Turnau,  who  afterward  be- 
came the  apostle  of  the  Poles,  refused  to  allow  his 
friends  to  pay  the  penalty  of  his  non-appearance  be- 
fore the  magistrate.  Thanking  them  for  their  kind- 
ness, he  appeared  at  the  castle  of  Prague  and  sur- 
rendered himself.  "  It  is  enough,"  said  he,  "  to  have 
been  once  redeemed  fully  by  the  blood  of  Christ, 
and  there  is  no  need  of  being  bought  again  by  the 
gold  of  man."  He  was  thrown  into  prison,  but  in 
the  course  of  a  few  weeks  made  good  his  escape  and 
followed  his  fellow-exiles  to  Prussia.^ 

'  Some  authorities  speak  of  the  Bish-  =■  He  ventured  to  walk  out  of  the 
op  of  Posen  as  the  instigator  to  harsh  place  of  his  confinement  in  the  castle 
measures.  of  Prague  in  broad  day,  through  the 


592  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN"   HUSS.  [Ch.  XX. 

Sucli  of  the  Bretliren  as  remained  in  Bohemia  were 
subjected  to  the  most  cruel  hardships.  The  Baron 
of  Schanow  was  put  to  the  rack  to  extort  a  confes- 
sion of  his  having  opposed  the  king.  In  the  midst 
of  his  tortures,  with  heroic  indignation,  he  bit  off  his 
tongue.  When  asked  the  reason  of  his  conduct,  he 
wrote,  "  If  I  tell  the  truth  according  to  my  conscience, 
you  wdll  not  believe  me ;  and  that  I  might  not  be  in- 
duced by  pain  to  declare  what  is  false  against  my- 
self and  others,  I  have  disabled  myself  from  speak- 
ing at  all." 

The  baron  died  of  the  tortures  that  had  been  in- 
flicted. He  was  a  distinguished  victim,  and  counted 
worthy  of  a  distinguished  fate.  The  humbler  classes 
of  the  Brethren  were  subjected  to  vexations  scarcely 
less  cruel.  It  was  decreed  at  Prague,  that  no  one  of 
suspected  faith  should  be  admitted  to  the  workshops 
of  the  mechanics,  or  should  be  allowed  the  rights  of 
citizenship.  The  act  was  confirmed  by  the  king, 
and  almost  every  kind  of  outrage  against  the  hated 
"  Picards  "  was  perpetrated  w^th  impunity.  If  any 
one  was  unwilling  to  pay  his  creditor,  he  only  needed 
to  accuse  him  of  "  Picardism,"  and  all  was  settled  by 
the  banishment  of  the  creditor.  One  man,  for  having 
in  his  possession  a  book  of  one  of  the  reformers  on 
the  sacraments,  was  scourged  in  the  market-place, 
and  then  banished.  Another  was  branded  on  the 
forehead.  Another  was  thrown  into  a  dungeon  and 
there  murdered. 

midst  of  the  guards,  in  the  habit  of  a  Prussia.     In  the  space  of  six  years, 

clerk,   with   a  pen  behind   his   ear,  twenty  congregations  of  the  Brethren 

carrying  an  ink-horn  and  some  paper,  were  established  by  him  in  the  coun- 

and   made   good   his   escape   to    his  try. — Bost.    19.      Lochner's    Life   of 

brethren  who  had   preceded  him  to  George  Israel,  59,  60. 


Ch.  XX.]  MARTYRDOMS.       THE    JESUITS.  593 

A  chapter  of  thrilling  interest  would  be  afforded 
hj  the  history  of  the  martyrdoms  of  this  period. 
Never  was  the  heroism  of  Christian  faith  more  nobly 
illustrated.  The  victims  met  their  fate  with  a  con- 
stancy and  a  cheerfulness  that  showed  the  strength 
of  their  convictions  and  the  fervor  of  their  devotion. 
"Thither,  where  our  God  is,  must  I  look,"  said  one, 
lifting  her  eyes  to  heaven,  as  the  image  of  the  cross 
was  presented  to  her  at  the  stake.  They  counted  it 
"  a  grace  given  them  to  suffer  for  the  law  of  God." 
"  On  my  wedding  day,"  said  one,  "  I  did  not  feel  so 
happy  as  I  do  now."  ^ 

The  churches  of  the  Brethren  were  now  closed, 
and  their  ministers  were  persecuted  wherever  they 
could  be  met.  Some  found  temporary  rest  and  se- 
curity in  Moravia ;  others  hid  themselves  in  the  day- 
time, but  crept  forth  from  their  holes  and  hiding- 
places  by  night  to  comfort  and  instruct  their  suffer- 
ing brethren. 

The  Calixtines,  moreover,  were  not  left  unmolested. 
In  1538  the  communion  of  the  cup  was  prohibited 
by  Ferdinand,  in  an  order  issued  by  him  at  Vienna. 
He  did  indeed  at  one  time  solicit  the  pope  for  a 
grant  of  the  cup,  but  his  object  was  merely  to  pro- 
cure peace  and  prevent  any  further  defection  from 
the  papacy. 

In  the  years  1554-5,  emissaries  of  the  newly- 
founded  order  of  the  Jesuits  had  found  their  way  to 
Prague.  They  had  been  sent  for  the  purpose  of 
"  manufacturing  genuine  Catholic  priests."  It  was  a 
timely  movement  on  the  part  of  Kome.    "  There  were 

Pescheck,  i.  57, 
VOL.  II.  38 


594  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF    JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  XX. 

SO  few  orthodox  priests  in  Boliemia,"  says  Pessina, 
"  that  had  it  not  been  for  the  Jesuits,  the  Catholic 
religion  would  have  been  sujipressed."  At  first  they 
«^poke  in  the  mildest  tone.  They  assumed  the  most 
bland  and  winning  manners.  All  that  cunning,  zeal, 
perseverance,  and  genius  could  accomplish,  they  ef- 
fected. They  laid  hold  of  the  court.  They  conde- 
scended to  the  masses.  At  the  confessional,  in  the 
pulpit,  in  the  lecturer's  chair,  their  power  was  felt. 
Among  them  "  were  saints,  equalling  in  faith  the 
martyrs  of  old ;  poets,  overflowing  with  philanthropy; 
bold  and  unflinching  despots;  smooth-tongued  di- 
vines, versed  in  the  art  of  lying."  While  the  popes 
negotiated,  they  acted.  They  discerned  the  prob- 
lem to  be  solved,  and  set  themselves  to  the  task 
with  fearless  energy  and  unscrupulous  policy.  Noth- 
ing seemed  to  them  too  desperate  that  might  enlarge 
the  authority  of  the  Papal  See. 

With  the  arts  of  the  Jesuits,  the  feebleness  of  the 
king,  as  he  advanced  in  years,  contributed  to  pro- 
duce a  relaxation  of  the  severity  employed  against 
the  Protestants.  The  council  of  Trent  disappointed 
the  hopes  and  refused  the  demands  of  Ferdinand, 
and  his  previous  zeal  for  orthodoxy  was  sensibly 
diminished.  The  closing  years  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury were  years  of  comparative  security  and  repose 
to  the  Brethren.  Some  of  them  screened  themselves 
under  the  name  of  the  Utraquists,  to  whom  an 
almost  complete  toleration  was  allowed. 

In  1562  Maximilian  II.  succeeded  to  the  throne, 
and  soon  after  was  elected  emperor.  His  policy  was 
more  lenient.     The  Brethren  were  allowed,  for  the 


Ch,  XX.]  MAXIMILIAN    AND    JOHN    CRATO.  595 

most  part,  freedom  from  molestation.  A  dangerous 
attempt  against  their  privileges  met  with  a  signal 
failure.  In  1563  the  Archchancellor  of  Bohemia  re- 
paired to  Vienna,  and  by  continued  importunity  pre- 
vailed on  the  emperor  to  sign  a  persecuting  decree 
against  them.  But  on  his  return,  exultant  in  his  suc- 
cess, he  was  arrested  in  the  execution  of  his  designs. 
He  had  scarcely  left  the  gates  of  Vienna  and  reached 
the  bridge  over  the  Danube,  when  the  part  upon 
which  he  stood  sunk  under  him,  and  he  himself,  with 
his  suite  and  baggage,  was  plunged  into  the  stream. 
Some  fishermen  hasted  to  the  rescue  of  the  chan- 
cellor, who  had  been  seized  by  his  gold  chain,  and 
supported  in  the  water  by  one  of  his  young  attend- 
ants ;  but  he  was  too  far  gone  to  be  restored.  The 
casket  which  held  the  persecuting  edict  was  swept 
down  with  the  current,  and  never  recovered. 

In  the  following  year  brighter  prospects  opened 
before  them.  They  obtained  the  liberty  of  opening 
their  places  of  worship,  and  engaging  in  public  re- 
ligious services.  These  privileges  were  granted  by 
the  emperor  himself.  When  measures  for  enforcing 
conformity  were  about  to  be  put  in  execution,  the 
Brethren  applied  to  him  asking  his  protection.  Their 
application  was  favorably  received,  especially  when 
the  emperor  had  perused  their  confession  of  faith, 
and  they  were  left  for  a  period  unmolested.  The 
principle  of  religious  toleration  was  becoming  pop- 
ular at  court.  Maximilian  had  been  educated  by  one 
who  was  himself  a  pupil  of  Melanchthon.  His  phy- 
sician was  John  Crato,  one  of  the  Brethren  whom 
Maximilian  made  his  confidant.     Once  as  they  were 


596  LIFE   AND    TEVIES    OF    JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  XX 

riding  together,  the  emperor  lamented  the  religious 
dissensions  of  the  empire,  and  asked  Crato  which,  of 
all  the  vai'ious  sects,  approached  the  nearest  to  apos- 
tolic simplicity.  "  The  Brethren,  known  as  Picards," 
replied  Crato,  "  may  bear  away  the  palm."  "  I  think 
so  too,"  was  the  significant  testimony  of  the  emperor. 
His  mind  was  evidently  strongly  inclined  to  the  re- 
formed opinions,  although  he  wished  to  preserve  the 
Roman  hierarchy.  His  disposition  accorded  well 
with  that  of  his  contemporary,  Henry  IV.  of  France. 
His  education  and  his  tastes  confirmed  him  in  his 
convictions  of  the  impolicy  of  attempting  to  restrict 
human  belief.  To  force  conscience  he  conceived  to  be 
to  assail  heaven,  as  he  once  told  the  Bishop  of 
Olmiitz.  On  one  occasion  he  wi'ote  to  Paul  Eber,  at 
Wittemberg,  "  that  he  wished  the  pure  gospel  every- 
where preached,  though  the  Roman  hierarchy  should 
be  retained."  Catholic  writers  censure  him  for  a 
neglect  of  duty  in  restraining  the  spread  of  heresy. 
It  was  even  rumored  abroad  that  he  was  a  follower 
of  the  Lutheran  doctrine. 

This  charge  was  not  altogether  without  reason.  In 
1565,  Maximilian  urged  Pius  IV.  to  abrogate  the 
rule  requiring  the  celibacy  of  the  clergy.  He  granted 
the  free  exercise  of  their  religion  to  the  Austrian 
nobility,  and  to  the  cities  of  Lintz,  Steyer,  Euns, 
Wels,  Freistadt,  Gmunden,  and  Voecklabruck.  He 
tolerated  the  introduction  of  the  Protestant  worship 
into  Austria  (1568)  by  Chytrseus  von  Rostock.  He 
allowed  the  Bible  to  be  translated  for  the  use  of  the 
Sclavonians  in  Carniola,  Corinthia,  and  Styria;  and 
protected,  even  in  Vienna,  the  Protestants  as  well  as 


Ch.  XX.]      brethren's  hymn-book  and  bible.       597 

the  Jesuits.  He  even  boxed  tlie  ear  of  his  son — 
afterward  Kudolph  II. — for  having  attacked  a  Prot- 
estant church  at  the  instigation  of  the  Jesuits. 

In  1566  the  Bohemian  Brethren  dedicated  their 
hymn-book  to  him.  In  the  preface  they  ventured 
to  say,  "  that  the  right  form  of  the  piimitive  church 
had  been  altered,  the  true  worship  abandoned,  the 
light  of  truth  made  dim,  the  word  of  God  adulter- 
ated, and  the  sacraments  rent  asunder;  that  error, 
superstition,  and  abuse  had  been  introduced,  and  that 
the  true  doctrine  must  be  again  established."  The 
confession  of  the  Brethren,  moreover,  was  kindly  re- 
ceived. It  was  eminently  evangelical,  and  met  the 
warm  approval  of  the  theologians  of  Wittemberg 
(1575.)  To  the  petition  of  toleration  presented  by 
the  Brethren,  Maximilian  replied,  with  the  assur- 
ance that  neither  durinof  his  reio:n,  nor  that  of  his 
son,  should  they  be  molested. 

It  was  during  the  period  of  comparative  quiet  that 
followed,  that  the  Brethren  pursued  the  task  of  a 
new  translation  of  the  scriptures,  from  the  original 
Hebrew  and  Greek,  into  the  Bohemian  lanofuaofe.  It 
was  published  with  annotations,  under  the  title  of 
the  "  jBrethre/i's  Bihley  An  excellent  copy  of  this 
now  rare  work  is  still  preserved  in  the  museum  of 
Prague. 

During  this  favorable  period,  the  Bohemian  Breth- 
ren found  themselves  in  a  somewhat  peculiar  position. 
They  were  not  the  only  Protestants  of  the  kingdom, 
and  each  party  of  the  Lutherans  and  Reformed 
strove  to  draw  them  over  to  their  side.  liepeated 
efforts  were  made  to  secure  a  more  formal  union. 


698  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOH]^   HUSS.  [Ch.  XX 

In  1557  a  synod  was  held  at  Sleza  in  Moravia,  wLicli 
was  attended  by  more  than  two  hundred  ministers, 
as  well  as  a  large  number  of  Polish  noblemen.  A 
principal  object  of  the  convocation  was  to  consider 
the  proposed  union  of  the  Brethren  with  the  Reform- 
ed of  Poland  and  Switzerland.  But  there  were 
great  difficulties  in  the  way,  and  nothing  could  be 
effected.  In  1560  the  attempt  was  renewed,  at  a 
synod  held  at  Buntzlau,  in  Bohemia,  the  place  of 
their  principal  settlement.  A  correspondence  was 
opened  with  the  Reformed,  and  the  most  kindly  feel- 
ings were  mutually  expressed.  At  the  synod  of 
Xyans,  in  the  same  year,  the  matter  was  brought  to 
an  issue.  The  Brethren  dropped  the  title  of  bishop 
for  that  of  elder  ;  both  parties  retained  their  confes- 
sions ;  and  the  strict  discipline  of  the  Brethren  was 
adopted,  with  slight  modifications. 

With  the  Lutherans,  the  Brethren  encountered 
greater  difficulties.  In  Poland  the  matter  was  prose- 
cuted with  most  success,  although  even  in  other  lands 
the  seed  of  truth,  scattered  by  the  Bohemian  exiles, 
had  taken  root  and  had  begun  to  bear  fruit.  In  this 
kingdom,  soon  after  the  period  of  the  most  extensive 
emigration,  already  referred  to,  (1551,)  forty  churches 
of  the  Brethren  had  sprung  up.  Although  strongly 
reluctant  to  yield  one  iota  of  their  church  order  and 
discipline — now  endeared  to  them  by  the  experience 
of  a  century  and  a  half — the  sympathies  of  the  Breth- 
ren were  warmly  extended  to  all  that  embraced 
evangelical  views.  The  subject  of  a  union  was  discuss- 
ed at  the  synod  of  Posen,  in  1567.  No  compromise 
could  be  effected,  and  the  subject  was  remitted  in  the 


Ch.  XX.]  SYNOD    OF    SENDOMIE.  599 

following  year  to  the  judgment  of 'the  Wittemberg 
theologians.  Their  advice  was  of  a  liberal  and  tol- 
erant character.  The  result  was,  that  at  a  second 
synod  at  Posen,  in  1570,  both  parties  acknowledged 
the  harmony  between  the  Brethren's  confession  and 
that  of  Augsburg.  Soon  after,  at  the  synod  of 
Sendomir,  the  union  of  all  the  Protestants  in  Poland 
was  accomplished  (1578).  The  Consensus  of  Sendo- 
mir was  the  basis  of  compromise  received  and  adopt- 
ed, and  for  more  than  a  century  adhered  to  in  Poland. 

Each  church  retained  its  peculiar  rites  and  usages, 
but  obtained  the  benefits  of  a  practical  union  and 
mutual  aid.  The  scene  that  was  witnessed  on  the 
publication  of  this  agreement  was  deeply  affecting. 
Many  wept  for  joy,  while  the  members  of  the  synod, 
as  they  sang  the  Te  Bemn^  gave  each  other  the  right 
hand  of  fellowship.  Successive  attempts  were  made 
to  disturb  this  union  of  the  different  churches,  but 
they  all  proved  futile.  In  1627,  at  the  synod  of 
Ostrog,  a  more  entire  union  was  effected  between 
the  Reformed  and  the  Brethren,  so  that  they  were 
no  longer  distinctly  known. 

In  Bohemia  this  period  of  calm  was  one  of  great 
external  prosperity.  Enlarged  efforts  were  made  to 
evangelize  the  land,  and  numerous  synods  were  held. 
At  one  of  these  there  were  present,  beside  ministers, 
not  less  than  seventeen  of  the  most  distiniruished 
barons  of  Bohemia,  and  one  hundred  and  forty-six 
nobles  of  inferior  rank. 

Meanwhile  the  Jesuits,  although  largely  favored 
by  the  emperor,  failed  to  stem  the  tide  of  religious 
and  ecclesiastical  reform.     The  number  of  tbe  Calix- 


600  LIFE    AXD    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.  [Ch.  XX. 

tines  as  well  as  Brethren  vastly  increased.  It  con- 
tributed not  a  little  to  this  result,  that  the  priests  of 
the  pa])al  party  were  not  only  few  in  number,  but 
at  once  ignorant  and  infamous.  Repeated  complaints 
were  made  of  their  gluttony  and  drunkenness ;  in 
some  cases,  of  their  profanity  and  licentiousness. 
It  were  better,  said  some,  to  be  altogether  without 
curates  than  to  have  such.  In  evident  contrast  stood 
the  scriptural  simplicity  of  worship  and  doctrine,  and 
the  exemplary  life,  of  the  Brethren.  A  marked  prog- 
ress was  manifest  in  the  cause  of  evangelical  reform. 

With  brief  exceptions,  the  reign  of  Kudolph  11. 
was  characterized  by  a  tolerant  spirit,  (15Y6-1612.) 
In  1602,  at  the  instigation  of  the  Jesuits,  the  old 
edicts  against  the  Picards  were  revived.  The  increas- 
ing number  and  prosperity  of  the  Protestants  began 
to  excite  apprehension  lest  Bohemia  should  soon  be 
lost  to  the  Papal  See.  "The  principal  Bohemian 
and  Moravian  nobility,  says  Pelzel,  joined  the  Calvin- 
ists  or  Lutherans."  At  the  urgent  remonstrance  of 
their  enemies,  the  old  severe  measures  were  again 
resorted  to.  Their  meetings  were  forbidden,  their 
churches  closed,  and  the  Calvinists  and  Picards 
(Brethren)  were  ordered  to  leave  the  country.^  They 
were  declared  incapable  of  holding  public  office,  or, 
if  discharging  such  duty,  they  were  deposed.  Some 
of  their  schools  and  churches  were  either  demolished 
or  shut  up.  But  the  mind  of  the  emperor  was  not 
without  misgivings.  When  the  news  of  the  capture 
of  Stuhlweissenberg,  in  Hungary,  by  the  Turks, 
reached  him, he  is  reported  to  have  said,  "Something 

'  Ranke.  Hist,  of  the  Popes,  218. 


Cu.  XX.]  SEASON"    OF    PEOSPEEITY.  601 

of  the  kind  struck  my  mind  to-day,  when  I  began 
to  usurp  the  province  of  God, — which  is  the  province 
of  conscience."  ^  The  old  decrees  were  again  revoked. 
The  Brethren  for  several  years  were  left  unmolested. 
The  Bethlehem  church,  in  which  John  Huss  preach- 
ed, was  allowed  to  them  as  true  followers  of  that 
faithful  martyr,  by  the  University  of  Prague.  But 
they  could  not  obtain  possession  of  it.  Three  mem- 
bers out  of  twelve,  however,  were  allowed  them  in 
the  consistory  of  the  university,  and  they  were  per- 
mitted to  l)uild  themselves  churches,  and  have  ad- 
vocates to  maintain  their  rights.  There  were  some, 
indeed,  beside  the  papal  party,  who  would  have  ex- 
cluded them  from  toleration  on  the  ground  of  their 
separation  from  the  Calixtines,  which  might  now  be 
called — •embracing  as  it  did  nearly  two-tbirds  of  the 
population — the  national  church ;  but  the  diet  would 
not  allow  of  their  exclusion  from  the  common  privi- 
lege. 

In  their  prosperity,  however,  they  were  subjected 
to  a  new  danger.  "With  the  freedom  of  religion," 
says  Comenius,  their  historian  and  bishop,  "  there 
sprang  up  freedom  of  the  flesh."  They  were  more 
disposed  to  a  laxity  of  principle  and  to  worldly  con- 
formity. But  this  danger  was  to  be  but  of  brief 
duration. 

'  Pescheck,  i.  126. 


CHAPTEE  XXI. 

PROTESTANTISM  IN  BOHEMIA,  DOWN  TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE 
THIRTY  YEARS'  WAR. 

Favorable  Period.  —  Spread  of  Protestantism.  —  The  Jesuits.  —  Catholic 
League.  —  Persecuting  Measures  of  1605.  —  Rudolph  Forced  to  Repeal 
THE  Edict.  —  Matthias  of  Austria.  —  His  Designs.  —  The  Demands  op  the 
States  Presented.  —  The  Emperor  and  the  States.  —  The  Latter  Dissatis- 
fied.—  Diet  op  1609.  —  The  Emperor  Grants  the  Demand  of  the  Protest- 
ants.—  General  Satisfaction. —  Protestant  Progress.  —  Jesuit  Encroach- 
ment. —  Invasion  op  the  Archduke  Leopold.  —  Death  of  Rudolph.  — Ac- 
cession of  Matthias.  —  Change  op  Policy. —  Rejection  op  the  Complaints 
op  the  Protestants.  —  Ferdinand  II.  —  Matthias  Proposes  Him  as  His 
Successor.  —  Reluctance  of  the  States.  —  Character  and  Policy  of  Fer- 
dinand. — His  Persecution  of  Protestants  in  His  States. —  His  Bigotry. 
—  Provocation  op  the  Protestants.  —  Exultation  op  the  Jesuits. —  The 
Triumphal  Arch  at  Olmutz.  —  A  Meeting  op  the  Protestant  States 
Summoned.  —  Imperial  Command. —  The  States  Meet  to  Reply. —  Count 
Thurn.  —  Martinitz,  Slawata,  and  Fabricius  Thrown  from  the  Win- 
dows.—  Violence  in  the  City.  —  Letters  op  the  States  to  the  Empe- 
BOR. —  The  Jesuits  Expelled.  —  Ferdinand  Deposed. —  The  Elector  Pala- 
tine Chosen  King.  —  Ferdinand  Chosen  Emperor.  —  He  is  Supported  bt 
THE  League.  —  Commencement  op  the  Thirty  Years'  War.  —  Scenes  in 
Bohemia.  —  Bohemia  Abandoned  by  hek  Protestant  Allies.  —  Fate  of 
Protestantism.  —  The  Jesuit  Campian.  — Acts  op  Violence.  —  The  Mar 
TYRS.  —  Outrages  Committed.  —  Pardons.  —  Forced  Conversions.  —  Fugi- 
tives and  Exiles.  —  The  Results  op  Persecution.  —  Concluding  Observa- 
tions. 

1602  —  1650. 

The  closing  years  of  the  sixteentli  century  were, 
to  tlie  Protestants  of  Bohemia,  years  at  once  of  se- 
curity and  of  danger.  The  lenient  policy  of  their 
rulers  had  disarmed  their  fears,  while  the  seed  sown 
by  Jesuit  policy  was  springing  up  to  its  harvest. 
602 


CH.XXI.]        REVIVAL  OF  THE  PAPACY.  603 

Ferdinand  had  need  of  the  aid  of  his  Protestant 
subjects  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  Turkish  war. 
Maximilian  II.  leaned  from  conviction  toward  the 
doctrines  of  the  Brethren,  and  Kudolph  II.,  though 
educated  by  the  Jesuits,  was  not  a  promising  pupil. 
A  pedant  rather  than  a  king,  he  indulged  his  learned 
indolence  in  the  arts  of  the  laboratory  rather  than 
in  the  arts  of  statesmanship,  and  buried  himself  from 
the  sight  of  his  subjects  in  his  museum  of  curiosities 
and  antiques. 

But  while  the  Protestants  were  almost  unmolested, 
and  were  rapidly  increasing  in  numbers,  their  Jesuit 
antagonists  were  not  idle.  If  the  first  had  acquired 
the  ascendency  in  Austria,  and  to  a  large  extent  in 
Bohemia,  the  latter  had  seized  upon  the  seats  of 
learning,  and  presided  over  the  education  of  those 
who  were  destined  to  wield  the  sceptre.  Maximilian 
had  tolerated  both.  The  rival  elements  of  future 
strife  had  been  developed  side  by  side.  The  papacy, 
moreover,  was  regaining  its  lost  vigor.  The  tiara  no 
longer  rested  on  the  brow  of  John  XXIIL,  or  on  that 
of  an  Alexander  VI.  Paul  IV.  commenced  the  restora- 
tion. Pius  IV.,  through  the  decisions  of  the  council 
of  Trent,  reorganized  if  he  did  not  regenerate  the 
hierarchy.  Pius  V.  exchanged  the  milder  policy 
that  had  prevailed,  for  the  sword  and  fagot,  sanc- 
tioning, by  precept  and  example,  the  cruelties  of 
Alva  in  the  Spanish  Netherlands.  Gregory  XIII. 
conciliated  favor  as  the  representative  of  Jesuit  learn- 
ing, and  Sixtus  V.  displayed  the  pomp  of  the  old 
and  undivided  church.  Protestant  strength  encour- 
aged Protestant  division.     Henry  IV.,  to  secure  him- 


604  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOH]^    HUSS.         [Cn.  XXL 

self  against  Spain,  bad  sought  the  alliance  of  the 
Protestants  of  the  German  empire ;  but  this  hasty 
union  was  dissolved  by  his  death,  (1610,)  while  it 
had  given  occasion  for  the  formation  of  a  counter 
alliance,  the  "Catholic  League,"  (July  11,  1609.) 

The  meaning  of  this  league  was  well  understood 
at  Prague,  for  at  this  juncture  the  Protestants  had 
just  succeeded  in  extorting  from  Rudolph  important 
religious  immunities.  The  persecution  of  1602  was 
scarcely  passed,  when,  at  the  instigation  of  the  Jesuits, 
and  through  pontifical  suggestion,  it  was  proposed  to 
renew  it.  The  success  of  the  Protestants,  and  the 
spread  of  their  doctrines,  had  been  such  as  to  excite 
apprehension  lest  the  Poman  Catholic  church  should 
be  utterly  exterminated  from  the  land. 

In  1605  the  alarm  was  sounded  at  Prague  by  the 
archbishop,  at  the  instigation  of  the  pope.  The 
principal  nobles  of  Bohemia  had  joined  the  Luthe- 
rans, the  Calvinists,  or  the  Brethren,  and  the  clergy 
became  apprehensive  lest  their  flocks  should  dwindle 
quite  away.^  The  archbishop,  the  Jesuits,  the  Capu- 
chins, and  the  Roman  Catholic  nobility  clamorously 
demanded  of  Rudolph  severe  and  persecuting  meas- 
ures. They  would  have  only  "  Catholics  "  and  Utra- 
quists  tolerated  in  the  kingdom. 

Their  demand  was  granted.  Rudolph  forbade  the 
meetings  of  the  Protestants,  and  decreed  the  banish- 
ment of  the  Brethren  and  the  Reformed.  None  but 
"Catholics"  might  hold  office.  Schools  were  de- 
molished, and  churches  closed.  The  archbishop  had 
been  enjoined  by  the  pope  "  to  destroy  and  root  out 

*  Pescheck,  i.  130 — quotes  from  Pelzel. 


Ch.  XXL]  HAESHNESS    AND    CRUELTY.  605 

.heretical  errors,"  and  the  work  was  now  begun. 
Deeds  of  harshness  and  violence  followed.^  Protes- 
tant preachers  were  expelled,  or  silenced.  The  ob- 
servance of  the  commemoration  days  of  Huss  and 
Jerome  was  prohibited.  Special  tortures  were  de- 
vised against  offenders.  Some  were  thrown  to  the 
hounds  to  be  worried.  Others  were  deprived  of 
their  ears  or  tongues.  Others  were  tortured  in  sub- 
terranean vaults  by  incessant  showers  of  water. 
Property  was  confiscated.  The  wafer  was  thrust 
down  the  throats  of  the  victims  by  force.  Printers 
were  forbidden  to  print  Protestant  books ;  and  burial 
in  the  graveyards  was  denied  to  those  of  the  evan- 
gelical faith.^ 

But  this  state  of  things  could  not  long  continue. 
Policy  was  forced  to  revoke  what  justice  should  have 
forbidden.  The  Bohemians  refused  to  aid  Rudolph 
in  the  Turkish  war,  and  he  was  forced  to  conclude  a 
disadvantageous  peace.  At  this  very  juncture,  Hun- 
gary, where  the  Protestants  were  decidedly  in  the 
ascendant,  demanded  and  obtained  freedom  of  relig- 
ious worshi2). 

The  grant  had  been  made  by  the  Archduke  Mat- 
thias, brother  of  Rudolph,  who  witnessed  with  indig- 
nation the  inefficiency  of  the  emperor,  and  the  im- 
policy of  his  administration.  At  a  conference  with 
the  princes  of  the  empire  he  was  charged  to  inter- 
fere, and  remedy  the  evils  that  had  followed  per- 
verse counsels.  Austria  and  Moravia  were  ripe  for 
revolt,  and  were  won  to  his  banners  by  the  promise  of 
religious  freedom.     At  the  head  of  an  army  he  pro- 

'  Pescheck,  i.  134.  « lb. 


606  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN  HUSS.         [Ch.  XXT. 

ceeded  to  Prague,  and,  sword  in  hand,  dictated  terms 
to  his  brother. 

In  this  measure  he  was  encouraged  by  the  state  of 
things  at  Prague.  The  patience  of  the  Protestants 
was  exhausted,  and  the  principal  nobles  were  pre- 
pared to  welcome  one  who  came  as  their  deliverer. 
Already  the  evangelical  states  had  ventured  to  pre- 
sent to  the  emperor  their  demands.  At  the  instance 
of  Wenzel  Budowa — a  man  of  devoted  piety,  who 
uniformly  opened  the  meetings  for  deliberation  with 
singing,  prayer,  and  a  religious  address — fifteen 
articles  were  drawn  up,  setting  forth  the  claims  of 
the  Protestants.  They  were  intended  to  secure  the 
freedom  of  Protestant  worship,  and  check  the  in- 
triguing designs  of  the  Jesuits. 

These  articles  were  approved  and  adopted  by  two 
hundred  lords  and  three  hundred  knights,  as  well  as 
by  deputies  from  the  royal  cities.  The  imperial  coun- 
sellor, Martiuitz,  objected  to  them,  but  he  was  threat- 
ened with  being  cast  from  the  windows  if  he  per- 
sisted. Rudolph  was  forced  to  grant  and  ratify  the 
demands  of  the  Protestants,  in  regard  to  most  of  the 
articles  (1608).     Some  however  were  rejected. 

In  the  diet  of  the  following  year,  the  Protestants 
again  presented  their  demands,  and  their  warlike 
preparations  showed  that  they  were  in  earnest.  Ru- 
dolph's advisers  favored  compliance.  Even  the  arch- 
bishop took  this  ground.  Although  with  great  re- 
luctance, Rudolph  accepted  the  advice.  "  He  indig- 
nantly cursed  his  fate,  which  so  meanly  and  disgrace- 
fully exposed  him  to  the  arrogance  of  the  faithless, 
and  deprived  him  of  the  only  right  of   heirship." 


Ch.  XXL]  A    "cHAETER"    SECURED.  60Y 

But  the  imminency  of  the  danger  forbade  hesitation. 
The  aid  of  Matthias  might  be  invoked,  and  Rudolph 
himself  lose  the  kingdom.  The  articles  of  the  Prot- 
estants were  embodied  in  a  "charter,"  by  which 
their  rights  were  secured,  and  the  charter  was  signed 
by  Rudolph,  July  9,  1609. 

As  intelligence  of  the  concession  went  abroad, 
it  was  received  with  transports  of  joy.  Budowa 
announced  the  signature  of  the  charter,  adding  that 
now  the  Protestants,  equally  with  the  Jews  of  Prague, 
might  enjoy  full  liberty  of  Avorship.  The  fifteenth 
day  of  July  was  celebrated  as  a  day  of  thanksgiving, 
and  a  sermon  was  preached  upon  the  occasion  in  one 
of  the  old  Hussite  churches  of  Prague  that  had  long 
remained  unopened.  Throughout  Bohemia  there 
was  great  rejoicing  over  the  restoration  of  religious 
privileges.  Churches  that  had  long  been  closed  were 
opened,  and  new  ones  were  erected.  At  Prague  the 
German  Lutherans  erected  themselves  houses  of  wor- 
ship. Evangelical  schools  were  established ;  and  with- 
in twelve  years  after  the  granting  of  the  charter,  the 
Protestant  churches  of  the  kingdom  were  estimated 
at  about  five  hundred. 

But  the  success  of  the  Protestants  was  a  new  occa- 
sion of  danger.  The  Jesuits  regarded  them  with  a 
jealous  eye.  There  was  a  stealthy  encroachment  upon 
their  privileges,  and  step  by  step  the  University  of 
Praofue  was  wrested  from  the  control  of  the  Calix- 
tines.  Nor  was  this  all.  Assured  of  the  support, 
if  not  directly  invited  by  Rudolph,  the  Archduke 
Leopold  of  Austria,  who  was  also  Bishop  of  Passau^ 
entered  the  kingdom  with  an  army  of  plunderers, 


608  LITE    AND   TBIES    OF   JOHIST   HUSS.         [Cn.  XXI. 

and  directed  liis  efforts  to  the  suppression  of  Prot- 
estant worship  and  the  restoration  of  "Catholic" 
ascendency.  But  though  ferociously  orthodox  him- 
self, his  troops  were  more  brigands  than  soldiers. 
His  violence  and  injustice  united  the  Bohemians  to 
repel  his  assaults,  and  recover  the  stolen  booty. 
The  troops  of  Hungary,  by  direction  of  Matthias, 
hastened  to  Prague,  and  the  invaders  were  forced  to 
retreat. 

Rudolph  did  not  long  retain  the  sceptre.  Dejected 
and  humiliated,  he  died  Jan.  20,  1612.  He  was 
succeeded  by  Matthias,  who  had  already  wrested 
from  him  the  government  of  Bohemia,  Silesia,  and 
Lusatia.  The  Bohemians  rejoiced  in  his  accession  to 
the  throne,  confident  from  his  past  course  that  he 
would  concede  to  them  their  religious  freedom.  But, 
secure  in  his  possessions,  he  no  longer  found  it  neces- 
sary to  court  the  friendship  of  the  Protestants.  His 
confessor,  moreover,  was  a  Jesuit,  Melchior  Clesel, 
not  an  unfair  specimen  of  his  order.  He  was  cool, 
crafty,  sagacious.  Mildness  of  manner  concealed 
firmness  of  purpose,  and,  by  stealthy  measures,  he 
prepared  the  way  for  the  suppression  of  Protestant 
privileges.  By  wrong  and  outrage  the  Protestants 
were  provoked  to  insurrection  and  rebellion,  that 
a  pretext  might  be  found  for  a  repeal  of  their  char- 
ters.^ They  appealed  to  Matthias.  They  remon- 
strated against  the  wrongs  done  them.  But  access 
to  their  monarch  was  denied.  The  Jesuit  kept  his 
ear  if  not  his  conscience,  and  the  petitioners  only 
made  themselves  obnoxious  by  their  troublesome 
complaints. 


ra.  XXI.]  OPPOSITIOlSr   to    FERDINAND    IT.  GOO 

Wearied  out  and  exasperated  by  persistent  injus- 
tice, tliey  urged  their  "  defenders  "  to  active  meas- 
ures in  vindication  of  their  rights.  It  was  in  vain 
that  the  latter  counselled  patience.  They  were 
themselves  suspected  of  weakness  and  cowardice. 
Continued  provocation  forced  the  oppressed  to  vio- 
lent reprisals,  and  the  long  sought  pretext  for  retalia- 
tion was  given. 

It  increased  the  strength  of  Protestant  indigna- 
tion, that  Matthias,  old  and  childless,  wished  to 
adopt  as  his  successor  his  cousin  Ferdinand,  of  Styria, 
a  grandson  like  himself  of  Ferdinand  I.  He  at- 
tempted to  dictate  to  the  states,  in  violation  of  their 
privilege  of  electing  their  own  monarch.  All  the 
resources  of  hope  and  fear,  flattery  and  threats,  were 
employed  to  overcome  opposition.  Several  of  the 
nobility,  who  could  not  be  overawed,  withdrew  dis- 
satisfied. Count  Thurn,  Fels,  and  others  openly 
opposed  the  project.  They  understood  too  well  the 
character  of  Ferdinand.  Many  of  his  measures  for 
the  suppression  of  Protestant  worship  in  his  heredi- 
tary states  were  well  known.  He  had  proved  him- 
self an  inexorable  zealot  for  the  popish  faith.  He 
tolerated  the  Jews,  yet  prohibited  Luthei'an  worship 
by  three  successive  edicts.  Kuled  by  his  Jesuit  con- 
fessor, Bishop  Stobeus,  of  Laybach,  he  had  banished 
Protestant  ministers,  burned  Protestant  books,  and 
endeavored  to  subdue  his  people  to  a  perfect  con- 
formity to  the  Roman  church. 

In  spite  of  opposition,  Ferdinand  was  elected, 
(1617,)  although  the  Protestants  secured  his  approval 
of  their  chartefs.     But  the  value  of  such  security 

VOL.  II.  39 


610  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XXI. 

was  trifling.  The  guarantee  of  tlieir  religious  free- 
dom was  not  worth  the  parchment  upon  which  it 
was  recorded.  Ferdinand  was  a  pupil  of  the  Jesuits, 
and  their  ready  tool.  At  the  age  of  twelve  years 
he  had  been  placed  under  the  care  of  the  bigoted 
Duke  of  Bavaria,  and  his  education  was  conducted 
by  the  Jesuit  professors  of  Ingolstadt.  From  the 
first  he  was  instructed  to  abhor  the  heresy  of  the 
Protestants.  His  bigotry  was  of  the  true  Span- 
ish type.  At  the  age  of  seventeen  he  returned  to 
his  hereditary  states  to  put  his  principles  in  practice. 
For  some  years  policy  restrained  him  from  open 
violence ;  but  after  he  had  sought  in  person  at  Lo- 
retto,  with  edifying  devotion,  the  favor  of  the  Vir- 
gin, and  had  received  at  Rome  the  apostolic  bene- 
diction at  the  feet  of  Clement  VIII.,  he  was  ready 
for  his  task. 

Craftily  and  vigorously  he  proceeded  to  execute 
his  projects.  Dealing  with  his  Protestant  cities  in 
detail,  he  succeeded,  to  the  astonishment  of  Ger- 
many, in  the  suppression  of  Protestant  worship 
throughout  his  dominions.  He  had  found  it  in  the 
ascendant.  In  a  few  years  almost  every  trace  of  it 
was  obliterated.  Banishment,  stealthy  encroach- 
ment, annoyance,  and  persecution  had  done  their 
work. 

This  success  was  due  to  the  aid  and  counsel  afforded 
by  the  Jesuits.  All  his  steps  were  guided  by  the 
members  of  that  order.  "  He  yielded  himself,"  says 
a  Roman  Catholic  author,  '^  to  the  guidance  of  the 
clergy,  but  chiefly  of  the  Jesuits  and  other  monks, 
even  in  political  affairs.     Hence  originated  his  great 


Cn.  XXI.]  BIGOTRY    OF    FERDINAND.  611 

intolerance  and  hatred  against  all  who  would  not  be 
Koman  Catholics."  His  gloomy  reserve  secured  him 
the  reputation  of  exemplary  devotion. 

His  character  excited  the  distrust  of  the  Bohemi- 
ans ;  and  with  good  reason.  On  the  death  of  Mat- 
thias, (1618,)  his  policy  began  to  be  developed. 
Now  were  seen  the  fruits  of  his  Jesuit  traininar. 
When  Clesel,  Matthias'  confessor,  mildly  expressed 
the  hope  that  Bohemia  would  be  leniently  treated, 
Ferdinand  was  offended,  and  exclaimed,  "Better  a 
desert  than  a  country  full  of  heretics."  His  people, 
he  resolved,  should  be  of  the  same  faith  with  him- 
self. He  is  said  to  have  declared  that  "  he  would 
rather,  with  his  wife  and  children,  beg  his  bread, 
staff  in  hand,  from  door  to  door,  than  have  a  heretic 
in  his  service,  or  tolerate  one  in  his  dominions.^  His 
own  Jesuit  confessor,  more  intolerant  than  Clesel, 
advised  the  extermination  of  the  Lutherans  ;  and  no 
advice  could  have  been  more  grateful.  There  was 
but  one  person  in  the  world  whom  Ferdinand  could 
have  envied,  and  that  was  his  bigoted  model,  Philip 
H.  of  Spain. 

Ferdinand  was  crowned  in  the  Cathedral  of  Prasfue, 
by  the  Archbishop  Lohelius.  Almost  immediately 
he  withdrew  from  Bohemia,  leaving  the  government 
in  the  hands  of  his  creature,  Slawata,  a  renegade 
Protestant,  and  Martinitz,  a  supple  tool  of  the  Jesuits. 
A  harsh  policy  of  encroachment  on  Protestant  priv- 
ileges was  adopted.  In  spite  of  the  charter,  a  strict 
censorship  was  established.  Jesuit  works  alone  were 
unmutilated.     The  new  churches  which  the  Protes- 

»  Pescheck,  i.  258. 


612  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Cii.  XXI. 

tants  were  erecting  at  Bi'aunaa  and  Klostei'grab  were 
ordered  to  be  demolished,  and  the  remonstrances  of 
the  aggrieved  parties  were  treated  with  contempt. 

The  Jesuits  felt  that  their  hour  of  triumph  had 
come.^  They  were  open  and  loud  in  their  exultation. 
When  Ferdinand,  soon  after  his  "  reception,"  departed 
to  be  proclaimed  in  Moravia,  they  erected  in  Olmutz 
a  triumphal  arch,  and  among  other  decorations,  they 
placed  upon  it  the  Austi'ian  coat  of  arms.  On  one 
side  of  this  was  the  Bohemian  lion,  and  on  the  other, 
the  Moravian  eagle,  both  chained  to  it.  Underneath 
was  a  sleeping  hare,  with  open  eyes,  and  the  super- 
scription, "This  is  natural  to  me."  Such  was  the  ridi- 
cule hurled  at  the  Protestant  states,  who  had  allowed 
themselves,  with  their  eyes  open,  to  be  chained  and 
bound;  and  their  feebleness  was  thus  portrayed. 
From  the  pulpits  they  were  openly  derided  and 
menaced.  Count  Thurn  was  deposed  from  his  office 
as  governor  of  the  castle  and  keeper  of  the  rega- 
lia, and  his  place  was  supplied  by  the  Jesuit  tool, 
Martinitz.  An  attempt  was  made  to  wrest  the  uni- 
versity from  the  control  of  the  Protestants.  The 
patience  of  the  latter  was  exhausted,  and  a  call  for 
a  meeting  of  the  states  at  Prague  was  issued  sim- 
ultaneously from  the  Protestant  pulpits.  But 
the  imperial  councillors  resolved  to  prevent  the 
meeting.  Martinitz  and  Slawata,  already  extreme- 
ly odious  to  the  evangelicals,  were  commissioned 
by  the  sovereign  to  prevent  their  assembling 
in  the  Caroline  chamber ;  to  summon  the  ringlead- 
ers ;  and  to  threaten  them  with  punishment,  unless 

*  Pescheck,  L  273. 


Ch.  XXI.]  COUNT   THURlSr.  613 

they  would  remain  quiet.^  The  states,  moreover, 
were  required  to  repair  to  the  palace  to  hear  the 
mandate  of  the  emperor,  now  absent  from  Prague, 
read  to  them.  They  appeared,  listened  to  the  read- 
ing of  the  document,  received  copies  at  their  own 
request,  and  promised  to  return  the  next  morning 
with  their  reply. 

They  did  so.  On  the  eventful  May  23, 1618,  they 
met  together,  and  proceeded  to  the  palace  where  the 
four  councillors  (governors)  awaited  their  appear- 
ance. Among  their  number  were  some  of  the  most 
prominent  of  the  Bohemian  nobility, — ^Thurn,  Fels, 
Schlick,  Eaupowa,  Lobkowitz,  Kapliztz,  and  others. 
They  were  not  without  arms.  They  had  pistols  in 
their  girdles,  while  the  people  who  followed  them 
were  provided  with  muskets  and  sabres.  All  the 
avenues  to  the  castle  were  occupied ;  and  the  leaders 
passed  to  the  green  chamber,  where  they  consulted 
on  the  answer  which  they  should  return  to  the  royal 
commands. 

Count  Thurn  was  the  leading  speaker.**  Though 
not  a  Bohemian  by  birth,  he  had  estates  in  the  king- 
dom, and  had  risen  to  posts  of  honor  from  which  he 
had  recently  been  removed.  A  thirst  for  vengeance, 
a  restless  and  aspiring  ambition,  a  burning  indigna- 
tion against  the  insults  and  wrongs  of  the  Protestants, 
not  without  the  impulse  of  his  own  impetuous  zeal, 
combined  to  make  him  a  reckless  and  headstrong 
counsellor  in  this  emergency.  But  he  had  the  con- 
fidence of  the  Utraquists,  and  his  burning  words  and 
unscrupulous  daring  bore  down  all  the  opposition 

'  Pescheck,  L  289.  *  Thirty  Years'  War,  52, 


614  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.  [Ch.  XXL 

which  might  have  been  offered  by  more  cool  or  pru- 
dent counsels.  He  depicted  in  eloquent  invective 
the  wrongs  of  the  Protestants,  and  designated  the 
obnoxious  advisers,  from  whom  they  had  proceeded 
and  by  whom  they  were  sanctioned.  While  these 
stood  in  the  way,  religious  liberty  would  never  be 
established  in  Bohemia. 

He  declared  Martinitz  and  Slawata  to  be  the  prin- 
cipal offenders.  They  were  said  to  have  driven  their 
evangelical  subjects  to  mass  with  dogs  and  scourges;* 
to  have  wrenched  their  mouths  open  that  the  wafer 
might  be  thrust  down  their  throats ;  to  have  denied 
them  the  rites  of  marriage,  baptism,  and  burial. 
These  men,  said  Thurn,  must  be  put  out  of  the  way. 
They  must  be  made  a  sacrifice.  Some  opposed  the 
rash  and  hasty  decision,  but  others  approved  it,  and 
a  rush  was  made  for  the  hall  in  which  the  councillors 
were  seated.  Paul  of  Rziczan  was  the  spokesman  in 
the  name  of  the  Utraquistic  states.  He  charged 
Slawata  and  Martinitz  with  being  disturbers  of  the 
peace,  and  with  having  sought  to  deprive  the  Utra- 
quists  of  their  charter. 

Each  of  them  was  now  asked  whether  he  had  had 
a  hand  in  the  imperial  mandate.  Some  who  were 
with  them  remonstrated  against  this  tumultuous  and 
disorderly  proceeding.  Fels  replied  that  they  had 
nothing  to  say  against  Sternberg  or  Lobkowitz,  but 
that  Slawata  and  Martinitz,  who  were  now  put  upon 
their  defence,  had  on  every  occasion  opposed  the 
Utraquists. 

At  this  critical  moment,  when  indecision  threatened 

'  Pescbeck,  i.  292. 


Ch.  XXL]  SINGULAR   DELIVERANCE.  615 

to  be  fatal,  and  tlie  Protestants  had  gone  too  far  to 
retreat,  one  of  their  number,  Wenzel  Raupowa,  called 
out — "  The  best  way  is,  straiglit  out  the  windov)^  after 
the  old  Bohemian  fashion."  These  were  fatal  words. 
Some  stepped  forward  to  lay  hold  of  one  of  their 
victims,  when  Lobkowitz  interfered  to  lead  them  out 
of  the  room.  But  Martinitz  and  Slawata  asserted 
their  innocence,  and  prayed  that  if  they  were  guilty 
they  might  be  judged  according  to  the  laws.  The 
matter,  however,  had  gone  too  far :  reconciliation  or 
procrastination  was  now  out  of  the  question.  Mar- 
tinitz was  seized  by  several  at  once,  who  bore  him  to 
the  window  and  threw  him  out.  He  fell  sixty  feet, 
into  the  moat ;  but  the  force  of  his  fall  was  broken, 
by  a  heap  of  dung,  which  saved  his  life.  Slawata 
was  next  seized  and  treated  in  the  same  manner,  and 
the  tragedy  was  completed  by  throwing  down  the 
secretary,  Philip  Fabricius  Platter,  who  was  also  im- 
plicated, after  the  other  two.^ 

Singularly  enough,  not  one  of  the  three  was  killed  ; 
not  even  a  limb  was  broken.  Platter  was  the  first 
that  was  able  to  rise.  He  went  back  to  his  house  in 
the  Old  town,  and  hastily  proceeded  to  Vienna  to  ac- 
quaint the  emperor  with  what  had  happened.  The 
servants  of  Martinitz  and  Slawata,  although  fired 
upon  in  the  attempt,  ran  to  their  aid,  and  succeeded 
by  means  of  a  ladder  in  bringing  them  over  into  the 
adjoining  house  of  the  Chancellor  Lobkowitz.  The 
means  to  restore  them  were  diligently  and  success- 
fully employed.  Thurn  came  and  demanded  them, 
but  the  prudent  and  bold  Polyrena  softened  down 

'  Pescheck,  i,  294. 


616  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHX    HUSS.         [Ch.  XXI. 

his  fury  by  assuring  them  that  they  were  both  in  a 
pitiable  state. 

Martinitz  soon  after  made  good  his  escape.  Cut- 
ting off  his  beard,  blackening  his  face  with  gun- 
powder, and  disguising  himself  so  as  to  defy  recog- 
nition, he  got  safe  to  the  White  Hill,  and  subse- 
quently to  Munich.  Slawata  was  unable  to  follow 
him,  and  he  was  allowed  a  physician,  though  kept 
under  close  guard.  The  three  men,  grateful  for  their 
wonderful  escape,  united  in  the  present  of  a  golden 
diadem,  set  with  precious  stones,  to  the  Lady  of  Lo- 
re tto. 

There  was  danger  lest  the  violence  at  the  castle 
should  be  imitated  in  the  city.  The  multitude  in 
their  exasperation  commenced  an  attack  upon  the 
Catholics,  but  Thurn,  mounting  his  horse,  hastened 
to  the  place  of  danger,  and  deprecated  all  violent 
proceedings.  The  Braunau  prisoners,  however,  were 
set  at  liberty. 

The  states  immediately  wrote  to  the  emperor,  ac- 
quainting him  with  what  they  had  done.  In  two 
successive  letters,  termed  their  apologies,  they  de- 
tailed the  grievous  persecutions  they  had  suffered, 
and  vindicated  the  course  they  had  pursued.  They 
united  together  in  a  league  of  mutual  defence,  and 
took  measures  for  their  own  security.^  The  governor 
of  the^  castle  and  the  three  councillors  were  com- 
pelled to  swear  allegiance  to  the  officers  whom  the 
Union  saw  fit  to  appoint.  One  of  the  bishops,  and 
the  abbots  of  Strahow  and  Braunau,  were  banished. 
A  severe  decree  was  issued  against  the  Jesuits ;  they 

'  Pescheck,  i.  32'7. 


Ch.  XXL]  ELECTION    OF    FEEDEEIC.  617 

were  forced  to  evacuate  their  colleges  at  Prague, 
Kruman,  Neuhaus,  and  Glatz,  and  within  fourteen 
days  to  leave  the  country.  None  was  to  grant  them 
shelter,  or  intercede  for  them.  Thus,  says  Pelzel, 
did  the  Protestants  make  enemies  of  those  "who 
had  in  their  hands  the  hearts  of  the  Romanist  mon- 
archs." 

Unwisely  enough,  the  Protestants  had  now  fur- 
nished their  foes  with  the  long-sought  pretext  for 
violent  retaliation.  But  aware  of  their  danger,  they 
determined  to  anticipate  it  by  timely  measures. 
They  knew  what  they  would  have  to  expect  from 
Ferdinand  if  he  should  be  suffered  unmolested  to 
take  possession  of  the  kingdom,  and  they  therefore 
solemnly  deposed  him,  and  elected  Frederic  V.  Elec- 
tor Palatine,  a  Calvinist  in  his  religious  sentiments, 
as  king  of  Bohemia.  Undoubtedly  they  had  felt 
that  in  the  troubles  which  surrounded  Ferdinand, 
and  with  the  support  which  they  expected  from 
England  or  its  continental  allies  in  behalf  of  the 
son-in-law  of  the  English  monarch,  they  could  safely 
maintain  their  cause. 

But  they  had  committed  a  great  error.  The  very 
weakness  of  Ferdinand  proved  his  security.  The 
Catholic  league,  while  he  was  pressed  by  Protestant 
invasion  even  at  the  gates  of  his  palace  in  Vienna, 
came  forward  to  his  help.  His  own  casting  vote  as 
king  of  Bohemia,  and  consequently  imperial  elector, 
secured  for  him,  on  the  death  of  Matthias,  (1620,) 
in  spite  of  the  protest  of  the  Bohemians,  the  imperial 
crown.  Frederic  of  the  Palatinate,  moreover,  23roved 
himself  utterly  unfitted  for  the  post  which  he  was 


618  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Co.  XXI. 

called  to  fill.  His  Calvinistic  sympathies,  and  im- 
prudent measm'es  in  stripping  the  churches  of  their 
ornaments,  alienated  his  Lutheran  subjects,  and  when 
the  league  began  to  act  in  earnest  in  support  of 
Ferdinand,  Bohemia  was  the  first  to  feel  the  weight 
of  its  vengeance.  Its  king  was  merely  an  incum- 
brance. Without  energy  himself,  he  only  inspired 
his  subjects  with  disgust,  and  alienated  the  sym- 
pathy of  the  German  Lutherans,  while  he  was  coldly 
abandoned  by  his  own  father-in-law,  the  king  of  Eng- 
land. 

And  now  commenced  that  terrible  episode  of 
crime,  violence,  plunder,  and  invasion,  known  in  the 
history  of  Europe  as  "  The  thirty  years'  war."  The 
real  date  of  its  commencemejit  is  from  May  23, 1618, 
when  the  imperial  councillors  were  thrown  from  the 
windows  of  the  royal  palace  at  Prague.  But  it  was 
some  months  before  the  cloud  of  vengeance  burst 
upon  the  devoted  country.  At  length  it  came.  The 
emperor,  recovering  from  his  depression  and  humilia- 
tion at  Vienna,  was  now  prepared  to  subdue  Bohe- 
mia. His  army  marched  direct  to  Prague.  Unpre- 
pared for  the  attack,  the  army  that  defended  the 
city,  and  which  consisted  of  Hungarians,  Moravians, 
and  Bohemians,  was  defeated  in  the  battle  of  the 
White  Hill,  Oct.  29,  1620.  The  weak  monarch, 
though  a  manful  resistance  might  have  yet  been  of- 
fered, abandoned  his  capital,  and  earned  by  his  brief 
residence  the  reproachful  title  of  "  the  summer  king." 
Prague  lay  at  the  mercy  of  the  victor;  and  what  that 
mercy  would  be,  bis  own  character  only  too  clearly 
foreshadowed. 


Cii.  XXT.]  THE    TIiniTY    YEAKs'    WAR.  CIO 

The  <la3's  of  Protestant  ascendancy  and  even  tolera- 
tion, in  Bohemia,  were  now  numbered.     The  concen- 
trated vengeance  of  the  papacy,  the  emperor,  and 
the  Jesuits  was  poured  out  on  the  devoted  kind.     It 
would  l)e  entering  upon  another  and  an  arduous  task 
to  trace  the  fortunes  of  the  Protestant  states  of  Eu- 
rope during  the  thirty  years'  war,  and,  happily,  there 
is  no  need  of  it,  for  it  has  been  already  done  by  an 
able  hand.*     The  horrors  of  war,  carnage,  devasta- 
tion,  and   violence,  fiendish  cruelties  and   reckless 
deeds,  marked  with  aggravated  enormities  the  prog- 
ress of  the   fearful  drama.     Generals  like  Wallen- 
stein,  Tilly,  Pappenheim,  and  the  wonderful  Gustavus 
Adolphus,  appeared  upon  the  scene,  and  excited  al- 
ternate hope  and  fear  as   they  led  their  victorious 
hosts  from  city  to  city.      Europe  at  last  sank  ex- 
hausted under  its  own  efforts;  and  after  a  whole 
generation  had  been  made  to  feel  that  war  is  the 
natural  condition  of  humanity  on  the  globe,  the  ex- 
hausted combatants,  worn  out  by  their  own  efforts 
rather  than  by  defeats  sustained  from  their  foes,  laid 
down  their  arms.    German  Protestantism  was  secured 
from  its  imminent  peril,  but  Bohemia  and  Hungary, 
in  tlie  general  pacification,  were  abandoned  to  their 
fate.     This  result  was  the  more  readily  acquiesced  in, 
that    already  Protestantism  was  w^ell-nigh  crushed 
out  from  these  devoted  lands.     They  scarcely  dared 
to  lift  a  voice  of  protest,  or  to  make  their  claims 
heard  in  the  ear  of  Europe,  and  the  sympathies  of 
Lutheran  Germany  abandoned  Bohemia  to  its  fate. 
Under  Rudolph  and  Matthias  the  condition  of  the 

*  Schiller. 


620  LIFE   AISTD    TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.         [Ch.  XXI. 

country  was  enviable,  compared  with  what  it  now 
became  under  the  rule  of  the  bigoted  Ferdinand. 
From  time  to  time  gleams  of  light  stole  in  upon  her 
through  the  broken  clouds,  as  the  beleaguering  hosts 
were  forced  to  tremble  before  a  foreign  foe.  But  for 
the  most  part  her  feeble  opposition  was  crushed.  It 
could  only  break  out  in  ill-timed  and  ill-managed 
insurrections.  Bohemia  had  her  full  share  of  the 
ravages  and  cruelties  of  this  dark  period.  The  im- 
perial will  found  nothing  to  stay  its  vengeance.  The 
jDalace  of  the  mysterious,  Mephistophelian  Wallen- 
stein,  who  could  convoke  armies  at  a  word,  and 
whose  nature  was  constituted  without  the  element  of 
mercy,  rose  proudly,  with  menacing  aspect,  by  the 
Hradschin  of  Prague.  A  savage  soldiery  dragooned 
the  trembling  fugitives,  till  they  abandoned  in  exile 
their  native  land.  Every  attempt  at  national  resist- 
ance was  trampled  down.  The  choicest  spirits  of 
Bohemia  sighed  in  prisons,  or  wandered  in  foreign 
lands.  Twenty-seven  of  her  ablest  defenders,  in  the 
opening  scene  of  the  fearful  drama  of  retribution, 
perished  on  the  scaffold. 

Nor  was  this  the  worst.  The  banished  Jesuits, 
expelled  by  the  states  for  their  incendiary  principles 
and  obnoxious  measures,  were  readmitted  at  tlie point 
of  the  sword.  Volumes  could  not  fitly  display  the 
results  of  the  fact  stated  in  that  single  sentence. 
With  them  came  back  all  that  Bohemia  had  most  to 
dread.  Ferdinand  was  only  their  bigoted  tool.  What 
with  them  was  policy,  with  him  was  principle.  It 
may  easily  be  imagined  what  was  the  nature  of  the 
measures  to  be  taken,  when  at  that  very  time  the 


Ch.  XXL]  ILLUSTEIOUS   VICTIMS.  621 

Englisli  Jesuit  Campian — a  fair  representative  of  the 
order,  for  the  order  was  as  near  as  possible  a  unit  in 
spirit  and  sentiment — was  saying,  "  The  Lutherans 
and  Calvinists  ought  to  be  killed  with  the  sword ; 
they  ought  to  be  banished  and  oppressed;  they 
ought  to  be  burned  with  fire,  sulphur,  and  pitch ; 
drowned  in  water ;  impoverished,  hunted  down,  de- 
prived of  their  estates,  annihilated ;  in  a  word,  they 
ought  to  be  rooted  out,  and  persecuted  to  death  by 
every  imaginable  kind  of  excessive  torture  and  pain." 
No  wonder  the  Protestants  should  say,  that  they 
would  rather  have  the  devil  for  their  master  than 
Ferdinand  with  his  Jesuitical  principles.  In  his  bitter 
intolerance,  the  most  remorseless  cruelties  were  cov- 
ered with  the  sanction  of  churchly  zeal. 

The  battle  of  the  White  Hill  was  followed  by  a 
train  of  most  odious  crime  and  gratuitous  outrage 
on  the  part  of  the  emperor.  Neither  rank  nor  age 
was  regarded.  Of  the  twenty-seven  distinguished 
citizens  of  Bohemia  who  perished  on  the  scaffold, 
twenty-four  belonged  to  the  nobility.  Some  of  them 
had  grown  grey  in  the  imperial  service.  Men  they 
were,  of  lofty  patriotism,  of  heroic  spirit,  and  of 
Christian  principle.  The  history  of  the  martyrs 
scarce  furnishes  a  more  sublime  illustration  of  a  tri- 
umphant faith  than  that  afforded  by  the  scenes  of 
their  imprisonment  and  execution.  They  might  have 
said,  each,  with  the  Duke  of  Argyle,  "  I  could  die  as 
a  Koman,  but  I  choose  rather  to  die  as  a  Christian." 

Some  of  the  sufferers  were  members  of  the  Breth- 
ren's church.  One  of  them  was  Wenzel  Budowecz  of 
Budowa.     For  talents,  learning,  sagacity,  integrity, 


622  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XXT. 

and  Christian  zeal  lie  stood  foremost  among  thein 
all.  He  has  been  called  the  last  Bohemian,  as  Brutus 
was  called  the  last  of  the  Romans.  When  urged  in 
prison  to  seek  the  clemency  of  the  emperor,  his  reply 
was,  "I  will  rather  die  than  see  the  ruin  of  my  coun- 
try." "  See  my  Paradise,"  said  he,  pointing  to  the 
Bible  in  his  hand.  "It  has  never  offered  me  such 
sweet  heavenly  food  as  now."  When  Count  Sclilick 
was  offered  a  cup  of  wine,  he  declined  it.  "I  will 
only  look  forward  to  a  cup  of  heavenly  joy,"  was  his 
reply,  "  May  God  forgive  my  enemies,"  prayed  the 
dying  Harant,  and  then  commended  his  spirit  to 
Christ.  "The  flesh  is  ready  to  fail,"  said  the  vener- 
able E-osacius,  "  but  I  am  no  longer  afraid."  "  Tell 
your  emperor,"  was  the  language  of  the  fearless  Pro- 
copius  Dworshezky,  "that  I  stand  now  before  his 
unrighteous  judgment,  and  remind  him  of  God's 
righteous  tribunal."  "  Thanks  be  to  God,"  exclaimed 
another,  as  tke  summons  to  leave  his  prison  for  the 
scaffold  was  announced,  "  worldly  distress  has  ceased ; 
I  hasten  to  Christ."  In  such  a  spirit  these  noble  men 
met  their  fate. 

But  this  was  by  no  means  the  last  act  of  this  ter- 
rible drama  of  vindictive  tyranny.  Seven  hundred 
and  twenty-eight  of  the  nobility,  who  were  induced 
by  a  promise  of  pardon  to  confess  their  participation 
in  the  rebellion,  were  deprived  of  their  estates. 
Forty  million  dollars  were  collected  by  confiscation 
alone.  Five  hundred  noble  and  thirty-six  thousand 
citizen  families  emigrated.  Bohemia  lost  the  whole 
of  her  ancient  privileges.  The  charter  granted  by 
Rudolph,  in  favor  of  toleration,  was  torn  by  the 


Cu.  XXI.]  PEESECUTING    MEASURES.  623 

emperor's  own  hands.  All  heretical  works,  espe- 
cially those  of  the  ancient  Hussites,  were  sought  for 
and  devoted  to  the  flames.  Nor  did  the  dead  escape. 
Zisca's  monument  was  destroyed.  Rokyzan's  remains 
were  disinterred  and  burnt.  Every  visible  memorial 
of  the  heroism  of  Bohemia  was  obliterated.  No 
trace  of  religious  liberty  was  left,  to  remind  the  cit- 
izen of  privileges  that  his  ancestors  had  once  enjoyed. 
The  emperor  declared  himself  in  conscience  bound 
to  exterminate  all  heretics. 

It  was  a  serious  question  what  measures  should  be 
adopted  for  the  purpose.  The  matter  was  agitated 
even  in  the  conclave  of  Rome.  Bloody  executions 
would  only  sow  the  seed  of  new  martyrs,  and  were 
deemed  impolitic.  Prompt  banishment  was  pro- 
posed. "  No,  not  yet,"  was  the  reply  of  crafty  mal- 
ice ;  "  at  present  they  have  too  much  to  take  with 
them.  They  would  bear  off  too  much  money.  The 
exile  would  too  easily  be  borne.  They  must  first  be 
fleeced." 

This  was  the  plan  adopted.  A  brief  space  inter- 
vened before  the  terrible  work  began.  There  was 
an  oppressive  sullenness  as  it  were,  like  the  lull  that 
ushers  in  the  tempest.  Men  lived  in  fearful  expecta- 
tion. At  length  the  storm  came  in  its  fury,  and 
swept  all  before  it.  Even  the  peasantry  were  im- 
prisoned by  the  hundred,  and  forced  by  starvation 
to  recant.  The  Protestants  were  deprived  of  their 
churches.  Some  of  them  were  shut  up  ;  some  burned 
and  destroyed.  Pulpits  and  statues  were  torn  down. 
The  tombs  were  broken  open.  The  altars  or  fur- 
niture were   lashed  and  whipped,  in  the  imbecile 


624  LIFE    AND   TEMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XXI. 

rage  tliat  attacked  even  inanimate  objects.  When 
the  Jesuits  recovered  their  church  at  Prague,  they 
strewed  the  floor  with  gunpowder,  and  set  fire  to  it 
to  destroy  the  poison  of  heresy  with  smoke  and 
flame.  Hussite  pastors,  who  failed  to  make  good 
their  escape,  fell  a  prey  to  the  savage  soldiery. 
They  were  tortured  to  extort  confessions  of  guilt, 
or  the  place  where  their  money  was  stored.  In  one 
case  they  filled  their  victim's  mouth  with  gunpowder 
and  set  fire  to  it,  when  his  throat  was  burst  asunder 
Some  were  beaten,  some  left  for  dead,  some  plun- 
dei'ed.  These  indeed  were  the  acts  of  a  licentious 
soldiery,  but  they  were  countenanced  by  imperial 
authority.  Iniquity  and  violence  were  framed  and 
legalized  by  statute.  Imperial  clemency  was  a  com- 
mentary on  what  scripture  declares  of  the  tender 
mercies  of  the  wicked.  A  fugitive  nobleman  was 
offered  pardon  if  he  would  return  to  his  country. 
His  answer  was  significant.  "  What  sort  of  pardon  ? 
A  Bohemian  one  ?  Heads  off  !  A  Moravian  one  ? 
Imprisonment  for  life  !  An  Austrian  one  ?  Confis- 
cation ! "  Ferdinand's  confessor,  Lamormain,  superin- 
tended these  horrors  enacted  at  his  master's  com- 
mand. What  a  terrible  light  is  thrown  upon  his 
conduct  by  the  title  which  he  assumed  in  reference 
to  the  immense  confiscations  that  took  place — "  God's 
clerk  of  the  exchequer ! " 

All  through  the  space  of  the  thirty  years'  war 
persecution  raged,  till  the  materials  on  which  to 
wreak  its  vengeance  seemed  to  be  exhausted.  But 
the  work  of  plunder  and  proscription  still  went  on. 
Even  the  books  of  the  Protestants  were  sought  as 


Ch.  XXL]  THE    " CONVEKSIONLSTS."  625 

eagerly  as  their  persons.  The  fi-iencls  of  the  Bible 
were  forced  to  conceal  it,  sometimes  in  the  space 
beneath  the  dog-kennels.  A  Bohemian  hook  became 
synonymous  with  a  rare  work.  Nothing  was  allowed 
to  be  printed  unless  by  the  approving  signature  of 
the  officials  of  the  Inquisition.  Whatever  Protes- 
tant works  could  be  gathered  were  piled  up  under 
the  gallows,  and  then  destroyed  by  fire.  The  work 
of  forced  conversions  was  carried  on  with  a  high 
hand.  The  Jesuits  threw  off  the  mask  of  mildness, 
and  called  in  to  their  aid  Lichtenstein's  dragoons. 
The  peasants  were  driven  to  church  at  the  point  of 
the  sword ;  and  a  licentious  soldiery  won  the  title 
of  "  Conversionists."  Count  Dohna  boasted  of  his 
having  been  able  to  do  more  than  Peter,  who  con- 
verted three  thousand  on  the  day  of  Pentecost.  He 
had  accomplished  more  without  preaching  a  single 
sermon.  One  Jesuit  father  wrote  "  with  a  trembling 
hand,  a  -little  before  his  death,  a  summary  of  his  con- 
versions." "He  had  restored  33,140  to  Christ  and 
the  church,  with  enviable  success."  Priests  of  the 
vilest  character  and  most  scandalous  life  were  put 
in  the  place  of  the  exiled  pastors.  The  people  were 
forced,  by  terrors  of  torture  and  death,  to  swear  "  that, 
witliout  compulsion^  they  renounced  the  evangelical 
doctrine." 

But  even  these  measures  were  only  partially  effect- 
ual. The  praying  people  could  not  be  exterminated.. 
They  met  in  the  hours  of  night,  in  the  mountains  and- 
the  forests,  to  enjoy  their  worship.  Denied  all  civil 
rights,  prohibited  from  marrying,  from  solemnizing 
the  burial  of  the  dead  or  the  rite  of  baptism,  many 

VOL.  11.  4Q 


626  LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [On.  XXI. 

still  clung  to  tlieir  cberislied  faith.  Even  when 
arrested  and  thrown  into  prison,  the  steadfastness  of 
their  purpose  could  not  be  shaken.  Among  the 
humbler  victims  was  a  clerk,  whose  dungeon  was  in 
so  horrible  a  state  that  both  his  legs  rotted  off.  Yet, 
supported  by  his  faith,  he  still  sung  cheerful  songs. 
Such  cruelties  often  rose  beyond  the  point  of  endur- 
ance. Several  times  the  peasants  rose  in  insurrec- 
tion, but  they  were  crushed  by  the  imperial  power. 
The  sighings  of  the  suffering  martyrs  beneath  the 
shadow  of  the  Alps,  found  echo  among  the  forests 
and  mountains  of  Bohemia.  Thousands  indeed 
escaped,  to  swell  the  numbers  of  the  Brethren's 
churches  beyond  the  borders.  For  a  whole  genera- 
tion— from  1622  to  1652,  during  the  whole  period  of 
the  thirty  years'  war — the  work  of  expatriation  con- 
tinued, with  only  such  abatement  as  the  dearth  of  vic- 
tims rendered  necessary.  Precious  indeed  amid  their 
hardships  were  the  promises  so  beautifully  expressed 
in  the  Brethren's  hymn-book — songs  composed  in 
the  midst  of  trial,  and  calculated  to  cheer  the  hearts 
of  the  poor  exiles  amid  their  depression. 

To  the  prosperity  of  Bohemia  these  inroads  of 
persecution  were  fatally  disastrous.  "  As  high,"  says 
the  Romanist  author,  Pelzel,  "  as  the  Bohemians  had 
risen  in  the  arts  and  sciences,  under  Maximilian  and 
Rudalph,  just  so  low  were  they  now  sinking.  I  do 
not  know  a  single  example  of  a  learned  man,  who 
distinguished  himself  in  Bohemia  by  any  marks  of 
erudition,  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Protestants." 
Pessina,  in  his  work  on  Prague  cathedral,  confesses 
that  nothing  worse  or  more  melancholy  could  have 


Ch.  XXI.]       FATE  OF  BOHEMIAN  PROTESTANTISM.  G27 

happened  to  Bohemia.  The  last  traces  of  her  ancient 
liberty  disappeared.  The  heel  of  the  tyrant  was  on 
the  nation's  heart,  and  crushed  its  throbbing  energies 
to  the  dust.  Protestantism  in  Bohemia  was  mur- 
dered by  inches. 

A  large  part  of  the  exiles  joined  their  brethren 
in  foreign  lands.  "  They  sought,"  says  an  old  author, 
"  a  place  where  the  doctrines  of  the  gospel  and  the 
scriptural  use  of  the  holy  sacraments,  are  purely, 
clearly,  distinctly  taught  and  propagated,  and  they 
do  not  care  so  much  for  their  personal  and  temporal 
interests  as  for  their  spiritual  and  everlasting  wel- 
fare." As  persecution  relaxed  from  time  to  time, 
some  of  them  returned  to  their  native  land.  But 
they  were  rarely  left  unmolested.  Many  a  time  the 
gloom  of  despair  shrouded  the  prospects  of  the 
Brethren's  churches,  but  with  unswerving  fidelity 
they  clung  to  the  faith  of  their  fathers,  until  in 
more  peaceful  times  they  were  allowed  to  extend 
their  labors  and  influence  to  a  wider  sphere,  and  to 
become  the  first  missionary  church  of  modern  times. 

We  have  traced  from  its  origin  to  its  close  by  a 
violent  suppression,  and  a  catastrophe  of  carnage 
and  crime,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  religious 
movements  of  modern  times.  In  connection  with 
the  revival  of  learning  and  the  evils  of  the  schism, 
as  well  as  a  growing  religious  consciousness  which 
brought  to  light  the  corruptions  of  the  church,  an 
encouragement  was  given  to  the  long  suppressed 
demand  for  the  revival  of  a  purer  type  of  Christian- 
ity, and  at  the  opportune  moment  the  men  were 


628  LIFE    AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HTTSS.         [Ch.  XXI. 

raised  up,  in  the  providence  of  God,  who  were  to  give 
utterance  to  that  demand.  Conrad  Waldhauser, 
John  Milicz,  and  Matthias  of  Janow  were  the  precur- 
sors of  John  Huss.  They  prepared  the  way  for  his 
labors,  and  more  or  less  clearly  apprehended  the 
radical  conflict  which  existed  between  the  interests  of 
a  corrupt  hierarchy  and  the  claims  of  Christian  truth. 

Huss  inherited  their  views,  but  he  brought  to 
their  elucidation  and  application  a  bold  and  fearless 
spirit,  a  stern  conscientiousness,  a  discriminating  mind, 
and  a  rare  self-command.  With  a  purpose  that 
never  wavered,  and  an  energy  that  never  wearied — 
sometimes  in  the  face  of  royal  authority,  and  in  spite 
of  unjust  excommunication — he  pursued  the  line  of 
duty  marked  out  by  his  conscientious  convictions, 
reprobating  the  iniquity  of  the  times  and  the  abuses 
of  the  hierarchy,  and  holding  up  before  the  world 
his  ideal  of  the  church  of  Christ.  All  human  author- 
ity was  made  by  him  subordinate  to  the  authority  of 
the  Great  Master  himself  Hence,  constantly  appeal- 
ing to  the  scriptures  in  support  of  his  views  and  in 
defence  of  his  course,  he  led  men  to  look  beyond  the 
decisions  of  councils  or  the  bulls  of  popes,  and  to 
study  for  themselves  the  word  of  God.  The  impulse 
w  as  thus  given  to  a  reform  more  radical  than  he  had 
himself  contemplated.  Before  he  was  aware,  he  had 
come  into  conflict  with  the  whole  hierarchical  system, 
and  stood  forth  single-handed,  and  almost  alone,  as 
the  champion  of  truth  against  the  errors  by  which 
it  was  overlaid  and  well-nigh  suppressed. 

In  this  conflict  he  fell — a  victim  overpowered  by 
numerous  and  bitter  foes.     Men  that  stood  by  him 


CH.XXI.]  CONCLUDING    OBSERVATIONS.  629 

at  first,  forsook  him  at  the  critical  moment,  and 
joined  the  ranks  of  his  assailants.  The  force  of  his 
convictions  had  brought  him  to  recognize  in  Wick- 
liffe  a  fellow-laborer  in  the  same  great  cause,  and  the 
odium  that  rested  on  the  name  of  the  English  re- 
former  was  inherited  by  himself.  The  council  of 
Constance  gladly  surrendered  him  as  a  sacrifice  to 
the  prejudices  by  which  it  was  itself  environed  and 
controlled. 

His  associate,  Jerome  of  Prague,  met  the  same  fate. 
His  chivalrous  nature  scorned  to  retract  his  conscien- 
tious convictions  as  to  the  character,  the  truth  and 
integrity,  of  one  whom  he  had  known  and  loved. 
And  now  was  illustrated  the  trite  adage  that  "  the 
blood  of  the  martyrs  is  the  seed  of  the  church." 
Hundreds  and  thousands  in  their  native  land  stood 
ready  to  receive  the  bequest  of  their  ftdliug  mantle. 
A  nation  imbued  with  their  spirit  set  the  council  at 
defiance,  and  boldly  remonstrated  against  the  ini- 
quity of  the  deed  which  had  canonized  for  ever  the 
memory  of  the  martyrs. 

Meanwhile  an  enlarged  acquaintance  with  scrip- 
ture had  led  to  the  restoration,  in  Bohemia,  of  the 
use  of  the  cup  in  the  eucharist.  Considered  as  a 
mere  rite,  this  innovation  was  a  matter  of  small  ac- 
count. But  it  symbolized  an  element  of  indepen- 
dent thought,  which  appealed  from  popes  and  coun- 
cils to  scripture  alone.  It  was  of  the  nature  of  a  prac- 
tical and  popular  protest  against  errors  which  had 
crept  into  the  church,  under  the  sanction  of  ecclesias- 
tical authority  and  antiquated  usage.  Its  acceptance 
was  an  endorsement  of  the  right  of  private  judgment, 


630  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN    HUSS.         [Ch.  XXI. 

and  an  impeachment  of  synodical  and  pontifical  infal- 
libility. It  was  a  rent  in  the  external  unity  of  the 
church — an  ominous  crack,  like  that  of  the  dome  of 
St.  Peter — which  inspired  terror  by  its  portentous 
augury  of  what  was  yet  to  come. 

All  the  resources  of  papal  authority  and  of  eccle- 
siastical interest  were  consequently  marshalled  to 
suppress  the  rite.  But  it  was  found  that  many  of 
its  adherents  had  already  made  it  the  fii'st  step  to 
more  radical  innovations.  Diverse  tendencies  had 
already  begun  to  develop  themselves  among  the 
followers  of  Huss,  and  the  Taborites  and  Calixtines, 
.as  two  radically  diverse  parties,  appear  upon  the 
stage.  In  connection  with  the  first,  we  find  a  puri- 
tanic severity  of  morals,  a  demand  for  evangelical 
simplicity  of  worship  and  purity  of  doctrine,  a  valor 
nurtured  by  religious  principle,  and  sometimes  allied 
with  a  wild  fanaticism.  In  connection  with  the 
other,  we  note  the  timidity  and  the  prudence  of  a 
cautious  conservatism,  a  lingering  respect  for  ancient 
usage,  a  jealousy  of  fai'ther  innovations,  and  a  dis- 
position to  watch  and  restrain  what  they  regarded 
as  the  dangerous  tendencies  of  their  rivals. 

But  a  common  interest  temporarily  cements  the  alli- 
ance of  these  two  Opposite  parties,  and  renders  them, 
while  they  retain  this  attitude,  invincible  to  all  for- 
eign invasion.  Classed  together,  as  alike  heretical, 
they  are  threatened  with  the  same  fiite,  and  papal  ful- 
niinations  and  crusading  armies  are  met  by  both  with 
a  bold  defiance  and  stern  resistance.  One  invasion 
after  another  is  hurled  back  from  the  Bohemian  fi-on- 
tier,  like  the  waves  dashed  to  foam  upon  the  rocks. 


CH.XXI.]  CONCLUDING    OBSERVATIONS.  631 

But  the  very  hnmiliation  of  the  foe  opened  the 
way  for  the  development  of  the  couflicting  tenden- 
cies which  had  been  temporarily  restrained.  Inter- 
nal division  was  the  result  of  foreign  triumph.  Calix- 
tine  and  Taborite  were  now  ranged  in  open  and 
avowed  hostility.  It  was  scarcely  a  question  which 
must  triumph  in  the  conflict.  The  Taborite  was 
indisputably  superior  in  all  the  elements  of  uncom- 
promising zeal,  of  fierce  resolve,  and  of  desperate  if 
not  fanatical  courage,  to  his  Calixtine  rival.  He 
thought  more  earnestly  if  not  profoundly.  He  felt 
more  deeply.  His  wrongs  had  been  greater,  and  his 
vengeance  was  more  terrible.  The  strife  that  now 
arose  was  scarcely  less  bitter  than  that  of  the  united 
Hussites  against  the  imperialists.  It  ranged  neigh- 
bor against  neighbor,  and  brother  against  brother; 
but,  steeled  against  compassion  and  sympathy,  the 
Taborites  swept  down  before  them  all  resistance, 
and  encamped  before  Prague,  ready  to  visit  upon  it 
such  retribution  as  it  had  challenged.  To  save  it 
from  its  threatened  fate,  its  defenders  submitted  to 
negotiate,  and  the  result  was,  the  concession,  in  the 
main,  of  the  demands  of  the  Taborites  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  their  supremacy. 

But  the  anarchy  of  the  kingdom  required  that 
authority  should  be  deputed  to  able  hands,  and  that 
the  monarch  to  be  selected  should  be  one  whom  all 
should  be  constrained  to  acknowledge.  Sigismund, 
as  the  rightful  heir,  was  preferred  by  many  who  dif- 
fered from  him  in  their  religious  views.  The  Com- 
pactata  devised  by  the  synod  of  Basle,  opened  the 
way  for  his  recognition,  but  reproduced  the  old  di- 


632  LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   JOHN   HUSS.         [Ch.  XXI. 

visions  between  Calixtine  and  Taborite.  The  latter 
were  defeated  in  the  open  rupture  which  followed, 
and  Sigismund  at  last  secured  his  hard-won  crown. 

From  the  Taborites,  who  now  abandoned  all  fur- 
ther appeals  to  physical  force  in  their  own  defence, 
sprang  the  church  of  the  United  Brethren.  Through 
a  century  of  persecution  they  still  maintained  their 
fidelity  to  an  evangelical  creed  and  the  memory  of 
Huss.  The  Calixtines,  sometimes  leaning  toward 
Home,  and  sometimes  repelled  by  her  bigotry,  wa- 
vered in  uncertainty  as  to  their  position,  although 
still  holding  fast  their  four  articles.  At  length  the 
advent  of  Luther  extended  to  both  parties  a  new 
strength,  and  the  current  of  the  Bohemian  reforma- 
tion was  swollen  by  the  powerful  tributary  of  Ger- 
man reform. 

With  intervals  of  persecution,  Protestantism  made 
steady  progress  in  Bohemia  for  another  century,  till 
it  had  almost  secured  the  complete  ascendancy.  But 
its  bold  and  violent  measures  provoked  the  ven- 
geance of  the  "  Catholic  "  league,  and  the  bigoted 
Ferdinand,  with  unfaltering  purpose,  resolved  to 
suppress  it.  The  tide  of  the  thirty  years'  war  swept 
over  northern  and  central  Europe,  covering  its  track 
with  desolation  and  crime.  Of  all  the  states  that 
suffered,  Bohemia  was  the  most  signal  victim.  In 
the  general  pacification,  she  was  abandoned  by  her 
German  allies,  and  left  to  the  tender  mercies  of  her 
unscrupulous  and  bigoted  monarch.  His  vengeance 
was  terrible.  He  deliberately  preferred  a  desert  to 
a  kingdom  of  "  heretics,"  and  his  preference  was  well- 
nigh  realized.     Bohemian  art,  literature,  and  enter- 


Ch.  XXI.]  CONCLUDING   OBSERVATIONS.  633 

prise  received  a  blow  from  which  they  have  never 
recovered.  Protestantism  was  ahuost  utterly  sup- 
pressed. Its  ablest  champions  pined  in  exile,  or 
in  prison,  or  atoned  for  their  patriotism  and  Protes- 
tantism on  the  scaffold.  The  nation  that  five  centu- 
ries ago  was  among  the  foremost  of  Europe,  dwin- 
dled into  insignificance ;  and  for  more  than  two 
centuries  Bohemia  has  ranked  as  little  more  than  a 
province  of  the  Austrian  empire.  Her  old  renown 
has  been  commemorated  by  the  noble  achievements 
of  Moravian  missionaries,  who  trace  their  spiritual 
lineage  to  her  great  reformer ;  but  her  condition  to- 
day is  such  as  to  render  her  a  signal  monument  of 
the  impolicy  of  persecution,  and  the  incalculable  mis- 
chiefs that  have  flowed  from  the  violent  suppression 
of  religious  freedom. 

The  day  may  not  be  far  distant  when  upon  her 
own  soil  the  memories  of  her  own  glorious  past  shall 
be  revived.  Her  hills  and  valleys  have  witnessed 
the  heroism  of  men  who  stood  forward  as  champions 
of  scriptural  authority,  and  the  rights  and  privileges 
of  religious  freedom.  Her  plains  have  been  mois- 
tened and  fertilized  with  the  blood  of  martyrs. 
Many  a  locality  has  been  immortalized  by  the  valor 
of  her  sons,  and  the  names  of  Huss  and  Jerome,  of 
Jacobel,  Zisca,  and  Procopius,  will  never  die  out 
of  her  annals,  whoever  may  guide  the  pen.  A 
national  partiality  even  now  triumphs  over  ecclesias- 
tical prejudice,  and  men  who  would  contemn  Huss 
as  a  heretic,  honor  him  as  a  patriot. 


INDEX. 


AnKLAED,  I.  545. 
Abraham,  Priest,  i.  132. 
Absolution,  Huss  asked  if  he  had  received 
it,  I.  507. 
"  for  money  at  Rome,  ii.  155. 

ABUNDt,  John  of,  Bisliop  of  Coire,  ii.  327. 
Accusations  against  Huss,  i.  347,  52S,  542, 
543. 
•♦  "      John  xxiii.  i.  506-509. 

"  "      Jerome,  4i5-4T8. 

Acre,  ii.  104. 
Adalbert,  i.  38, 17-3. 

Church  of  St.,  i.  225. 
Adamites,  ii.  395,  44S,  479. 
Adlab,  Walkun,  ii.  405. 
Advocate,  Uuss  denied  an,  i.  357,  ii.  3. 

"         of  the  Devil,  I.  406. 
AonfconET,  I.  309,  ii.  2t>i. 

"  Buttle  of,  II.  100,  190. 

Agnes,  Pope  Joan,  i.  611,  612,  014. 
AiLLT,  Peter  d",  Canlinal  of  Cambray,  l.  44, 
S3,  101,  124,  243,  245,  253,  326,  344,  358,  305, 
307,  393,  398,  400,  407,  410,  43;3,  4;34,  443, 
45:3,  454,  465,  543,  556,  560,  570,  572,  573, 
691,  595,  597,  600,  603.  607,  611,  616,  619, 
629.  n.  42,  51,  76,  98,  102,  113,  127,  143, 
150, 175,  247,  20:3,  304,  313,  424. 

AlX  LA  fllAl'ELLE.  I.  352.     II.  301. 

Albic  of  Umetzow  (Archbishop  of  Prague) 

I.  17S-1S1,  226,  3S1. 
Albioenses,  II.  106,  331. 
Albert.    See  Austria. 
Albert  of  Saxony,  ii.  569. 

"      Chancellor  of  Uohemia,  :i.  572. 
Alexander,  Natalis,  ii.  403. 
Alexander  V.,  i.  116,  120,  121-123,  143,  150, 

ISO,  187.  507,  565. 
Alexander  VI.  ii.  603. 
Altembeko,  II.  519. 
Alexandria,  Bishop  of,  ii.  21,  61. 
Alsace,  i.  463. 
Altamuta,  John  of,  n.  209. 
Amusing  incidents,  ii.  276,  277. 
Anabai'tists,  I.  05. 
Anagnl  I.  91. 
Anaxaooras,  il  222. 
Angelis,  Cardinal  d',  I.  225,  232,  431. 
Angocea,  Battle  of,  i.  279. 
Annates,  i.  92.     ii.  147,  160. 
Anne  of  Luxembourg,  i.  41,  67. 
Anselm,  I.  546. 

ANTicnEiST,  I.  23,  26,  30-34,  86,  205,  214 
"  contrast  with  Christ,  i.  79. 

"Airn-HnBSUs,"  i.  25S. 


ANTiocn,  Patriarch  of,  i.  170,  425,  442,  452, 

632,  542.    II.  43,  308,  854. 
Ahocalypse,  II.  463,  479. 
Apostles,  il  11. 
Apostolic  Mandates,  L  181, 182. 
Appeal  of  Gregory's  Cardinals,  i.  100. 

"      of   IIuss,    I.   153-156,  231-233,  566, 

595.     II.  53. 
"      Subject  of,  discussed,  i.  234,  567. 
"      from  a  Pope  to  a  Council,  n.  856, 
357. 
Application  of  Sbynco  to  the  Pope,  1. 161. 
Aquileia,  Cardinal  of,  ii.  175,  247. 
Aquinas,  Thomas,  i.  493.    ii.  65,  91. 
Araoon,  ii.  264,  283. 

King  of,  I.  427.    n.  126, 129, 178. 
Ferdinand  of,  ll.  178, 179,  180,  185, 
190,  337,  34S,  349. 
Aretin,  Leonard,  ii.  230. 
Arezzo,  I.  115. 
Argillt,  Forest  of,  ii.  100 
Aristotle,  i.  15.5. 
Armenia,  ii.  566. 
Arnau,  II.  499. 
Arnosstowiscii,  n.  471. 
Akras,  Martin  Porree,  Bishop  of^  i.  515.    u. 

97,  98. 
Arrest  of  John  XXIII.  proposed,  i.  482. 
Articles  against  John  XXIII.  i.  417. 

against  Huss,  i.  347,  552,  555,  562, 
580,602-632.     ii.  50;  on  relative  authority 
of  Pope  and  Council,  i.  424;  of  Wicklitfe, 
I.  70.    II.  50;   against  Jerome,    200,  217; 
for  heretical   iuiiuisition,   329;    of  Calix- 
tines,    44-2-444;    of   Taborites,    445,    446, 
454;  of  Bohemian  Protestants,  606. 
Arundel,  Thomas.  Archbishop,  i.  372,  623. 
AsTi,  Bishop  of,  !L  21,  61. 
Astie,  I.  240. 

Audience  of  Huss,  i.  523,  532,  540,  553,  580- 
6;32. 
"       Huss  insists  on  a  further,  L  622. 
"        Final,  of  Huss,  ii.  28. 
"        of    Jerome,    I.    47&-478.    11.  124 
140-145,  200-254. 
Augusta,  John,  ii.  584,  590. 
Augustine,  St.,  i.  14.  245,  247,  404,  494,  582, 

5S5,  587,  603.     ii.  10,  23.5,  461 
Auscii,  n.  385,  413,  451,  512. 
Austria,  ii.  499,  515,  518,  605. 

"         Protestantism  in,  il.  556. 
Austria,  Frederic,  Duke  of  i.  307,  3S4,  422, 
431,  434.  430,  439,  442,  448,  449,  4.54,  45.S, 
459,  462,  463,  513.    ii.  125,  154-159,  360^ 


636 


INDEX. 


361 ;  he  arrests  the  Bishop  of  Trent,  ii.  156 ; 

is  received    back    to  favor,    ii.  350,  351. 

Austria,  Albert  of,  n.  481,  498,  527,  534,  648, 

549. 
avebbach,  ii.  519. 
aveekoes,  i.  165. 
avicenna,  il  298. 
Avignon,  i.  23,  61,  63,  91,  92, 101, 

"  University  of,  i.  327. 

Babylon,  (Eome)  i.  62,  92. 
Babylonian  Captivity,  i.  91. 
Bajazet,  I.  219,  278. 
Balbinus,  I.  19,  48.     ii.  322. 
Baltenuagen,  Eector,  Henning  von,  i.  134. 
Bamberg,  Bishop  of,  n.  520. 
Bangoe,  Bishop  of,  ii.  21,  61. 
Banishment  of  the  Theological  Doctors  from 

Prague,  i.  272. 
Baptism  among  the  Taborltes,  m.  460. 
Barbaka,  I.  3S3. 
Baei,  Cardinal  de,  il  118. 
Basle,  u  60,  455. 

"       Council  of,  II.  522,  528,  629,  633-545, 
54g,  631. 
Bath,  Bishop  o^  i.  869. 
Batuori,  Zadislaus,  1. 158. 
Bavaeia,  1.  61, 135.    II.  386,  518. 

"         "William,  Duke  of,  deserts  Sigis- 
mund  in  England,  ii.   273,  527, 
543. 
"         John  of,  Bishop  of  Liege,  il  365. 
Bechin,  II.  449,  515,  616. 
Beoket,  Thomas  a,  l  869. 
Beghaeds,  I.  35. 
Benedict  IX.  l  404 
XI.  I.  91. 

XIII.  I.  93,  97,  98,  101,  102, 107- 
128, 137,  342,  396,  399,  400,  569.     ii.  92,  93, 
97,  112,  125,  129,  14S,  17S,  264,  274,  337,  345; 
character  of,    126;   gives   signs  of  yield- 
ing, 148;  terms  otfered  by  him,  178;  his 
harangue,    179 ;    leaves    Perpignan,    ISO ; 
haughty  reply  of^  ib. ;  reaches  Pcniscola, 
181 ;  second  reply,  and  his  obstinacy,  181- 
183;  commission  for  his  trial,  274;  his  ci- 
tation decreed,  ib. ;  cited  in  person,  275, 
276 ;  his  answer,  276 ;  read  at  the  Council, 
279 ;  charges  against  him,  280 ;  deposed, 
305 ;  reply  to  the  summous  of  Martin  Y., 
838. 
Benedict,  Church  of  St.,  l  167. 
Benesch,  l  332. 
Benesius,  1.  555.     n.  209. 
Beraun,  il  291,  387,  3SS,  393,  400,  479,  614. 
BEENAED,^t.,  I.  545,  5S5,  6S7,  603,  610. 

"  Count,  II.  155. 

Besancon,  Bishop  of,  i.  464. 
Bethlehem  Church,  i.  49,  72-76,  139,  140, 
226,  245,  656.     ii.  19,  292,  601. 
"  Nicolas  of,  11.  401. 

BiBEEAcn,  I.  322. 

Bible,  Hubs  without  one  in  prison,  il  6. 
"       Translated  into  Bohemian,  l  168. 
"      Sclavonian,  L  481. 
"      Translation  of,  u.  596.    See   United 
Brethren. 


Biceps,  Nicholas,  l  38. 

BiDSCHOw,  II.  590. 

BiscuPKC,  John,  ii.  294,  538. 

Bishop  and  Presbyter  the  same,  L  414. 

Bishops,  Proposed  Reform  of,  n.  342. 

Black  Forest,  i.  474. 

Blanoa,  h.  86. 

BoccAcio,  I.  60. 

Bohemia,  i.  1,  3,  4,  9,  49,  56,  66,  90,  96, 103, 
105,  106,  119,  128,  132,  367,  388.  ii.  146 
196,  316,  333,  360,  424;  its  condition,  1. 1- 
6;  civil  strife  in,  ii.  517;  invasion  of,  sco 
Crusades,  522;  prepares  to  resist,  525; 
letter  to,  ib. ;  at  the  Council  of  Basle,  534 ; 
civil  war  in,  545;  ravages  in,  566;  inva- 
sion of,  608 ;  abandoned  by  its  allies,  619. 

Bohemian  Nation,  College  of,  i.  8. 
"  Literature,  i.  7,  8. 

"         Nobles,  (see  Bohemians,)  i.  811- 
318 ;  confer  with  Wenzel,  ii.  290 ; 
in  the  University,  i.  670 ;  become 
Protestants,   ii.  604. 
"  States,  613.    See  Bohemians. 

BoiiEjnANS,  Vindicated  by  the  course  of  the 
Council,  IL  111 ;  alienation  of,  115 ;  League 
to  avenge  Huss,  121 ;  informed  by  the 
Council  of  his  execution,  133 ;  reply  of, 
161-167;  measures  taken  by  them,  170; 
cited  by  the  Council,  196 ;  declared  contu- 
macious, 2G0 ;  their  heresy  declared  by  the 
Council,  266-270;  new  commissioners  for 
them,  285 ;  none  answer  the  citations,  ib., 
818;  threats  against,  321;  decree  ag.iinst, 
825;  Bull  of  Martin  V.  against,  364 ;  their 
reply,  364r-369 ;  convention  to  electa  king, 
475,  482 ;  regency  appointed,  4S3;  reply  to 
Sigismund,  ib.  ;  defy  the  Euiperor,  526 ; 
are  invited  to  Basle,  629 ;  accept,  537 ;  de- 
mand hostages,  540 ;  dissatisfied,  543 ; 
their  ultimatum,  544 ;  complaints  of,  548. 

BoiLEAU,  Abbe  de,  il  299. 

Bologna,  i.  103,  186. 187,  190,  191,  607.    n. 
533,  534, 
"  University  of,  l  148. 

BOMISHBROD,  L  262. 
BONAVENTUKA,  II.  85. 

Boniface  of  Ferrara,  i.  108, 120, 122. 
"        VIII.  L  90.    n.  336. 
"        IX.  I.  87,  92,  93, 137, 138, 189,  879, 
507. 
Book,  A  Bohemian,  rare,  n.  625. 
Books  of  Huss,  l  209-211.  251-272,  292-295; 
his  view  of  their  tre.atmcnt.  n.  15, 
69 ;  they  are  condemned,  59 ;  burn- 
ing of  them,  67 ;  to  be  sought  after 
and  burned,  825. 
»      of  Wicklifte.     See  Burning. 
**      of  Jerome,  il  15. 
"      of  Hussites  sought  and  burned,  it 
623. 
BORZEK,  II.  497,  498. 
BoTA,  George,  l  270.    n.  497,  498. 
BoircicAUT,  Marshal,  i.  98. 

BOZELISLAUS,  L  173. 

Brabant,  Duke  of,  iL  855. 
Beadazius,  Michael,  il  557. 


INDEX. 


637 


Bkancas,  Cardinal,  i.  1T8,  858. 

Bbandeis,  II.  690. 

Brandenbubo,  n.  618,  562;  sold  by  Sigis- 
mund,  II.  274,  484. 
"  Elector  of,  I.  884,  462.    n. 

282,  519,  525,  52T. 
"  Albert  of,  ii.  691. 

Bbaitnait,  n.  616. 

Breisach,  I.  45T,  460. 

Bremen,  ii.  104. 

Breslau,  Bishop  of,  n.  658. 

Breslau,  11.  393,  400,  404,  408,  484. 

Bridget,  St.,  1. 104. 

Beoda,  Andrew,  i.  132,  133,  145,  229,  25T, 
270,  273,  275,  332,  333,  490-494,  655,  565. 

Broda,  n.  492. 

Beogni,  i.  552. 

Britck,  n.  569. 

Brttnx,  ii.  386. 

Bruska,  II.  426. 

BucER,  n.  588. 

BuDWEiss,  n.  432. 

Bttdowa,  Wenzel,  n.  606,  621. 

Bull  against  Wickliffe's  books,  1. 148,  565 ; 
against  the  preaching  of  Huss,  i. 
151;  against  Ladislaiis,  1. 181,  1S5; 
concerning  the  Mendicants,  1. 195. 
"      of  Crusade,  i.  204.    See  Crusade. 

Burgundy,  Duke  of,  i.  47,  96, 109,  457.  n. 
94,  96,  97,  99. 101, 190,  273,  360,  534. 

BuENma  of  Wickliffe's  books,  i.  147-153, 
156,  565,  566,  570. 
"         of  Huss'  books,  n.  67. 

Burial  in  consecrated  ground,  I.  173. 

Btstizitsch,  n.  431. 

BzDiNKA,  John,  Zisca's  Marshal,  n.  500. 

C^SAEiNi,  Juliano,  Papal  Legate,  n.  522, 
525,  527,  523,  530,  532-535,  540-543. 

Calixtine  Controversy,  i.  39,  285,  483-528, 
539.     IL  S3,  135,  186,  294,  319,  320. 

Calixtines.  See  Utraquists,  440-470,  617, 
513, 539, 545,  554,  563,  5S3;  defeated,  il  496, 
497;  persecuted,  502,  564;  disposed  to  per- 
secute the  Brethren,  570 ;  union  of,  with 
Eome,  proposed,  585 ;  persecuted,  589, 
593 ;  tendencies  of,  680-632. 

Calliouee,  n.  ISO,  181. 

Calvin,  i.  64.    n.  578. 

Cambbat.    See  Ailly. 

Cambridge,  Chancellor  of  the  University  of, 
XL  264 

Campian,  the  Jesuit,  n.  621. 

Canonization  of  St.  Bridget,  i.  404;  of 
Saints,  n.  149;  commission  on  the  subject, 
11. 150 ;  Gerson  on  the  subject,  ib. ;  Wick- 
liffe  on,  ib. 

Canterbury,  n.  273. 

"  James  and  Conrad  of,  i.  78. 

"  Archbishop    of,    u.    100,  841, 

860. 

Capito,  n.  588. 

Capitulation  of  Narbonne,  n.  184. 191. 

Cardinal,  John,  n.  235 ;  Kector  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Prague,  ii.  2S9. 

Cardinals,  The,  See  Council  of  Pisa,  j.  8.34, 
843,  849,  352,  359,  360,  397,  899,  445,  446, 


466,  472,  510,  536 ;  when  not  successors  of 
the  Apostles,  i.  691 ;  dissatisfied  that  no 
Pope  is  elected,    n.  282,  807;  harshness 
toward  them,  808. 
Caroline  College,  1. 175. 
Caroline  Constitution,  n.  169. 
Cabvajal,  Cardinal  de,  n.  465. 
Cassamir,  II.  550. 
Castile,  ii.  126,  264. 

"        Ambassadors  of,  n.  179 
"       Benedict  XIII.  abandoned  by,  n. 
185. 
Cauchon,  Peter,  n.  97. 

Causis,  Michael  de,  (Deutschbrod,)  i.  225, 
232,  815,  331-383,  347,  358,  462, 
52S,  535,  540,  542,  555,  557.  ii.  38, 
41,  79,  175,  226. 
"  Protestation  of,  concerning  Huss,  i. 
629. 
Censures,  Ecclesiastical,  how  of  Antichrist, 

I.  600. 
Certification  of  Huss'  orthodoxy,  i.  810. 
Cession.    See  Way  of  Cession. 
Chalant,  Cardinal,  i.  121. 
Charles  IV.,  Emperor,  1. 1,  7, 11, 18, 16, 18, 
40,  41,  48,  50,  51,  52,  96,  482,  570.    n.  86, 
159. 
Charles  V.,  of  Spain,  ii.  588. 
Charles  VI.,  King  of  France,  i.  4,  187,  826, 

441.     II.  96,  97,  99,  190. 
Chaucer,  i.  62. 

Chiciielt,  Archbishop.    See  Canterbury. 
Chlum,  John  de,  i.  318,  322,  328,  344,  345, 
847,  348,  350,  886,  8SS,  895,  478,  500-502, 
682,  534,  639,  549,  550,  553,  573,  574,  5S0. 
n.  18,  27,  28,  34-36,  43,  289 ;  his  advice  to 
Huss,  u.  44. 
Chlumee,  II.  590. 
Chotek,  Bernhart,  L  227. 
CnoTESCiiAU,  1. 130.    n.  477. 
Christ,  n.  222 ;  Person  of,  i.  345. 
Christendom,  State  of,  i.  82,  384. 
Christiann  of  Prachatitz,  i.  167,  240,  272, 
n.  26.  28,  325. 
"  Letter  of  Huss  to,  ii.  85. 

Chkudim,  n.  481. 
Chrysoloeas,  Manuel,  i.  825. 
CnnYSOSTOM,  i.  492,  608. 
CuuECH,  Treatise  of  Huss  on  the,  i.  236, 245- 
250,  581,  582. 
"      Views  on  the  foundation  of  the,  i. 

285. 
"      Endowment  of  the,  i.  568. 
"      Catholic  composed  of  the  Predesti- 
nate, I.  582,  586. 
"      Christ  the  Head  of  the,  l.  614. 
"       Corruption  of,  see  Clergy,  ii.  297, 

869,  579-582. 
"      Best  ruled  without  monstrous  head«, 

I.  614. 
"      Catholic  views  of  the  United  Breth- 
ren on  the,  n.  573-576. 
Churches  asked  by  the  Hussites,  n.  291 ; 

given  up  to  them,  817. 
Chytraus  von  Rostock,  il  596. 
Citation.    See  Bohemians. 


638 


INDEX. 


Citation  by  John  XXIII.,  1. 166,  441,  448. 
"        of  John  XXIII.,  I.  461,  464. 
«        of  Jerome,  i.  401,  4C2. 
Civil  authority  over  ecclesiastics,  l  594. 
Ckalitz,  II.  4y9. 

Clemenois,  Nicholas  de,  i.  4.  48.  83, 101,  107. 
120,  123,  2S2,  290,  376,  379,  3S4,  39S,  625. 
n.  127,  151,  153,  1S7. 
Clemens  of  Mnichowic,  1. 182. 
Clement  V.,  i.  91. 

VI.,  1.  14,  91. 

VII.,  I.  92,  93. 

VIII.,  n.  610. 

Clergy.  The,  on  Huss,  ii.  75,  76. 

"      Vices  of  the,  l  2S5.    ii.  117,  118, 
193,  262,  271,  281,  306,  600.    See 
Sermons. 
Clesel,  Melchior,  Jesuit  Confessor  of  Mat- 
thias, II.  60S,  611. 
CoBHAM,  Lord.     See  Oldcastle. 
Cocul^us,  1. 158,  244,  250,  263,  271.    n.  474, 

490,  493. 
CoLDiciCM,  Baron  of,  n.  572. 
Coldits,  II.  519. 
Colin,  n.  4S9. 

"      Stephen  of,  i.  38,  78. 
"  Collectors,"  ii.  579. 
College,  Theological,  of  Prague  burned,  i. 

135. 
Cologne,  i.  197,  204. 

"        University  of,  i.  827. 
"         A  Doctor  of,  I.  477. 
"        Cardinal  of,  n.  150. 
"         Conflict  at,  l  155. 
CoLONNA  Otho  de,  1. 165,  167,  197,  234,  464. 

IL  312,  353.     See  Martin  V. 
Comedies  acted  at  Constance,  il  277. 
CoMENius,  Bishop  of  the  United  Brethren, 

IL  602. 
Commission  in  the  case  of  Huss,  1. 165, 170, 
172,  349. 
"         to  examine  his  writings,  i.  358. 
"         on  Wickliflfe,  i.  451. 
"         on  John  XXIII.,  L  465, 505, 511. 
"         of  the  faith,  ii.  98,  99. 

COMMOTAU,  II.  478. 

Communion  of  the  Cup.    See  Calixtine  Con- 
troversy. 
"  Compactata,"  n.  545,  547, 554, 556,  563,  564, 

631. 
Complaints  of  Papal  Avarice,  L  224,  243. 

of  John  XXIII.,  L  422,  431,  435, 
441. 
"  ^       of  IIuss,  L  552. 
Compkomise,  I.  182, 170,  272,  at  Prague,   n. 

884 
Concordia,  Bishop  of;  ii.  56. 
Concordats,  ii.  340. 

Condulmer,  Gabriel  (Eugenius  IV.),  IL  531. 
Conference  between  Procopius  and  Sigis- 
mund,  XL  516. 
"  for  peace,  ii.  524. 

Confession,  i.  276,  295.    ii.  460. 
Confessor,  Huss  asks  a,  ii.  28. 
CONEAD.    See  Waldhauser. 


Conrad,  Archbishop,  i.  170,  180,  261,  272, 

276,  811,  485.     ii.  172,  333,  394,  438,  491. 
Constance,  City  of,  1.303;  Kaufhaus  of,  304, 
323;  Consternation  at,  1.439; 
Scenes  at,  ii.  130;   Violence 
at,  131. 
"         Council  of.    See  Council. 
"  Bishop  of,  I.  830,  835,  349,  467. 

CoNSTANTiNE,  I.  563,  688,  5S9. 

"  Donation  of,  i.  246. 

Constantinople,  its  treasures  of  learning,  i. 
50 ;  Emperor  o^  seeks  aid, 
279.     II.  554. 
"  Patriarch  of,  i.  337,  349, 582. 

II.  146, 176,  200,  216,  219,  253,  354. 
Controversy,  i.  230,  251-272,  485. 
Contumacy  of  John  XXIIL,  L  465. 

CORMENIN,  L  437. 

Cornenbero,  II.  515. 

Coronation  of  Alexander  V.,  1. 117;  of  John 
XXIII.,  I.  192;  of  Martin  V.,  ii.  314 

Corruption  ecclesiastical,  i.  56,  96,  97,  365, 
866,  371,  375-378,  398,  524    See  Vices. 

Corybut,  II.  492,  493,  494,  497,  500. 

CossA,  Balthasar.  See  John  XIII.,  1. 103, 116, 
186. 

Council.  See  Rome,  Friuli,  Perpignan,  Pisa. 
"       of  Pisa  proposed,  i.  102,  108-128, 

191, 196. 
"  of  the  Faith  at  Paris,  ii.  96. 
"  A  general,  needed,  i.  277 ;  reasons 
for  it,  277-280;  authority  of, 
II.  11. 
"  of  Constance,  I.  802;  summoned, 
304;  members,  307,  822-327;  day  for  its 
opening,  336,  337;  rules  for,  840 ;  member- 
ship of,  361 ;  voting  by  nations,  361 ;  splcn 
dor  of,  384 ;  order  of  business,  816 ;  char- 
acter of  the  body,  524 ;  answer  to  the  Bo- 
hemians, 532;  takes  up  the  case  of  Huss, 
549  ;  tumult,  550,  552 ;  noise  and  confusion, 
553 ;  decrees  silence  while  Huss  is  degrad- 
ed and  sentenced,  ii.  49 ;  decree  on  the 
communion  of  the  cup,  ii.  83,  84 ;  violent 
scenes  in,  120;  decree  for  the  Emperor's 
security,  128;  dilatoriness  of,  130;  on 
Canonization,  153 ;  on  violence  toward 
ecclesiastics,  154 ;  slow  progress  of  meas- 
ures of  reform,  159 ;  decree  on  safe-con- 
ducts, 168;  on  faith  with  heretics,  169; 
adopts  the  "capitulation  of  Narbonne," 
191 ;  condemns  Jerome,  258 ;  recalls  ab- 
sent members,  259 ;  condemns  John  Creith, 
262;  dilatoriness  of,  264,  265;  letter  to 
Sigismund  on  the  Bohemian  heresy,  266, 
270;  invokes  the  aid  of  Sigismund,  268; 
violent  proceeding,  279 ;  confusion,  280 ; 
dissolution  threatened,  284;  reform  in, 
806-311;  order  a  Papal  election,  311 ;  re- 
formatory measures  adopted,  840-344 ;  on 
Petit  and  F;ilkenberg,  854;  members  anx- 
ious to  leave,  356. 

Councils,  Views  on,  i.  400. 

"  Counsels  "  concerning  Huss,  L  261-271. 


INDEX. 


639 


CotTRTNAT,  Eich.inl,  I.  875. 
Ceacow,  II.  202,  212,  216, 

"       University  of,  I.  82T.    n.  109. 
Cracowec,  I.  240. 
Crato,  Jolin,  II.  595. 
Ckauvartz,  Lasckow  of,  ii.  198. 
Cressy.  I.  369. 

Creitii,  Jolin,  of  Liege,  ii.  262. 
Cromwell,  ii.  357,  370,  372,  397,  399. 
Cross,  Worship  of  tlie,  i.  276. 
Crown,  lluss'  Paper,  ii.  65. 
Cruelties  toward  the  Hussites,  ii.  8S5,  386, 
393,  400-403,  419,  431,  482. 
"  toward  Protestants,  ii.  622,  625, 

626. 
CsusASK  against  Ladislaus,  1. 181, 198,  404 
"  "      the  Moors,  ii.  331. 

"  "      Bohemia,      n.      408  -  413 ; 

threatened,  ii.  322,  331 ;  renewed,  ii.  512 ; 

urged,  520 ;  proclaimed,  522,  663. 
CcENZA,  Bishop  of,  n.  279. 
Cup,  The.     See  Communion  of,  i.  820.     n. 

629 ;  enjoined  by  the  Lord  of  Rosenberg, 

11.  294 ;   Gerson   on,   iO. ;   concession  of, 

544. 
Cyprian,  St.,  i.  603,  604. 
Cyprus,  King  of,  i.  507. 
CzASLAU,  II.  4S7,  488,  498,  505 ;  Convention 

at,  II.  482. 
CzENKO  of  Wartemberg,  u  893,  400,  413,  418. 

425,  438,  4S2,  495,  500.     ii.  198,  882. 
CziNiswES,  II.  496. 
CzoECA,  Pardo  von,  n.  5i7. 
Daijlen,  u.  519. 
D'AiLLY.    See  Ailly. 
Dalmatia,  l  220. 

Damages  claimed  for  the  burnt  books,  1. 161. 
Damien,  Peter,  ii.  299. 
Daniel,  it.  222. 
Debts  of  IIuss,  l  578.    n.  28. 
"  De  Auferibilitate  Pap.e,'"  1. 114, 123, 864 
"  De  Ecclesia."    See  Church. 
"  De  iieretico  combubendo,"  writ,  i.  372. 
Defeat  of  the  Turks  in  Hungary,  n.  148. 
Defence  of  Huss,  i.  534 
Degrading  of  Huss  by  the  Council,  n.  62. 
Demands  of  John  XXIIL.  i.  454. 
Deposition  of  Gregory  XIL,  and  Benedict 

XIII,  I.  115;  of  John  XXIIL,  I.  504,515; 

of  Benedict  X.XII.,  li.  805. 
Deputation  of  Sbynco,  i.  148. 

to  John  XXIII.,  I.  440, 443, 457, 
460;  to  Huss,  n.  43. 
"  De  Eegulis  vet.  et  Nov.  Testamenti,"  i. 

80. 
Deutsciibp.od.    See  C.iusis,  n.  489. 
"  Dialogue,"  Wickliffc's,  i.  71.    ii.  201. 
Diary  of  the  Hussite  war,  (Diarium  Belli 

Hussitici.)  n.  3S0,  463. 
DiDACUS,  The  Monk,  i.  345,  846. 
DiNCKELSPUEL,  Nicholas,  ii.  200. 

DiOGKKES,  IL  119. 

Disease  of  the  Church,  i.  378.    n.  297. 

Disputation  on  WickJiflfe's  books,  l  162. 


Dispute  by  Huss  before  the  Town  Council, 

I.  208. 
Disturbances  In  the  churches,  i.  214. 
DoiiNA,  Count,  II.  625. 
DoLA,  Stephen  of,  I.  255,  257,  259,  260,  267, 

276. 
Domatzlitz,  It.  478. 
DoMiNiA,  John,  II.  832. 
Dominican  Monastery,  I.  850,  426. 
Dominicans,  ii.  85. 
Dorcester,  I.  60. 
DoRRE,  John,  I.  878. 
Dreams  of  Huss,  i.  74    n.  31,  82. 
Dresden,  Peter  of,  i.  88,  4S3,  519. 
DUBA,  Wence.slau3  de,  i.  313,  822,  828,  852, 
886,  549,  550,  553,  574,  580.    IL  18, 
27,  28,  43,  239. 
"       Huss  on  the  marriage  of,  ii.  84 
DwoRsiiEZKY,  Procopius,  II.  622. 
Dysse,  Walter,  i.  879. 
Eber,  Paul,  n.  596. 
Ecclesiastical  Power,  D'Ailly's  Treatise 

on,  n.  203. 
Eclipse  of  the  Sun,  l  554 
Edward  IIL,  i.  62. 
Egra,  ii.  539. 
Elbe,  n.  402,  421. 
Elia,  John,  I.  181-133,  280,  270. 
Eleazar,  ii.  9, 10. 
Election  of  Clement  VIL,  i.  92. 
"  "  Alexander  V.,  I.  116. 

"  "  John  XXIIL,  1. 187. 

"  "  a  Pope,  I.  431.    n.  93,  282,  284, 

807 ;  prayer  for,  285 ;  ordered 
to  be  made,  311 ;  precautions 
for  it,  812. 
"  "  Martin  V,  ii.  812 

Electors  of  the  Pope,  ii.  809. 
Eling,  John,  n.  158. 
Elizabeth  of  Bosnia,  i.  888. 
Emperor.    See  Robert,  Sigismund,  Maxim- 
ilian, Rudolph,  Ferdinand. 
"  Sphere  of  the,  i.  394 

England  in  the  fifteenth  century,  i.  869- 
3S0. 
"  refuses  to  receive  the  Legate  of 

Martin  V.,  ii.  340. 
"  Sigismund's  visit  to,  273. 

English  Deputation  to  Constance,  i.  869, 
407,  432 ;  favors  reform,  ii.  807 ; 
has  a  separate  vote  in  the  Coun- 
cil, I.  415.  n.  268;  in  conflict 
with  the  Spanish,  ii.  263,  280. 
Doctors,  I.  558,  559,  597. 
Enns,  n.  596. 

Enoch,  The  Prophet,  ii.  802. 
Epinge,  Frederic,  i.  267. 
Erasmus,  n.  581 ;  his  view  of  the  United 

Brethren,  574. 
Erfurth,  I.  60,  81,  89. 

"         University  of,  r.  827.    n.  77. 
Euythrius,  Matthias,  ii.  588. 
Eucharist,  Taborite  observance  of  the,  n, 
462. 


640 


INDEX. 


EuGENirs,  Pope,  i.  587,  610. 
Eugenics  IV.,  ii.  531-536;  opposes  the  Coun- 
cil of  B.isle,  5:33 ;  cited  by  it,  537. 
Excommunication  of  Huss,  i.  167,  226.    n. 
53 ;    of   his  defenders 
threatened,  11.  185. 
"  Jerome  on,  n.  208. 

"  Httss  on,  I.  595. 

«  of  Jacobel,  I.  485. 

"  of  his  cardinals  by  Greg- 

ory XII.,  I.  100. 
Execution  of  three  offenders,  i.  217,  625. 

"  "  Huss  on  the, 

I.  595. 
"  of  Huss,  n.  70-73. 

"  of  Jerome,  11.  255-257. 

"  of  John  of  Zelew.     See  Zelew. 

Falkenbkeo,  John  von,  n.  110, 112, 352, 853, 

859. 
Fanatical  views  of  the  Taboritea,  n.  466, 

457. 
Fel8,  n.  609,  613,  614 
Feltri,  Bishop  of,  11.  21,  61. 
Ferdinand  of  Austria,  11.  569 ;  King  of  Bo- 
hemia, 587,  588,  594,  C02. 
Ferdinand  II.,  11.  609,  612,  617,  620;  his 
character,    609 ;    elected    King   of   Bohe- 
mia, ib.  ;  his  bigotry,  610,  611 ;  elected 
Emperor,  617. 
Fberaba,  Vincent  of,  n.  185-189,  803 ;  aban- 
dons Benedict  XIII.,  185;  Ger- 
8on  urges  him  to  come  to  Con- 
stance, 189. 
"  Marquis  of,  1. 193. 

FiDA,  I.  327,  344 
Firmness  of  Huss,  n.  12, 13. 
Flagellants,  The  Sect  of  the,  I.  59.    n.  189, 

299-303. 
Flaschko  of  Kuttenberg,  ir.  478. 
Flight  of  John  XXIII.,  I.  421,  434  43&-438 
445;  second  flight,  447.     See  John  XXIII. 
Florence,  i.  103, 108,  111,  119, 148, 186, 191. 
Forces,  Moral,  that  led  to  Reform,  i.  5,  6. 
Formula  of  Cession,  i.  425. 
France,  i.  96,  97, 112,  457 ;  on  Martin  V.,  11. 
387. 
"       on  the  Popes,  i.  90-94    n.  887, 841. 
"        King  of.    See  Ch.irles  VI. 
Franciscan  Monastery,  i.  426,  548.    11.  41. 
Franciscans,  n.  85. 
FKANKFORT-on-the-Main,  Diet  at,  1. 110.   n. 

513,  521. 
FraueSbero  Forest,  n.  527. 
Frederic.    See  Austria,  Nuremberg. 
Frederic,  Elector  Palatine,  chosen  King  of 

Bohemia,  n.  617. 
Free-Will,  il  514 
Freiberg,  1.  450,  457,  460. 
Freistadt,  II.  596. 

French  deputation  to  the  Council,  i.  863, 
379,  432,  451. 
"  "  jealous  of  English  in- 

fluence, IL  263. 
Fbiends  of  Huss  in  the  Council,  i.  679. 


Friuli,  1. 108,  lis,  119. 

"        Council  of,  L  108, 117, 

Funeral  of  the  three  offenders,  i.  21S. 

Galeazzo  of  Mila-n,  1. 189, 197. 

Galen,  il  298. 

Galgenberg,  il  427,  428,  430. 

Gallus,  ii.  27. 

Geminiano,  Dominic  de,  IL  851. 

Geneva,  11.  361,  362,  588. 

Genoa,  i.  103, 108, 122, 187. 

Gentian,  Benedict,  l  440,  443,  447, 456. 

German  zeal  for  reform,  n.  160,  360,  530, 
578. 

German  Kation  on  Huss,  n.  77 ;  on  Annates, 
147. 

German  immigration  into  Bohemia,  i.  6,  7. 

Germans,  Animosity  of,  toward  Bohemians, 
IL  430. 

Germans  at  Prague,  l  6,  227,  272,  570.    n. 
415. 

German  party  in  the  University,  i.  80, 135, 
140,  215.  571. 

Germany,  l  55,  96, 109, 110, 119,  424  519. 

Gerson.  John,  I.  4  34,  43,  62,  83,  112,  113, 
123,  127,  234  253,  255,  281,  326,  864, 
367,  384,  484,  476,  525,  543,  545,  562, 
605,  618.     IL  42,  101,  102,  IO4  110, 
118,  126,  127,  212,  304  852,  356,  860. 
"     on  Canonization,  1.405.     il150;  on 
Petit's  propositions,  95-100;  charged  with 
heresy,   103;     assaulted    by   F.ilkenberg, 
118;   death  of,  in  exile,  114;   on  Mendi- 
cants, 154;  on  recanting,  176;  on  immac- 
ulate conception  of  Mary  and  Joseph,  265; 
ou  the  Flagellants,  304 ;  on  the  commun- 
ion of  the  cup,  819 ;  indignant  that  Petit 
is  not  condemned,  852. 

Giiibelines,  l  198. 

GicziN,  IL  489. 

Glatow,  il  386. 

Glatz,  il  590,  617, 

Gmunden,  il  596. 

GocH,  John  of,  II.  580. 

GODELBERO,  11.  519. 

Goebel,  Dr.,  L  211. 

Golden  Rose,  The,  l  430.    ii.  852. 

GoREL,  John,  i.  126. 

Gottlieben,  I.  468,  498,  522,  527,  535,  536, 

538,  540,  547.     iL  2,  8,  362. 
Geaditz,  il  422. 
Greek  Church,  l  10,  40,  51;  seeks  union 

with  the  Latin,  ii.  850,  583. 
Gregory,  nephew  of  Rokyzan,  n.  555,  567, 

559. 
Gregory  I.,  l  597. 
"        VII.,  L  90. 
"         XL,  L  91,  92. 

"         XII.,   I.  93,  98-103,  106,  108-128, 
186,  190,  191,  234  842,  899,  400, 
401,  406,  569.    n.  42,  92,  93. 
"         XIIL,  IL  603. 
Grim,  il  519. 

Gkubenheimer,  (Pit-dwellers,)  n.  658k 
Guelphs,  l  198. 


INDEX. 


641 


Qttbim,  ir.  3S6. 

GusTAvuB  Adolphus,  ii.  619. 

Hallam,  Kobert,  Bishop  of  Sarum.    See  Sa- 

rum. 
Hapsbukgs,  1. 138.    n.  569. 
Uarant,  il  622. 

Hassia,  Henry  de  (or  Langstein),  ii.  151. 
Hawlik,  I.  231.     II.  26. 
Hazmuurgk,  William  of,  n.  882. 
llKiDKLnEBG,  I.  477,  534     ii.  204,  212,  216. 
llBNEY  IV.,  of  France,  ii.  596,  603. 

"  of  England,  i.  371.     ii.  102. 

"  v.,  of  England,  i.  369,  373, 374. 

IL  100,  190,  273,  277,  307. 
«  VIL,  I.  48. 
H  KEEFOED,  Bishop  O^  I.  369. 
BcREsr,  Investigation  of;  at  Prague,  1. 131. 
"       Methods  of  dealing  with,  i.  283 

284,  622. 
"       of  John  XXIII.,  I.  440,  466. 
Hbeetical  Books,  the  reading  of,  1. 155. 
Hebetics.  Faith  with,  ii.  168.    See  Infidels. 
"  How  to  be  treated,  ii.  246,  330. 

"  Character  of,  drawn,  ii.  4S5. 

Hbrkai^n  the  Eremite,  i.  270. 
Hebnhdt,  II.  558. 
Hbksbruck,  i.  320. 
Heyman,  II.  451. 
HiLDESis.  John,  I.  270. 
Hippockates,  il  298, 
HiESCHAir,  I.  474. 

History  of  the  Use  of  the  Cup,  n.  85,  86. 
Hoffman,  John,  ii.  522. 
HooENLOHE,  Count  0^  IL  525. 
HoLONUz,  n.  556. 

HoEEBiTEs,  The,  n.  400, 421, 474, 511, 513, 545. 
Horowitz,  Paul  de,  L  462. 
hof.zowitz,  il  556. 
Heapisch,  il  406,  414,  420. 
Headscuin,  il  620. 
HuBMAiER  of  Waldshut,  il  687. 
Hubner,  John,  l  70. 
HcDEK,  John,  L  215. 
Hcmilitt  of  Huss,  l  81. 

HUMPOLF.TZ,  II.  4SS. 

Hungarian  Xobilitt,  il  M9. 

HuNGAET,  I.  87, 96, 219,  278.  Invaded,  ii.  147, 
352;  abandoned  by  Germany,  619. 

Huss,  John,  L  5.  n.  134,  138, 139,  140,  142, 
204,  213,  249,  2S5,  292, 303, 305, 408,  519, 5i2, 
547,  605,  62S ;  l  reformer  and  patriot,  8 ; 
birth  of,  43 ;  his  early  life,  44-46 ;  at  the 
university,  47 ;  his  character,  48 ;  progress, 
52;  student  life,  5.3,  54;  opportunities  of 
observation,  55 ;  acquaintance  of,  with 
Wickliffe's  writings,  69 ;  in  the  pulpit — 
confessor  of  Queen  Sophi.i.  72;  popularity 
of,  77 ;  drawn  toward  Wickliffe,  ih.,  SO,  SI ; 
his  wish,  84;  unsuspected  of  heresy,  86; 
exposes  a  false  miracle,  SS;  date  of  suspi- 
cions against  him,  89  ;  illness,  105:  view 
of  the  Council  of  Pisa,  120;  remonstrates 
with  the  archbishop,  133;  rector  of  the 
university,  135;  defends  Ihe  Pisan  Coun- 


cil, 140;  approves  Wickliffe,  144;  his  con- 
ference with  the  archbishop,  147  ;  opposes 
the  pope's  bull,  151 ;  forbidden  to  preach, 
151 ;  his  appeal,  153 ;  sermon  on  the  burn- 
ing of  the  books,  160;  defends  Wickliffe's 
articles,  162;    cited  at  Koine,  166;    sends 
procurators,  167;   loses  his  case,  ib.;  ex- 
communicated, ib. ;  defends  his  preaching, 
16S;    vindicates  his  refus.il  to  ap[)ear  at 
Rome,  169;    compromise,  171;   interview 
with    the    archbishop,    173 ;    sermon    on 
burials,  174;  summoned  before  the  arch- 
bishop, 181;  opposes  the  crusade,  19S;  his 
statement  before  the  university,  203;  op- 
poses the  crusade,  205;   refutes  the  bull, 
209-211;  appears  before  the  town  council, 
215;    sermon  on  the  death  of   the  three 
young  men,  218 ;  issue  of  his  case  at  Rome, 
225;  excommunicated,  226;  leaves  Prague, 
231;  appeals  to  Christ,  231-233;   in  exile 
from  Prague,  235-301 ;  pre.iches  still,  235- 
237;  reputed  an  heretic,  241;  his  contro- 
versies, 251-272;  view  of  Wickliffe,  253;  his 
counsel,  262 ;  sometimes  present  .it  Prague, 
273;  prepares  for  the  council,  2S0;  oppo- 
sition to,  2S1 ;  writings  of,  292-295;  letters 
of,  296-300 ;  his  journey  to  Constance,  309, 
318-322;     steps     taken     before     leaving 
Prague,  310-318;  farewell  letter,  314;  sad 
presentiment,  815;  lodgings  at  Constance, 
327-329;    prepares    two    discourses,  330; 
denounced  as  a  heretic,  332 ;  cited  before 
the  cardinals,  334 ;  his  enemies  encouraged, 
342;    appears  before  the   cardinals,  343; 
absurd  stories  concerning  him,  ib. ;   his 
conversation  with  the  monk,  845 ;  charges 
against  him,  347;    imprisoned,  350;    his 
sickness,  ib. ;  his  release  ordered  by  thjo 
emperor,  856;    denied  an   advocate,  357; 
new  accusations  and  vexations  of,  358;  re- 
moved to  the  Franciscan  monastery,  426, 
466;  left  without  food,  467;  given  over  to 
the  Bishop  of  Constance,  468 ;  removed  to 
Gottlieben,  ib. ;  on  the  cup,  4S2,  496 ;  his 
liberation  demanded,  499;  his  vindication 
by  the  Bohemian  nobles,  499-502 ;  condi- 
tion at  Gottlieben  and  prison  examination, 
522;  petition  for  his  release,  bSl ;  discour- 
aging circumstances,  5.34;   contrast  with 
John  XXIII.,  536;    private  examination, 
541;   his  philosophy,  546;   reading  of  the 
charges  in  his  absence,  518;    before  the 
Council,  550;  required  to  recant,  553;  sec- 
ond day  of  his  audience,  554;  required  to 
recant,  55.3,  561 ;   his  reply,  561 ;   on  Qer- 
son,  562 ;  charged  with  teaching  Wickliffe's 
views,   563;    on   tithes,   564;    wishes  his 
soul  with  Wickliffe's,  567;  reads  and  ap- 
proves Wickliffe's  theological  books,  568; 
charged  with  violent  measures,  56S-572; 
objected  to  for  saying  he  h.ad  not  come  to 
Constance  unless  he  had  chosen,  572;  ad- 
vised to  submit,  573;   treatment  of,  576; 
desires  an  audience,  ib. ;  hope  of  esc;ipe, 
577;  his  debts,  578;  third  audience  o^  580- 
632;  charged  with  writing  false  statements 


642 


INDEX. 


to  Bohemia,  681;  terms  imposed  by  the 
Council,  016,  617,  619;  protestation  of,  629; 
siclcness  in  prison,  ii.  2;  treatment  in 
prison,  ib.;  ditliculty  of  making  a  de- 
fence, 3 ;  his  reason  against  accepting  the 
Council's  form  of  abjuration,  8;  his  flrm- 
ncss,  12;  his  opinion  of  the  Council,  16; 
his  letter  to  Prague,  lT-39;  time  of  his 
execution  deferred,  20;  hope  of  deliver- 
ance, 23 ;  asks  Paletz  as  a  confessor,  29 ; 
his  great  anxiety,  37;  his  kindly  feeling 
for  all,  3S ;  not  revengeful,  38,  39 ;  urged  to 
recant,  41;  his  reasons  for  refusing,  42; 
final  audience  of,  45;  denied  the  privilege 
of  answering  to  each  article,  51 ;  charged 
with  denying  transubstantiation,  52;  charg- 
ed with  claiming  to  be  the  fourth  person 
added  to  the  Trinity,  53 ;  his  appeal  charg- 
ed against  him,  53;  contempt  of  his  ex- 
communication, 54 ;  his  writings  con- 
demned, 59 ;  his  sentence,  59-61 ;  degraded 
from  the  priesthood,  62-66;  the  mock 
crown  placed  on  his  head,  65,  66;  he  is 
given  over  to  the  secular  arm,  66;  burn- 
ing of  his  books,  67;  the  scene  of  execu- 
tion, 68-73;  iEneas  Sylvius  on  the  death 
of  Huss  and  Jerome,  73;  causes  of  his 
condemnation,  74-81 ;  his  character,  81-83 ; 
indignation  at  his  execution,  115, 116;  effect 
of  It  at  Prague,  120 ;  insult  to  his  memory, 
121 ;  vindicated  by  the  Bohemian  nobles, 
161-167;  Jerome's  statement  of  the  case 
of,  224-226;  eulogy  of,  292 ;  course  of  the 
enemies  of,  317;  partial  in  judging  him,  353. 
HussiNiTZ,  I.  43, 196. 

"         Nicholas  de,  i.  147.    ii.  286,  288, 

332,  375,  379,  380,  399,  404,  418, 

476;   banished  from  Prague,  ii. 

2S6 ;  gathers  an  army,  ill. ;  death 

of  476. 

Hussite  Hymn  Book,  i.  9. 

"  Hymns,  ii.  555,  564. 
HtrssiTES,  II.  345,  498,  523,  527,  583,  539 ;  to 
be  cited,  146 ;  cited,  196 ;  ask  for  church- 
es, 291 ;  Bull  against,  326,  340 ;  cruelties 
to  the,  385;  divided  in  sentiment,  see  Ta- 
borites;  distrust  Sigismund,  406 ;  decrees 
against.  511;  charges  against,  523;  perse- 
cuted, 551,  565. 
iGLAr,  II.  490,  551. 

"      Compactata  of.    See  Compactata. 
Ikoyma,  Peter  de,  i.  270. 
Image  worship,  ii.  400. 
Immaculate  Conception  of  the  Virgin  Mary, 
_  II.  265. 

"  "         "  St.  Joseph,  II.  265. 

Imperialists,  Defeat  of,  ii.  419,  427,  428,  429, 
513,  527. 
"  Tents  of  the  burned,  ii.  433. 

"  Vandalism  of  the,  ii.  435. 

Indtjlgences,  I.  15,  207,  224,  243,  296.    ii. 

128,  209,  522,  523,  579. 
Infidels  no  right  to  reign,  i.  407,  004. 

"        Treatment  due.  to,  ii.  106, 110,  353. 
ruNOCENT  III.,  I.  90. 
»        VI.,  I.  50. 


Innocent  VII.,  l  93, 117, 190. 

Insincerity  of  Huss  in  case  he  should  re- 
cant, \.  581. 

Interdict,  i.  228 ;  not  imposed  by  Christ,  i 
601. 
"  on  Prague,  1. 168, 170,  227,  275. 

Interbtiption  of  Huss  in  preaching,  i.  23T. 

Intrigues  at  the  Council,  i.  338,  403, 429. 

Invocation  of  Saints,  ii.  368. 

Isaiah,  ii.  222. 

Israel,  George,  ii.  591. 

Israelites,  n.  465. 

Italian  party  in  the  Council,  i.  341,  361. 

Italy,  i.  92.    n.  360.    See  Flagellants. 

Jacob,  Dean  of  the  Vissehrad,  i.  272. 

Jacobel,  i.  5,  38,  44,  47,  52,  132,  162,  266,  461, 
464,  476,  493.     ii.  125,  135,  319, 
364,547. 
"         on  the  Cup,  l  483^98.     ii.  83,  84, 

86-92. 
"        on  Religious  persecution,  ii.  90. 

Jagellan.     See  Poland. 

Jailors  of  Huss,  ii.  2,  70. 

James,  a  scholastic  of  Prague,  ii.  423. 

Janovicz,  II.  451. 

Janow,  Matthias  of,  L  5, 14,  18,  21,  26-87,  52, 
53,  55.  74,  SI,  126.     ii.  85,  C2S. 

Jaromirtz,  n.  481. 

Jaroslow,  The  Inquisitor,  i.  132, 148,  565. 

Jenstein,  John,  Archbishop  of  Prague,  I. 
76. 

Jerome  of  Prague,  l  53,  68,  105,  142,  212- 
214,  257,  534,  571,  572.  ii.  285,  292,  293, 
605,  629;  travels  of,  L  68;  transcribes 
Wickllffe's  books,  ih. ;  gets  up  a  mock  pro- 
cession of  bulls  of  indulgences,  l  213,  257; 
parting  with  Huss,  313;  citation  of,  461 ; 
comes  to  Constance,  469 ;  escapes  to  ITber- 
lingen,  470 ;  asks  a  safe  conduct,  471 ;  ar- 
rested at  Hirschau,  474 ;  carried  back  to 
Constance,  475;  examination  of,  475-478; 
imprisoned,  479;  his  place  of  confinement, 
547;  before  the  council,  n.  124;  prison 
examination  of,  ib. ;  urged  to  recant,  136 ; 
his  condition  in  prison.  137 ;  he  submits, 
138;  his  justification  of  himself,  139;  his 
submission  unsatisfactory,  ib.  ;  the  form 
of  his  recantation,  140;  his  introductory 
speech,  143-145 ;  Nason  calls  attention  to 
the  case  of,  160 ;  lenient  feeling  in  the 
council  toward  him,  174;  new  accusa- 
tions against,  175;  favor  of  his  judges  on 
the  commission,  ib.  ;  Nason's  bitterness 
against,  ib;  his  first  commission  discharg- 
ed, and  a  new  one  appointed,  ib. ;  Ger- 
son's  treatise  against,  176, 177  ;  Carmelites 
of  Prague  bring  new  charges,  ii.  177 ;  he  is 
to  be  tried  again,  178 ;  his  treatment,  199 ; 
his  repentance,  ib. ;  before  the  council, 
200;  hesitates  to  recognize  the  new  com- 
mission, 200;  charged  with  sympathy 
with  Wicklifife,  201;  with  fleeing  from 
Vienna,  202;  with  contemning  excom- 
munication, 202,  203;  with  slandering  the 
clergy  and  lords,  203;  with  acts  of  vio- 


INDEX. 


643 


jeiice,  ib.  ;  with  errors  on  the  Trinity,  204 ; 
on  Transubstaiitiation,  ib. ;  new  articles 
njr.iinst,  "205;  charged  with  copying,  circu- 
latiusr,  and  eulogizing  Wicklilt'e's  writings, 
206,  20T;  with  erconeous  views  on  excom- 
munication, 208;  with  denying  the  Pope's 
authority  to  grant  indulgences,  209 ;  with 
violent  acts,  ib. ;  with  the  mock  proces- 
sion, 210;  with  claiming  that  all  may 
preach,  ib.;  with  saying  that  pictures 
are  not  to  be  worshipped,  ib. ;  with  con- 
temning relics,  211;  with  calling  the  cri- 
minals martyrs,  ib. ;  with  forsaking  the 
Latin  for  the  Greek  Communion,  ib. ; 
is  not  to  be  believed  on  oath,  212;  his 
letter  from  Wietow,  ib. ;  his  flight  from 
Constance,  213 ;  of  reprobate  mind,  214 ; 
vindicates  Huss,  ib. ;  his  refusal  to  write 
to  Prague,  215;  his  luxurious  living,  215; 
his  torture  demanded,  ib. ;  his  delivery 
to  the  secular  arm  demanded  if  he  does 
not  submit,  ib. ;  demands  an  audience, 
216;  refuses  to  answer  on  oath,  till  as- 
sured full  liberty  of  speech,  217;  last 
part  of  his  indictment,  ib.;  his  songs  in 
derision  of  the  ck'rgy,  ib. ;  his  defense, 
217,  218;  prepared  to  clear  himself  by 
oath,  21S;  deserves  a  fourfold  conviction, 
219 ;  his  speech  in  his  own  defence,  220- 
228;  his  bearing,  220;  on  the  University 
of  Prague,  224;  on  Huss,  ib.;  on  his  own 
treatment,  226;  reasons  of  his  abjuration, 
226 ;  on  Wickliffe,  227 ;  on  transubstantia- 
tion,  ib. ;  an  orator  and  christian,  229 ; 
his  satirical  replies,  234 ;  his  harsher  treat- 
ment, 137;  sympathy  for  him  ;  he  is  urged 
to  recant,  238 ;  his  firmness,  ib. ;  Zabarel- 
la's  conference  with  him,  240,  241 ;  called 
to  retract  before  the  Council,  242 ;  charged 
with  obstinacy  in  the  Bishop  of  Lodi's 
Sermon,  245;  should  have  been  tortured, 
24S;  his  eloquence,  j6.  ;  his  final  speech, 
250-253;  his  prophetic  language,  253;  his 
sentence,  ib.;  is  given  over  to  the  secular 
arm,  254 ;  scene  of  his  execution,  255-257 ; 
relics  of  him  treasured,  257. 

Jerome,  St.    See  St.  Jerome. 

Jessenitz,  John  of,  1. 167,  203,  252,  267.    n. 
325. 

jESurrs,  The,  ii.  593,  594,  600,  603,  607,  610, 
612,  616,  619,  620,  621,  624,  625, 

Jews,  The,  i.  18,  193, 194.     ii.  314,  344. 

Joan,  Pope  Agnes,  i.  611.    See  Agnes. 

John  The  Baptist,  n.  222. 

John  XXII,  i.  91. 
"  XX.III.  See  Cossa,Bttlthasar,  187-201, 
220,  225,  232,  243,  280,  305, 
806,  829,  33.5-342,  344,  34S, 
849,  354,  356,  858,  360-363. 
867,  394,  895,  898-411,  415- 
450, 454-462, 404-406, 50:3-521, 
623,  525, 535-538,  605, 608.  li. 
50,  96,  97,  149. 
"  "     leaves  for   Constance,  i.  806; 

attendance  of,  306,  807  ;  re- 


ception of,  807;  flight  of, 
421,  434,  436-438,  445,  447; 
deposition  of,  515;  impri- 
sonment of,  5sl.  See  Flight, 
Deposition,  Sentence,  etc. 
Joim  of  Bavaria,  i.  109.  See  Bavaria. 
"         "  Kbel,  I.  132. 

"         "  Leitomischel.    See  LeitomischeL 
"         "  Luxemburg,  i.  48. 
Joseph,  ii,  222. 

JosT,  Margrave  of  Moravia,  I.  144,  150, 156. 
Jubilee,  ii.  519.     See  Waldhanser. 

"        of  1350,  1, 1.5.  50. 
Judas,  i.  605,  609,  610;  no  member  of  the 

church,  I.  5S5,  588. 
Judas  and  his  Seven  Sons,  ii.  11. 
Judges   of  the  Papal   Court  appointed,  i. 

336. 
Justification  by  faith,  ii.  464,  514. 
Kapliztz,  II.  613. 
Kastikow,  II.  477. 
Kekski,  II.  523. 
Keys,  Power  of  the,  i.  269. 
Kladrub,  II.  477,  478. 
Klattau,  II.  556. 

Kleine  Seite  (Lesser  Prague),  ii.  383. 
Kniczan,  II.  473. 
Knighton,  i.  871. 
Knin,  ii.  385. 

"      Matthias  of,  i.  131. 
Knox,  John,  ii.  378. 

KOLDITZ,  II.  519. 

Konigqratz,  I.  148.    ii.  421,  496,  497,  49l> 

KONIGSBERG.  II.  591. 
KONIGSHOF,    II.  481. 

Koranda,  II.  286.    See  Coranda. 

KosKA,  II,  546. 

Kostelez,  ii,  500. 

Kozagedy,  II.  496. 

Koei-Hradek,  I.  240. 

Krasa,  John,  II.  400,  408. 

Keemsen,  II,  499. 

Kreutz,  founds  Bethlehem  Chapel,  i.  73,  761 

Krschiuesco,  Martin,  i.  215. 

Kru.man,  II.  617. 

Krussina,  Hinko,  ii,  421,  422,  474. 

KUNEWALD,  IT.  557. 

Kuttenberg,  I.  105.     II.  400,  472,  487, 4S5), 

500,  516. 
Laa,  II.  213. 
Laatowia,  II.  896. 

Labaun,  Zdenek  of,  i.  1.34,  272.    h.  825. 
Lacek  of  Krawar,  1. 170. 
Lackland,  John,  of  England,  l  57. 
Ladislaus  of  Naples,  l  90,  99,  103,  108,  111, 

115,  117, 14;?,  185,  197, 198,  201, 

208,  219,  220,  278. 
"  of  Poland,  King  of  Bohemia,  il. 

56:3,  565,  569,  572. 
Ladwt,  n.  381. 
La.mermain,  Confessor  of  Ferdinand  11.,  a. 

625. 
Lancaster,  Duke  of,  i.  66,  870. 
Lanoees,  1. 101, 120. 
Lascar,  Andrew.    See  Posen. 
"  Last  Age  of  the  Church,"  x-  69» 


644 


INDEX. 


Latzembock.  Henry  de,  i.  352-354,  386.    n. 

28 ;  he  recants,  ii.  260. 
La0f,  I.  320. 

Laufenberg,  I.  447,  449,  450. 
Launa,  II.  320,  396,  413,  478. 

LAnRENTIUS,  St.,  I.  54. 

Lavaue,  Bishop  of,  n.  61. 
Lazan,  Henry  of,  i.  240. 
League  against  Sigismttnd,  n.  404,  413. 
"       at  Prague,  ii,  416,  424. 
'•       with  Prague,  ii.  478. 
"       Catholic,  II,  604,  617,  632. 
Lebus,  Bishop  of,  i,  349,  582. 
Ledlezan,  II.  451. 
Leipbio,  II.  519,  556. 
Legate,  Papal,  to  Bohemia,  n.  409. 
Legitimacy  of  the  Papal  dignity,  i.  608,  611. 
Leitmeritz,  1. 16.    II.  478. 
LEiTOMiscnEL,  I.  176.    II.  481,  590. 
"  Nicholas  of,  i.  38. 

"  John,  Bishop  of;  i.  226,  260, 

265,  4S5,  497,  499.     IL    83, 
134,  162, 195,  491,  495. 
Leo,  Pope,  i.  247. 

"  Doctor,  I.  211. 
Leopold,  Archduke,  of  Austria,  ii.  607. 
Letter,  of  Wenzel  to  the  Cardinals,  1. 106; 
of  Huss  to,  238 ;  of  John  XXIII.  to  Wenzel, 
243  ;  of  Sbynco  to  the  Pope,  171 ;  to  "Wen- 
zel, 176  ;  of  Huss  to  Stephen  of  Dola,  258; 
from  England  to  Huss,  280,  300;  ofGer- 
son  to  Conrad,  282 ;  of  Chlum  to  Sigismund, 
853;  of  John  XXIII.  to  Sigismund,  354, 
440,  512;  of  Huss  to  priest  Martin,  316; 
from  Nuremberg,  320 ;  of  the  Bohemian 
Nobles  to  Sigismund,  889 ;  of  Paris  Uni- 
versity, 445;  of  Council  of  Constance  to 
the  Bohemians,  ii.  133;  reply  of  the  latter, 
136,  161, 162-167;  of  the  Council  to  Sigis- 
mund, 266;  of  Sigismund  to  Launa,  320; 
to  Wenzel,  822;  to  the  Bohemian  Nobles^ 
ib.  ;  Zisca's  to  Taush,  871 ;  Sigismund's 
to  Prague.  389-391 :  of  ^neas  Sylvius 
on  the  Taborites,  465;  of  Martin  V.  to  the 
King  of  Poland,  520;  of  the  Cardinal 
Legate  to  the  Bohemians,  525;  of  the  Le- 
gate to  Eugenius  IV.  531,  533,  524. 
Letters  of  Huss  in    Exile,  l  296-300;  his 

farewell  letters,  ii.  1-39. 
Leytra,  n.  569. 
Liciitenberg,  n.  515. 

LicuTENSTEiN,  GcorgG  of,  Blshop  of  Trent, 
_         II.  157. 
"  dragoons  of,  rt.  625. 

LlDERITB,  n.  27. 

Liege,  i.  109.    ii.  809.    See  John  of. 
LiNTZ,  iL  596. 
Lithuania,  ii.  354. 
LiTiTZ,  II.  556,  559. 
Little  Cousins,  ii.  519. 

LiVORNO,  L  102. 

LoBKOWiTZ,  Nicholas  of,  1. 184. 

"         Chancellor  of  Ferdinand  XL,  n. 
613. 


Loot,  Bishop  of,  ii.  47,  150.    See  Sermons 
LoiiELius,  Archbishop  of  Prague,  il  611. 
Lollards,  i.  370,  371,  628. 
Lombard,  Peter,  1. 155.    n.  10, 
LOMBAKDY,  I.  137,  346. 
LoMNiTz,  John  of,  I.  388. 
London,  i.  66. 

"       Bishop  of,  Pvobert  Clifford,  i.  873. 
n.  264. 
LORETTO,  II.  610,  616. 
LoQUi,  Martin,  u.  456,  463,  479. 
LoTiiE,  II.  561. 
Louis  of  Anjou,  1. 108, 117. 

'•      "  the  Palatinate,  i.  458. 

»      "  Bavaria,   i.  460,  462,  475,  549,  603. 
II.  66,  242. 
LuBECK,  n.  104. 

"        Bishop  of,  I.  335,  849. 
Lucas  of  Prague,  ii.  564. 
Lucca,  i.  100, 101. 
ludetz,  ii.  488. 
Lunenburg,  Henry  of,  n.  155. 
LuPAK,  n.  498. 
Lutuer,  1. 64.  II.  5S1,  632 ;  first  knowledge  of 

Huss,  I.  81 ;  on  the  treatment  of  Huss,  554; 

on  the  United  Brethren,  n.  560 ;  prints  their 

confession,  5S3;  his  letter  to  Melanchthon, 

ib. ;  declines  to  adopt  the  discipline  of  the 

Brethren,  584. 

LUTTERWORTn,  I.  63. 

Luxemburg,  Anne  of,  i.  41,  6T. 

"  John  of,  I.  48. 

LuzNicE,  II.  417. 

Lyons,  i.  91.    See  death  of  Gerson. 
Maccabees,  The,  ii.  9. 

M.ESTRICIIT,  I.  101. 

Magistrates  at  Prague ;  new  ones  elected, 
n.  376,  8S0.  448 ;  deposed,  891. 

Magna  Charta,  i.  67. 

Maimbouro,  I.  11,  535.    ii.  123. 

Malatesta,  Charles  Lord  of,  1. 193.    n.  92. 

Maldoniewitz,  Peter,  i.  478,  548,  551,  580. 
II.  27,  86,  239,  555. 

Mant,  II.  481. 

Marcus  of  Koniggratz,  1. 148, 170. 

Martin  Fernandez  of  Cordova,  n.  279. 

Martin,  Priest,  l  316.     ii.  27,  37. 

"  Preacher  at  Prague,  banished,  ii.  585. 
"  V.  See  Colonna,  n.  824,  328,  331, 
838,  339,  340, 345, 349, 352,  372, 512, 
520;  his  election,  ii.  312;  enthron- 
ing of,  818 ;  ordination  and  corona- 
tion, 314;  bull  against  Wickliff- 
Ites  and  Hussites,  327;  announces 
his  election,  835;  his  family,  336; 
anxious  to  leave  Constance,  350; 
his  allies  at  the  close  of  the  coun- 
cil, 855;  simony  of,  855;  liberal 
grant  of  Indulgences,  858 ;  leaves 
Constance,  861 ;  bull  against  the 
Bohemians,  364 ;  convokes  the 
Council  of  Sienna,  510;  urges  a 
crusade,  520;  death  of;  531. 


INDEX. 


645 


M ARTiK,  of  Tabor,  burned,  ii.  666. 
Martinitz,  II.  606,  611,  612,  614-616. 
Martyrs,  The  three  executed  at  Prague  ac- 
counted as,  II.  211. 
"         of  the  Brethren,  lu  593. 
Mass,  Pontifical,  i.  8S3. 
Masses,  a  vanity,  i.  -287,  295. 
Matthew  the  inonk,  i.  270. 
Matthias,  (see  Janow,  Knin,)  the  hermit, 
Lutheran  preacher  at  Prague, 
II.  5S2. 
"  of  Hungary,  ii.  663,  569. 

"         of  Austria,  Archduke,  ii.  605,  608, 
King  of  Bohemia,  ib,  ,*   death 
of,  617. 
Maurice  of  Pn^ue,  ii.  820.    See  Sermons. 

MAXDin-IAN  I.,  II.  569. 

II.,  II.  594,  597,  603,  626. 
Matench,  (Mentz,)  ii.  352. 

"  Archbishop  of,  i.  137,  430. 

Melanchthon,  II.  5S3,  595. 
Membeeship  of  the  church,  i.  683. 
Mendican-ib,  I.  124-12a     ii.  86,  153. 

"  bull  in  favor  of  the,  1. 124, 126, 

195. 

MlESTECZ,  IL  497. 
Miess,  il  478,  613. 
Milan,  L  103,112,116,137 

"      Archbishop  o^  ii.  21,  61. 

"       Duke  of;  II.  350. 
MiLicz,  II.  431. 

"      John,  I.  14,  18,  19-26,  27,  40,  63,  55, 
72,  74,  81. 
MiLToy,  L  294. 
Mis.viA,  II.  428,  618,  519,  522. 
Miracle,  a  pretended,  exposed,  l.  87. 
:Mi88ionaries  of  lluss,  I.  276. 
Mlazowicza,  n.  499. 
Mock  Procession,  u  213. 

MOGELN,  IL  619. 

MoLDAU,  L  49,  66.    n.  427,  430. 
Monarciiism  Ecclesiastical,  i.  368,  412,  520. 
Monasteries,  n.  363,  373,  405,  421,  422,  447, 
459,  461,  465,  518. 
"  plundered,   ii.   288,  399,  421. 

Monks,  The,  l  16,  17,  62,  161 ;  insults  to,  u 
256. 
"       reform  of,  proposed  by  the  council, 
11.  343. 
Monstrelet,  Eg.  de,  l  193. 
Montfort,  Simon  de,  u.  106. 
MoRAVLA,  I.  130,  144,  150,  367,  390.    ii.  498, 
625,  527,  541,  605,  612. 
"         heresy  in,  il  146. 
"        citation  of  heretics  in,  il  196. 
"        margrave  of.    See  Jost. 
Moravian  Church.    See  United  Brethren. 
Moravians,  il  475,  4S3. 
Moses,  il  222,  314,  4-30. 
Moslem  Invasion,  i.  96,  278,  505. 
"  Most  Holy  "  as  a  Papal  title,  l  163 
MrLOEiM,  John  of,  l  73,  74. 

MtTNICU,  IL  616. 

Munzee,  Thomas,  at  Prague,  n.  582. 
Naakuaba,  John,  il  837. 


Naples.    Bee  Ladislans,  i.  96, 100. 

Nason,  Dr.  John,  i.  332,  570,  571,  605,  608. 

IL  1.59,  175. 
Karbonnb.  See  Capitulation,  n.  129, 179, 188. 
National  feeling  in  Bohemia,  l  6. 
Navarre,  il  126,  264. 

"         college  of,  I.  126,  397. 
"         embassadors  of,  ii.  179. 
"        abandons  Benedict  XIII.,  il  185. 
Nazareth,  The  Inquisitor,  Bishop  of,  u  810, 

581. 
Necolicz,  il  451. 
Netter,  Thomas,  l  373-378. 
Neutrality,  edict  of,  in  France,  l  101. 
Nbwhauss,  il  546,  617. 
Nice,  l  431.    n.  129. 

"     Council  of,  L  589. 
Nicolas  of  Podwein,  i.  332. 

"         of  Vissehrad,  i.  322. 
NicoPOLis,  battle  of,  l  219,  278. 
Nicomedi,  The  patriarch,  il  564 
NiEM,  Thierry  de,  l  325,  337,  339,  363,  884, 
461,  525. 

NlENBERG,  L  458,  459. 

Nigra  Rosa,  church  of,  i.  70. 
Nix,  John,  ii.  664. 

Nominalists,  l  70,  282,  545,  556,  557,  559. 
IL  141. 
"  Huss  a  victim  to  the  resent- 

ment of,  L  557.    IL  76. 
Norway,  l  404. 

Nuns,  plan  for  reform  of  the,  n.  343. 
Nuremberg,  l  137, 320, 322,  .352.    n.  377, 512, 
520,  521,  539,  570. 
"  Frederic,  Burgrave  of;  L  464, 549, 

603. 
Obedience  to  authority ;  when  due,  r.  249, 
259,  236. 
"  Ecclesiastical,  Huss,  on,  i.  594 

Obstinacy,  Huss  vindicates  himself  from 

the  charge  of,  l  575.    n.  62. 
OiLEZiN,  John,  IL  456. 
Oldcastle,  Sir  Jolm,  Lord  Cobham,  l  373. 

n.330. 
Olmctz,    See  Leitomischel,  n.  491,  612. 
Olsnisch,  il  619. 

Ordinance  of  Sbynco  against  Huss,  l  142, 
Origek,  1. 165.    n.  10. 
Orleans,  Duke  of,  i.  96.    n.  94  190. 
Orphans,  The,  u.  511,  517,  523-525,  545. 
Orsini,  Paolo,  J.  143, 186. 
"       Pontanus,  n.  612. 
Ostia,  Cardinal  John  of,  i.  617,  552,  553.    n. 

7,8. 
Owenecz,  il  426. 

Oxford,  l  14,  41,  62,  93,  241,  371.    n.  216. 
"       University  of,  i.  66,  327. 
"  "  "    on  Wickliffe,  i.  62T 

"  "  "  Chancellor  of,  at  Con 

st;ince,  n.  264 
Palatine,  The  Elector,  i.  439.    See  Bavaria 

Louis  of. 
Paletz,  Stephen,  l  86,  104  182,  170,  1S4, 
203,  204  206,  203,  226,  229,  251,  257,  260, 
263,  270,  273,  275,  293,  815,  831-333,  347, 


646 


INDEX. 


858,  535,  540,  542,  555,  562,  563,  572,  591, 
601,  603,  605,  610,  623-626,  630.  ii.  3,  28- 
31,  38,  79,  175;  protestation  of,  i.  629;  In- 
terview with  lluss.  II.  12,  30 ;  articles 
from  IIuss'  reply  to  the  treatise  of,  i.  602. 
Papacy.  The,  i.  56. 

"  "    in  the  fourteenth  century,  l 

90-94. 
"  "    proposed  reform  of,  n.  342. 

"  "    in  the  fifteenth  century,  i.  97. 

"  "    revived  power  of,  ii.  603. 

Pappeniieim,  II.  619. 
Pardon,  various  kinds  of,  n.  625. 
Pakis,  I.  14,  62,  93, 101,  111,  241.    n.  204, 212, 
216. 
"      University  of,  i.  50, 104,  261,  284,  827, 

367,  455.    11.  151,  154,  302. 
"      Bishop  of,  II.  96,  97. 
Parties  in  tlie  University  of  Prague,  r.  130. 
Passack,  John,  ii.  585. 
Passau,  il  212,  607. 

"        Bean  of.  Papal  Legate,  i.  205. 
**       Bishop  of.  Archduke  Leopold,  n. 
607. 
Pater,  Priest,  i.  131. 

Patriac^h.    See  Constantinople,  Antioch. 
Paul.    See  St.  Paul. 

"      Dr.,  I.  376,  378 ;  his  "  Golden  Mirror," 

I.  377. 
"      Tower  of  St.,  i.  479. 
Paul  II.,  ii.  551,  563. 

"     IV.,  II.  603. 
Pavia,  II.  510. 

Payne,  Putcr,  the  Englishman,  n.  538,  542. 
Pkcklo,  I.  55.5. 
Peletz,  Nicholas  de,  ii.  542. 
Pelzel,  n.  600,  617,  626. 
Peniscola,  I.  195.    II.  191,  276,  338,  339. 
Perjury,  To  recant,  ii.  10. 
I'eepignan,  I.  102.     11.  129,  180. 
"  Council  of,  11.  110. 

Persecution  by  the  secular  arm,  i.  494,  592. 
II.  326. 
"  Huss  on,  I.  592. 

"  and  exile  of  the  clergy  through 

IIuss,  I.  569,  572. 
"  in  Bohemia,  ii.  333,  511,  558, 

586,  620,  623.     See  Violence, 
Bohemians,  Cruelties. 
"  impolitic,  ii.  601. 

"  advocated,  ii.  626. 

Pehvies,  Henry  de,  i.  109. 
Pessina,  ii.  626. 

Peter.   «ee  St.  Peter,  Maldoniewitz,  Dres- 
den. 
"      of  Znoyma  or  Znaym,  i.  184. 
Petit,  John,  i.  302,  605.    ii.  42, 101,  125,  263, 
265,  852. 
"      his  propositions  and  defence  of  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy,  it.  94-97;  con- 
demned,    101;      further     process 
against,  urged,  191 ;  no  conclusion 
reached,  ih. 
Pbtition  of  IIuss,  I.  203. 

"         for  the  relief  of  the  Church,  ii 
248. 


Petrarch,  r.  1,  15,  61. 

Puarisee,  The,  i.  593. 

Philargi,  Peter.    See  Alexander  V. 

PuiLip,  the  Fair  of  France,  i.  90. 

"      II,  of  Spain,  ii.  611. 
Puilippo-Maria,  of  Milan.    See  Milan. 
Picards,  II,  558,  563,  577,  592,  600. 
PiciiEL,  Burgomaster  of  Leitmeritz,  ii.  402, 
Pictured  Sermon,  i.  79. 
Pictures  not  to  be  worshipped,  ii.  210. 
Piers  Plowman,  i.  62,  370. 
PiLBEN,  I.  52,  162.      n.  377,  396,  405,  407,  451 

477,  478,  487,  513,  546. 
Pipo  of  Florence,  ii.  489. 
PiRO,  Henry  de,  i.  519.    ii.  57. 
Pisa,  i.  Ill,  127,  139,  140,  188,  238,  836,  S&% 
374,  399,  402,  410. 
"     Council  of,  139,  140. 
PiSKA  (or  Pisek),  il.  881,  406.  451,  473. 
PiSTOIA,  1. 186. 

Pius  L,  i.  4S8. 
"     II.,  II.  551,  563. 
"     IV.,  II.  596,  603. 
"     v.,  II.  603. 
Plague  of  1347,  i.  60, 186 ;  of  1424,  ii.  605, 
Plancha,  Bernard,  li.  275. 
Platina,  II.  355. 

Platter,  Philip  Fabricius,  ii.  215. 
Plato,  il  222. 
Plea  for  Huss,  l  529. 
Pleskov,  il  212. 
Plumlovisc,  II.  475. 
Plumlow.  XL  18. 

PoDiEBEAD,  George  de,  ii.  550,  555,  5C2,  569. 
Podmokly,  II.  496. 
PoGGio  Bracciolini,  I,  825.    II.  230. 

"       his  account  of  Jerome's  trial,  ii.  230- 
236. 
Poictiers,  I.  369. 
Poland,  i.  51,  96,  223,  407.     ii.  354,  520. 

"        King  of,  u.  105,  110,  148,  353,  359, 
4-76,  520,  548. 

"        Ambassador  of.    See  Voladimir. 

"        and  the  Teutonic  Knights,  il  104, 
105. 

"        The  United  Brethren  in,  il  598. 
Polish  Nation  in  the  University,  i.  135. 
Pollack,  Michael,  ii.  564. 
POLITZKA,  ir.  481. 
PoLLENTz,  John  of,  H.  519. 

POLYRENA,  II.  615. 

Pope,  power  of  the,  discussed,  l  78,  246,  268, 
339,-365,  393,  445,  448,  451,  504,  589,  590, 
603,  606,  611,  613,  61.5. 

Popular  sympathy  with  Huss,  i.  267,  292. 

Pop.ree.    See  Arras. 

Portents  in  the  fourteenth  century,  i.  59. 

PoSEN,  IL  590,  591,  598. 
"      Bishop  of,  L  418. 

Porto  Venere,  l  102. 

Portugal  represented  at  the  council,  ii.  264. 
"  King  of,  XL  831. 

Praciiatitz,  il  473. 

Praciiin,  l  43.     iL  474,  485. 

Prague,  l  49,  62,  98;  its  situation,  1,  2;  af. 
fairs  at,  129.    n.  378-404,  407, 


INDEX. 


647 


414,  42S436;  bull  of  crusade  at, 
L  2U5;  indignation  at,  3S8;  ap- 
prehension ut,  II.  414 ;  Sigis- 
mund^s  army  approaches,  420, 
425;  is  assaulted,  42S;  edict  of 
1421  at,  4S9,  4'I4;  Diet  at,  494; 
yields  to  Zisca,  503.  See  vio- 
lence. Civil  strife  at,  51" ;  depu- 
tation from,  to  Sigismund,  623 ; 
conflict  at,  545;  Lutheranism  op- 
posed at,  5s6;  persecution  at, 
5S6;  attacked  by  Ferdinand's 
army,  618. 
PKA.OITE,    town  council  of,  i.  215,  227. 

"        meeting  of  Bohemian  nobles  at, 

II.  162. 
"  University  of.  i.  1,  33,  41,  48,  50- 
53,  55.  103-105,  130,  I4V,  327,484, 
570.  II.  213,  607;  struggle  in, 
I.  8;  founded,  50,  51;  convoca- 
tion of,  70 ;  sentence  of  against 
Wicklitfe,  ih.;  troubles  in,  80; 
meeting  ot  132 ;  new  order  o^ 
133;  on  the  burning  of  the  books, 
162 ;  on  the  bull  for  the  crusade, 
206,  208,  212;  character  of  the 
members  of,  497;  on  Wickliife, 
565;  theologians  of,  ij).  ,•  Huss''s 
letter  to,  ii.  25;  sentence  of,  on 
the  death  of  Huss,  122,  123;  Je- 
rome on  the  withdrawal  of  the 
Germans,  223;  its  condition  ac- 
cording to  the  council,  206-270. 
Pbeachiso,  No  license  needed  for.  il  210, 
21S. 
"  a  duty  in  spite  of  excommunica- 

tion, L  59S,  599. 
Prbdesthtate,  the  body  o^  compose   the 

church,  L  586. 
Predestination,  l  582-605.     il  514. 
Premtsl  dynasty  i.  6. 
Pbesburg,  l  177.     n.  517,  521. 
Peesbytees  and  Bishops,  i.  64;   ordination 

of  Presbyters,  il  561. 
Pkiestly  abuses,  l  5S8.    See  Vices  of  the 
Clergy. 
"  "       Eeform  of  the  Council,  ll 

343. 
Peiests   at   Prague   required   to  continue 
their  offices,  i.  229. 
"         "         "         Salaries  of   withheld, 

1.272. 
"       Unworthy,  i.  607. 
Pbocop  of  Pilsen,  l  162. 
Pbocopics  Magnus,  il  414,  492,  498,  499,  512, 
514,  510.  518,  519,  523, 
527,  52S,  537,  533,  5:39, 
542,  545,  543. 
»  "at  the  Council  of  Basle, 

n.  537. 
•*  "        death  of,  il  546. 

PEOCOprub  Parvus,  ii.  512,  545,  546. 
PEOClTBATOBa  of  Huss,  L  167,  203,  232,  233, 
267,  502. 


Procuratoes  of  the    Council.     See   Piro, 

Scribanis. 
Prohibition  of  Huss's  preaching,  i.  150. 
Protest  of  John  XXIII.  i.  447 

"        "  Voladamir,  n.  354. 
Protestants,  (ierinan,  ii.  604. 
Protestants,  Bohemian,  their  articles  for 
religious  freedom,     il  600;  their  charter, 
607;  their  provocations,  603;  persecution 
and  suppression  of,  022-627. 
Protestant  Union,  il  604. 
Protiva,  John,  i,  73,  76,  555,  500. 
Prussia,  il  591. 
Prussians,  il  104. 
Ptaczeck,  il  550. 
Purgatory,  i.  238.    il  480. 
Puritans,  i.  64,  605. 
Quakers,  ii.  395. 
Baby,  il  4S5. 
Eaczko,  il  3S6. 
Kagusa,  Cardinal  de,  l  400. 

"        John  of,  XL  542. 
Ratisbon,  il  527. 
Ratolfcell,  I.  510-513,  520,  536. 
Racdnitz,  I.  145.     II.  514,  566. 
Eaupowa,  il  613,  615. 
Ravaillac,  il  102. 
Eavensburg,  I.  453. 
Realists.    See  Nominalists. 
Reasons  of  Huss  for  leaving  Prague,  l  239, 

297. 
Recant,  Huss  not  to  be  allowed  to,  l  623. 
Recantation  of  Huss  requlreil,  i.  553.  561, 
620;  urged,  il  10,  41,  43,  71. 
"  Form  of,  proposed,  il  7. 

"  of  Jerome,  I L  140;  distrusted, 

160 ;  Gerson  on  it.  176. 
REBtTEB  of  Ecclesiastical  corruption,  ii.  84- 

91. 
Reform,  Cause  of.  In  the  Council,  il  159, 194, 
2S1,  232,  306-311,  315,  339-344;   defeated, 
349. 
Reichembac,  il  519. 
Reiciientiial,  Ulric,  il  68. 
Reform  movement  at  Prague,  L  5.    See  HusSw 
Eegensbeeg,  II.  527. 

Remonstrance  of  the  Bohemians,  l  383. 
"  "  John  de  Chlum,  i.  395. 

"  Refutation  of  the  Eight  Doctors,"  i.  270^ 

293. 
Reiner,  l  11. 

Release  of  Hues  ordered,  i.  858,  359. 
Relics.  Contempt  for,  l  87,  256,     ii,  211. 
Reprobates  not  of  the  church,  l  534. 

Popes,  L  612. 
RUEIMS,  L  137. 

"        Archbishop  of,  l  443. 
Richard  II,,  i,  370,  372. 
EiciiENAU,  II.  506, 

Riga,  Archbishop  Wallenrod  of,  l  464,  479. 
519,  572,  030,     ii,  242,  355. 
"  "         sent  to  Spain,  il  148. 

"  "         abandons  the  Emperor,  lU 

809,  312. 


648 


INDEX. 


Egbert,  Emperor  of  Germany,  i.  103,  107, 
114,  119,  134,  1%,  221,  569.    ii.  105. 

EocHA,  John  de,  ii.  200. 

EocK  on  which  the  Church  is  built,  i.  587. 

RODOLPU.    See  S-ixony. 
"         of  Trent,  ii!  157. 

EOKYZAN,  .John  of,  I.  44,  47.    il.  538,  540, 543, 
544,  547,  550,  55:5.  555,  557,  559,  623. 

EosENiiERG,  The  Lord  of,  ii.  291,  293,  294, 
383,  418,  419,  446. 

EOMAN  ClIUROII,  1.  51. 

"      Court  opposed  to  reform,  ii.  535. 
EoME,  I.  15,  23,  24,  92,  99, 108, 143, 186, 196, 
337. 
"    Council  of,  I.  242. 
EoTTENUEKG,  Henry  of,  u.  157. 
KoscELiN,  I.  545. 

EuDOLF,  Bishop  of  Lavant,  ii.  563. 
EuDOLi-u  II.,  II.  597,  600,  603,  604,  607,  622. 
"  grants  the  demands  of  the  Prot- 

estants, II.  606. 
Euxruus,  II.  222. 
EziczAN,  Paul  of,  n.  614. 
Saatz  ii.  396,  487,  500. 
Sacekdotal  habits,  ii.  514, 
Sacrilege,  ii.  424. 

Bafe  Conduct  of  IIuss,  i.  313,  852,  386,  499- 
502,  540,  674,  576;  violation 
of  the,  834.     ii.  115. 
"  asked  for  by  Jerome,  i.  471. 

"  "         Benedict   XIII., 

II.  129. 
"  assured,  i.  399. 

Safe  Conducts,  The  council  on,  ii.  168. 

"  sent  to  Bohemia,  ii.  324. 

8t.  Augustine.    See  Augustine. 
"  Bernard.    See  Bernard. 
"  Clement's  church,  i.  560. 
"  Denis,  monk  of,  i.  116. 
"  Gregory,  i.  560,  603. 
"  Jerome,  i.  368,  497,  603.     ii.  235,  461. 
"  Joseph,   Immaculate   Conception   of,  n. 

265. 
"  Mark,  William  Philastre,  cardinal,  I.3S6, 
407,  410,  4;39,  455,  465,  466.    ii.  306,  313. 
"  Martin's  church,  i.  484. 
"  Michael's  church,  i.  167,  483. 
"  Omeu,  i.  872. 

"  Paul,  i.  368,  582,  595.   ll.  11. 
"  Peter,  i.  583. 
"  Sylvester,  i.  508. 
"  Wencelaus,  1.  570. 
Saints'  Days,  i.  289,  290. 
Salmasius,  I.  294. 
Saltzhacii,  i.  474,  477. 
Saluces,  Cardinal,  1. 117. 
Sardinia,  ii.  338. 
Sarepta.     See  Jaroslaw. 
Saeum  or  Salishury,  Robert  Hallam,  Bishop 

of.  I.  809,  375.  441.     ii.  277,  309. 
Satires,  ii.  296,  845;  repressed,  n.  299. 
Savanauola,  i.  294. 

Sawtre,  William,  priest  of  St.  Omer,  i.  372. 
Saxony,  i.  51, 135.    ii.  518,  563. 

"       Elector  of,  i.  170,  383,  384,  527. 
"       House  of  the  Duke  of,  n.  383,  428. 


Sazanna,  il  489. 

Sbynco,  Archbishop  of  Pra^e,  i.  89,  93, 103, 
104,  117,  120, 123,''l30, 131, 133, 135, 
136, 139, 141. 142, 150,  156-158,161, 
168.  555,  563,  565.  569.    ii.  203. 
"       Contempt  toward,  i.  157,  163,  166, 
171.  176,  177,  238,  255;  death  of;  i. 
177. 
Scandals  of  Hnss's  doctrine,  i.  569. 
Sciiakfhausen,  i.  437,  440,  443,  446,  447. 
Sciianow,  Baron  of,  ii.  592. 
SCHI8.M,  The  Papal,  l  56,  92,  96,  109,  223,  268, 

505. 
SciiLicK,  Caspar,  protest  of,  ii.  254. 

Count,  n.  550,  61.3,  622. 
Scholars  of  the  Age,  their  practice,  L  68. 
SciiORAND,  Ulric,  II.  69. 
ScuwAMBERG,  Bohuslaus  de,  n.  474. 

"  Baron,  ii.  573. 

Scotland,  n.  126,  264;  embassadors  of,  179. 
ScRiBANis,  John  de.  Procurator  of  the  coun- 
cil, I.  426. 
Scripture  as  authority,  i.  254,  268,  291,  295, 
498,  496,  542,  543,  650.  ii.  171, 
193,  194, 365,  462,  628. 
"  appeal  of  Huss  to,  ii.  8. 

"  "         Jerome  to,  ii.  240. 

Seal  of  the  council,  i.  447. 
See  of  Kome  declared  vacant,  1. 11^ 
Srndomir,  Consensus  of,  ii.  599. 
Seneca,  il  222. 
Senlis,  Bishop  of,  ii.  146. 
Sentence  of  deposition,  i.  511,  515-517. 
"         against  Hnss's  books,  il  57,  5^ 
"  "       Huss,  n.  59-61. 

"  "       John  Petit,  ii.  96. 

Sermons  of  Huss,  i.  81,  284-291, 330-332. 
"  before  the  council,  D'Ailly's,  i.  393; 
Ewder's,  -397;  Bishop  of  Lodi's 
n.  47, 118;  on  Jerome's  case,  243- 
250;  of  monk  of  Mayence,  il  117; 
of  Carmelite,  Doctor  of  Mont- 
pclier,  ib. ;  of  an  English  preach- 
er, 119;  of  Gerson  on  Petit  and 
the  Council.  182;  of  Tbeodorio 
of  Munster,  192;  on  the  vices  of 
the  clergy,  271 ;  of  Maurice  of 
Prague,  281  ;  of  Stephen  of 
Prague,  ib. 
Sermons  in  Memory  of  Huss,  il  292. 

"         in  reproof  of  clerical  vice,  ii.  806. 
"         of  the  Taborites.     See  Taborites. 
Sessions  of  the  Council  of  Constance.  First, 
l337;    second,  425;    third,  444  ;    fourth, 
447;   fifth,  448;  seventh,  461 ;  eighth,  464; 
ninth,  ift.,-  tenth,  465,  481 ;  eleventh,  509; 
twelfth,  .514;  thirteenth,  ii.  84;  fourteenth. 
93;  fifteenth,   45;    sixteenth,  127;  seven- 
teenth, ib.  ;   nineteenth,  140;   twentieth, 
156  ;  twenty-first,  239  ;  forty-fifth,  353. 
Sicily,  ii.  33S. 

Sienna,  L  115.  119, 186.    n.  510. 

SioiSMUND,  King  of  Hungary,  l  87, 138,  175, 

219-223;  emperor  of  Germany, 

222,  278.  803,  304,  336,  354-6, 

358,  888,  896,  401,  407,  415,  424, 


INDEX. 


649 


42T.  428,  430,  4S1,  433-436,  489- 
442,  446-449,  462,  463,  4G6,  471, 
609,  512,  520,  529,  531,  549,  554, 
672,  573,  575,  603,  605,  620,  621. 
II.  25,  26,41,45,48,  79,93,111, 
115,  125,  129,  156,  17S,  270,  295, 
30S,  311,  314,  837,  361,  377,  37S, 
382,  399,  425,  427,  430,  471,  474, 
476,  47S.  4S;?,  4S4,  503,  512,  51S, 
521,  523,  5:31,  5;36.  546,  548,  6;32. 
•  Policy  of,  I.  219,  278,  385;  elect- 
ed cmi)eror,  222;  his  character, 
ill.,  308;  reaches  Constance, 
3S2;  abandons  IIuss,  3S6;  his 
apology,  391;  enjoins  the 
Council  to  hear  IIuss,  549 ;  his 
view  of  the  case,  631 ;  his 
blush,  II.  55;  leaves  for  Spain, 
127;  gains  over  the  king  of 
Aragon,  14S;  proposes  to  re- 
turn, 179;  at  Paris,  190;  urges 
reform,  270,  282 ;  his  heresy 
insinuated,  ib. ;  humili-ated  on 
his  journey,  272 ;  rebuff  in 
England,  273;  sells  territory, 
274,  returns  to  Constance,  277  ; 
his  interference  complained 
of,  284;  letter  to  Launa,  321  ; 
to  Wenzel,  322 ;  to  Bohemian 
nobles,  ib. ;  defends  his  course 
in  regard  to  Huss,  323  ;  allow- 
ed church  revenues  in  Ger- 
many, 351 ;  wants  money,  ib.  ; 
reproaches  Martin  V.,  355; 
dissatisfied  with  the  Council, 
359;  rejected  as  King  by  Bo- 
hemia, 379;  his  succession  to 
the  throne,  387 ;  upbraids  the 
deputation  from  Prague,  388; 
imposes  conditions,  391 ;  his 
cruelties,  400;  denounced  at 
Prague,  403,  407;  opposed, 
404;  orders  the  extermination 
of  the  Ilorebites,  413;  ap- 
proaches Prague  with  his  ar- 
my, 420;  his  army  and  its  rav- 
ages, 421 -43;5;  refuses  to  com- 
promise, 437;  coronation,  438; 
gathers  an  army,  473;  is  de- 
feated, 475;  charges  against, 
4S4;  invades  Bohemia,  4S6; 
retreats,  490;  baffled  in  his 
plans,  503;  his  humiliation, 
504;  distrusted.  516,  526;  in- 
dignation of,  521 ;  abandons 
hostile  measures,  531 ;  crown- 
cd,  536  ;  death  of,  550. 

BiLESiA,  11.  4S5,  515,  556,  563,  590. 

Simon,  of  Tisnow,  i.  134,  162,  170.    ii.  325. 
"      one  of  the  Brethren,  ii.  572. 

SiMONISTS.  I.  5SS.      II.  117. 

Simony,  A  mass  against,  ii.  846-343.  SeeVicee. 

of  Martin  V.,  ii.  355. 
SrxTUS  v..  II.  603. 
Slavic  Students,  i.  135. 
Blast,  ii.  333,  396,  413, 47& 


Slaw  ATA,  ii.  611,  612,  614-616. 
Smalcald,  League  of,  li.  688. 
Small-Caps,  ii.  519. 
Smirkzic,  II.  514^ 
Smith,  Conrad,  ii.  802. 

SOUIESLAU,  II.  556l 

Socrates,  ii.  117. 

Soi)O.M,  II.  896,  456. 

SoLTOw,  Conrad,  i.  8. 

Songs,  Derisive,  i.  157, 227,  255,  262.  ii.  21T. 
"  "  Prohibited,  i.  160  175. 

Sophia,  Queen,  i.  72.    ii.  377,  379. 

SoziUM,  II.  486. 

Spain,  L   120,  520.     n.   125,   603;    abandons 
Benedict  XIII.,  185;   jealous   of 
England  at  the  Council,  263,280; 
indignant  at  Martin  V.,  345,  860. 
"      King  of,  I.  396. 

Spies  of  John  XXIII.,  i.  408,  41T. 

Spinka,  I.  137. 

Spires,  i.  313,  352.    ir.  801,  852. 

Spread  of  Bible  Knowledge,  i,  159. 

Spretten,  Paul  von  (Speratus),  ii.  5S6,  591. 

Sswiiiow,  Brzenko  de,  ii.  406. 

Sternbeso,  count  of,  n.  614;  Peter  Vci,  ii. 
385. 
"  Meeting  of  Bohemians  at,  II.  162. 

Stephen,  Bishop  of  the  Waldenses,  ii.  562. 

Steter,  II.  596. 

Stibor  of  Stiboric,  i.  170. 

Stobeus  of  Laybach,  u.  609. 

Stbaiiow,  II.  616. 

Strasbottro,  II.  588. 

Stuiilwiessenberg,  II.  600. 

Synod  at  Sleza,  ii.  598;  at  Buntzlan,  ib.  ;  at 
Xyans,  ib. ;  at  Posen,  ib.,  699 ;  at  Sendo- 
mlr,  ib.  ;  at  Ostrog,  ib. 

Tabor,  ii.  372,  416-418,  449,  452,  466,  616. 
'•       Meeting  at,  ii.  872,  873. 

Taborite  soldier.  The,  ii.  468. 

Tabobites,  II.  3S4,  394,  403^06,  427,  433,  519, 
524.  630-632. 
"  attacked,  n.  385,  406;   violence 

and  cruelties  of  the,  399 ;  character  and 
views  of  the,  434,  485,  441,  445-470;  ar- 
ticles of  the,  445,  446,  472;  fanatical  views 
of  the,  456,  457 ;  practices  of,  45S,  459,  487 ; 
described  by  .lEneas  Sylvius,  465,  466;  at 
variance  with  the  Cali.xtines,  472;  493, 
514,  517;  conciliated,  518,  528,  626;  at  the 
Council  of  Basle,  540;  dissatisfied,  615; 
defeated,  546;  disappear,  551. 

Tamerlane,  ii.  219,  279. 

Tasciiau,  ii.  527. 

Tapler  of  Vienna,'  n.  687. 

Tausch,  ii.  870,  527,  528. 

Tetzel,  \.  201. 

Teutonic  Knights,  l  96,  223.  IL  104,  109, 
858,  860 ;  sketch  of,  104. 

"The  Abo.mination  of  the  carnal  priests 
and  monks."  i.  84-86. 

Theobald,  ii.  2.39. 

TiiEODORic  of  Munster.    See  Sermons. 

Theological  faculty  at  Prague,  L  206,  229, 
264. 


650 


INDEX. 


Thiett  years'  war,  ii.  618,  G24. 

Thukn,  Count,  II.  G09,  612,  613. 

TiEFEKN.    See  Lebus. 

Tilly,  ii.  619. 

TiSNOw,  Simon  of.    See  Simon. 

Toledo,  Kules  of  the  Council  of,  I.  341. 

Tolerant  spirit  of  Huss,  i.  592. 
"  "      "  Jacobel,  n.  90. 

ToNSPRE  of  Huss  removed,  ii.  64,  65. 

ToPLiTz,  II.  424. 

Torture,  Demand  that  Jerome  should  be 
subjected  to,  n.  215;  complaint  that  he 
had  not  been  tortured,  248. 

TossENicz,  Fortress  of,  ii.  290. 

Tournament,  i.  436. 

Tours,  Aeciibisiiop  of,  ii.  184, 191, 

Teanskauk,  ii.  488. 

Translation  of  the  Bible,  Wickliffe's,  i.  62. 

Teansubstantiation,  I.  63,   131,   139,   295, 
846,  565,  556,  558, 
559. 
«  Jerome  on,  205,  20T, 

227. 

Tkautenatj,  II.  481. 

Trent,  City  and  Bishop  of,  u.  156-158. 
"       Council  of,  II.  594. 

Teialogue,  Wicliliffe's,  l  63,  Tl,  144,  201. 

Trinity,  i.  477. 

Trocznow,  John  de.    See  Zisca. 

Teuce  at  Prague,  u.  384,  385,  517. 

"     between  England  and  France,  1. 190. 

Tucap,  Matthias,  of,  i.  76. 

Turks,  The,  i.  223,  278.  ii.  147, 190, 521, 544, 
554,  570,  687,  600. 

TuRNAU,  II.  489,  590,  591. 

Tyrol,  i.  463. 

Tytiies,  merely  alms,  I.  275,  664. 

Uberlingen,  I.  382,  470.     ii.  41. 

Ullerston,  Pachard,  i.  4,  S3,  375-377. 

"  his  "  Petition  for   Church   Re- 

form," I.  375,  376.    II.  309. 

Ulm,  I.  455. 

Ulric,  II.  538,  542. 

Umbtzow,  Peter  of,  n.  289. 

Union  of  the  Church,  Plans  for  the,  i.  862, 
363.  407. 

United  Brethren,  The,  n.  552,  570,  627,  632. 
"  Persecuted,  ii.  555,  556 ;  exile 

of,  556 ;  assume  their  name,  557 ;  church 
order  of,  660;  liberal  spirit  of.  562;  "Agree- 
ment" of,  506;  false  testimony  against, 
668;  purity  of,  ib.;  prosperity  of,  570; 
procure  the  printing  of  Bibles,  ib.;  non- 
resistance  principles,  571 ;  accept  the  chal- 
lenge to  discuss,  ib, ;  persecution  of,  572 
seek  foreign  sympathy,  573 ;  send  a  depu- 
tation to  Luther,  582;  another  deputation 
of,  584 ;  brighter  prospects  of,  587 ;  influ- 
ence of,  on  Luther  and  Calvin,  588 ;  perse- 
cution of,  589  ;  exile  of,  590;  hardships  of 
592 ;  left  in  peace,  594 ;  plan  to  persecute 
them  defe.ated,  595 ;  testimony  in  their 
favor,  596;  their  Hymn-book,  Bible,  and 
Confession,  597 ;  sought  after  by  Luther- 
ans and  Calviuists,  ib.;   Synods  of,  598, 


599 ;  persecution  of,  renewed,  600 ;  peac* 
and  prosperity  of,  601 ;  persecution  of,  004; 
decree  of  banishment,  ib. ;  obtain  religious 
freedom,  605;  thanksgiving  of,  607 ;  Hymn- 
book,  626. 
Univeksals,  I.  476. 
University  of  Prague,  decides  in  favor  of 

the  Calixtines,  ii.  288. 
Universities.    See  Oxford,  Cambridge,  Cra- 
cow, Prague,  Heidelberg, 
Erfurth,  Bologna. 
"  Scholastic  license  of,  ii.  219. 

Urban  VL,  i.  92,  234. 
Uesinis,  Berthold  de,  i.  341. 

"        Cardinal  Jordan  de,  i.  339,  448.     IL 
175,  247. 
Utkaquists.    See  Calixtines. 

"  II.  394,  397,  398,  403,  436,  454, 

469. 
«  Articles  of,  ii.  437,  441-444. 

"  Political  views  of,  ii.  441. 

"  Eeligious    views    of,   ii.   469, 

470. 
"  gain  the  ascendancy  at  Prague, 

n.  493. 
Valentia,  n.  129, 186. 
Valla  Laurentius,  i.  12. 
Von  dee  Hardt,  i.  223.    ii.  296. 
Venice,  i.  103, 108, 117, 118, 137, 197,  220,  222. 

II.  570. 
Veeden,  II.  519. 
Vicar  of  Christ,  or  of  Peter,  i.  587,  591. 

VlCENZA,  I.  116. 

Vienna,  l  14, 15.    n.    151,  200,  202, 212, 216, 
291, 499, 615,  621, 569,  586,  5S7,  595, 
59C,  615,  617. 
"        university  of.  l  327. 
"        manuscript  of,  i.  506. 
Vincent  Ferrara,  i.  107.    See  Ferrara. 
Violence  of  the  Age,  il  154-166,  295. 
"        in  Bohemia,  il  33.3. 
"         at  Prague,  ii.  287,  374,  375,  381, 
883,  433,  447. 
Violent  proceedings,  i.  161,  255. 

*'  "  Huss  charged  with,  l 

568. 
ViscoNTi,  r.  137. 
Virgil,  ii.  222. 

Virgin,  ii.  610.    See  Mary,  worship  of,  303. 
Virtuous  and  vicious  men,  ii.  696. 
VisSEiiRAD,  The,  II.  379,  884,  415,  417,  420, 

421,  426,  428,  474. 
Vitus,  i.  479.    ii.  556. 
ViviERS,  Cardinal  de,  n.  45,  191. 

VffiCKLABRUCK,  II.  696. 

VoLADiMiR,  Paul  de,  II.  106, 109,  853,  854. 

"  his    "Demonstration,"    il  106- 

109. 
Von  Falkenbeeo.    See  Falkenberg. 
VoTicz,  II.  420. 
Voting  by  nations  in  the  council,  l  361,  415i 

418. 
Vrie,  Theodore  de,  l  83, 12.3,  384. 
"Walphero,  Truchsesses  of,  ii.  274. 
Waldenses,  I.  11,  40.     n.  561,  662,  573. 
Waldiiauseb,  Conrad,  i,  14-19, 25,  72.  n.  628. 


mDEX. 


G51 


Wallexrop,  .Tolin.    See  Riga. 

Wallenstein,  II.  C19,  C'20. 

W'alsciiim,  George  de,  i.  462. 

War  for  religion.     Is  it  right?  ii.  106. 

W'ARRENTRAPrE,   Albert,  rector  of  Prague 

University,  l  184,  571. 
"U'artekiiero.    See  Czenko. 
Way  of  Cession,  i.  93,  402,406,  40S-411,  416 

419-421,  423-426,  429,  432, 439, 460, 454, 461. 
Welexsky,  Luke,  l  179. 

Wels,  11.  rm. 

Wenda,  Simon,  i.  270. 

Wexzel,  a  preacher  of  the  Hussites  burned, 
II.  432. 
"       a  preacher,  beheaded,  ii.  556. 
"       King  of  IJoheiniiv  i.  4, 40,  S7,  96, 10.3, 
105,  106, 107, 12S,  130, 13.3, 130-139, 
143,  150,  100. 175, 182. 199. 202,  206^ 
219,  221, 223,  22S,  229, 260,  352,  569, 
625.     II.  35,  134,  135, 173,  213,  321, 
823,  451. 
"       chan-icter  of,   i.  136-139;   reply  to 
Zisca,  II.  173 ;  contemned,  286, 287; 
leaves  Prague,  26S,  290, 374 ;  to  be 
treated  as  a  heretic,  321 ;  opposes 
the  Hussites,  376;  death  of,  378- 
8S0. 
Wesley,  .John.  ii.  552. 
White  Hill,  Battle  of  the,  ii.  618,  621. 
WiCKLri-FE,  John,  i.  5,  41,  53,  57,  66,  77,  78, 
SO,  81,  82,  84-86,  104,  129,  131, 
141,  145-150,  1.^6.  161, 184,  203, 
241,  25S,  263,  2,^2,  .341.  342,  369- 
374,  448,  451.  544,  555,  558,  562, 
665,611,616,623.      ii.   60,   76, 
102,  150, 15:5,  196,  201,  213. 
"  Spread  of  his  doctrines  in  Bo- 

hemi.o,  i.  67 ;  condemned  in 
London,  69;  at  Prague,  70; 
condemnation  of  his  books 
objected  to  by  IIuss,  563 ; 
philosophic.-il  works  of,  568  ; 
unjust  condemnation  of.  610, 

WiETOW,  II.  212. 

WiLDUNGEN,  Ikrthold  de,  1.542. 
WiLNA.  Duke  of,  II.  212. 

WiLSNACK,  I.  87. 

Winchester,  Cardinal  of,  ii.  513. 
WiNDECK,  II.  3:57. 
WiTHOLD,  Duke,  II.  212,  492. 
WiTKOW,  iL  427, 450. 
Witt,  Bernard,  ii.  154. 

WiTTEMBEKG,  II.  581. 

"  Theologians,  n.  69T. 


WiTTEMiiERO,  Ordination,  ii.  6S2. 

WODN'IAN,  II.  451.  485. 

WoKSA.  Wok,  I,  213. 

Wolf-Bands,  ii.  519. 

Wolff,  Doctor,  i.  211. 

WoR.MS,  II.  155,  352. 

Wkan,  I.  133. 

WitiTiNos  OF  IIuss,  I.  240,  244-260,  292-295. 

Zabarella,  Cardinal  of  Florence,  i.  88, 172, 
825,  836,  340,  358,  445,  440,  455,  465,  518, 
560,  561,  564,  599,  621.  ii.  51,  52, 105,  175. 
247,  813. 

Zaciiaiu.f.,  .John,  ii.  77. 

Za(;et/,,  II.  IS. 

Zaiieua-Gallus,  Preacher  at  Prague,  ii.  585, 
587. 

Zara,  I.  220,  222. 

Zatec,  II.  413. 

Zdenek.  of  Labaun.     See  Labaun. 

Zdislaw,  of  Warteinberg.  i.  150.  157,  162. 

Zelew,  John  of,  II.  403,  407,  415;  put  to 
death,  493. 

Zeno,  II.  222. 

Ziebrak,  II.  291. 

"       Conferences  at,  I.  230,  294. 

ZiCKO,  Peter,  i.  89. 

Zitte,  Aug,  I.  42. 

Zisca,  John,  (de  Trocznow).  n.  172,  288,  332, 
879,  880,  387,  395,  897,  399,  404,  405, 
407,  413,  414,  417,  422,  427,  428,  429, 
445,  477,  487,  499,  506,  623. 
"  his  genius,  n.  870,  490,507;  letter  to 
Tausch,  871,  872;  attacks  Prague, 
874  ;  leaves  Prague,  877  ;  returns, 
882;  leaves  again,  884;  ravages  of 
his  army,  472, 473 ;  loses  some  of  Ids 
soldiers,  477;  increases  his  army,  478; 
deals  with  Martin  Loqui,  479  ;  free- 
dom of  from  fanaticism,  481 ;  loses 
his  sight,  485;  rejoins  his  army, 
486 ;  forced  to  retreat,  488 ;  called  to 
Prague,  492;  favors  Cory  but,  498; 
opposed  by  the  Cali.xtines,  494; 
leaves  Prague,  495;  defeats  the 
Calixtines,  500;  marches  against 
Prague,  j6.;  conciliates  his  soldiers, 
501 ;  enters  Prague,  503 ;  offered  the 
regency  by  Sigismund,  508;  death 
of,  505;  epitaph  of,  ib.;  character 
of,  508. 

ZreoABERo,  n.  430. 

Znoima,  il  549. 

ZcL,  Nicholas,  of  Ostrodek,  L  180t 


APPENDIX. 


NOTE  1,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  7, 1.  27.) 

The  merit  of  Huss  in  promoting  the  cause  of  Bohemian  literature  is  pre- 
eminent. On  this  subject  I  quote  the  following  from  an  article — prepared 
at  the  suggestion  of  Rev.  E.  De  Schweinetz — which  appeared  in  the  Neva 
Englander  for  Oct.,  18G4. 

"  Unquestionably  a  large  share  of  the  influence  which  he  exerted  was 
due  to  the  eflfective  use  which  he  made  of  his  native  Bohemian.  His  merits 
in  this  respect  are  now  freely  conceded.  In  all  his  Bohemian  writings  he 
paid  special  attention  to  the  language,  and  '  exerted  a  decided  and  lasting 
influence  on  it.'  To  render  the  alphabet  more  interesting  and  attractiv^e  to 
learners,  he  imitated  Cyril's  ingenious  mode  of  giving  to  each  letter  the 
name  of  some  well-known  Bohemian  word,  which  had  that  letter  for  its 
initial,  e.  g.,  H,  Hospodia,  lord ;  K,  Krai,  King.  He  wrote  a  Latin  treatise 
on  the  principles  of  Bohemian  orthography,  in  which  he  laid  down  rules 
■which  are  regarded  as  authoritative  even  at  the  present  day.  To  his  larger 
treatises  he  was  accustomed  to  prefix  a  preface,  touching  on  matters  of 
grammar  and  othography,  for  the  instruction  of  copyists,  in  whicli  he  ad- 
monished them  not  to  fall  back  into  the  old  method  of  writing.  With  a 
patriotic  zeal  he  strove  against  that  blending  of  German  and  Bohemian 
■which  had  begun  already  to  prevail  at  Prague,  and  which  threatened  to  dis- 
place both  languages  by  a  mongrel  or  patois,  which  was  an  offence  alike  to 
true  national  feeling  and  to  literary  taste.  As  a  Bohemian  writer,  therefore, 
he  cherished  the  ambition  of  a  purist,  and  endeavored  to  mould  his  native  lan- 
guage in  graceful  and  becoming  forms.  He  studied  simplicity,  precision, 
and  consistency,  not  only  in  the  structure  of  sentences,  but  in  the  structure 
of  the  alphabet  and  the  spelling  of  the  words.  The  correction  and  distri- 
bution of  the  Bfjliemian  Bible  is  said  to  have  been  his  constant  care.  He 
■was,  indeed,  as  really  a  reformer  of  Bohemian  orthography  as  of  the  Bohe- 
mian Church. 

This  is  a  most  significant  fact.  It  warrants  us  in  classing  him  with  the 
first  great  English  reformer,  Wickliffe,  whose  translation  of  the  Scriptures 
contributed  in  no  small  measure  to  give  greater  precision  to  Englisli  orthog- 
raphy, and  to  shape  the  language,  as  well  as  with  Luther,  the  publication 
of  whose  German  Bible  is  the  great  landmark  in  the  history  of  his  native 
language.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  superior  importance  of  the  labors  of 
Huss  as  a  Reformer,  we  might  still  have  been  called  to  recognize  his  merit.-? 
as  the  most  enterprising  and  practical  student  of  his  native  language,  as  the 
man  to  -whose  labors  and  critical  skill  it  is  most  deeply  indebted." 

(653) 


654  APPENDIX. 

NOTE  2,  (Vol.  I,  p.  45, 1.  29.) 

Palacky  has  carefully  gleaned  from  the  writings  of  Huss  such  fragments 
of  an  auto-biographical  character  as  they  contain.  (Documenta  Mag.  J. 
Hus,  p.  722-9.)  These  will  be  referred  to  in  other  notes.  I  give  here  only 
what  concerns  his  early  life.  However  susceptible  of  enthusiastic  admira- 
tion for  the  martyrs  he  may  have  been,  worldly  aspirations  at  first  shaped 
Iiis  aims,  and  inspired  nis  efforts.  His  desire  to  become  a  priest,  a  de-ire 
which  he  felt  as  a  boy  at  school  under  monkish  tuition,  was  cherished  in 
the  hope  that  he  might  attain  the  means  of  comfort  and  the  privileges  of 
hij^her  culture.  It  was  only  when  he  entered  upon  sacred  studies  that  he 
came  to  see  his  error,  and  to  feel  that  he  should  be  governed  by  higher  and 
purer  motives. 

Up  to  this  time  his  life  had  been  simply  worldly.  He  had  entered  into 
the  sports  of  boyhood  with  a  boyish  zest.  He  had  participated  in  those 
sacred  farces  that  form  such  a  strange  feature  of  the  age,  though  so  little 
noticed  by  historians  generally.  He  has  described  what  he  participated  in 
and  enjoyed,  when  the  populace  with  an  amusing  travesty  of  sacred  rites, 
robed  some  priest  whom  they  caught,  in  vestments  extravagantly  large, 
mounted  him  upon  an  ass,  and  with  shoiits  conducted  him  into  the  church, 
where  saluting  him  bishop,  they  waited  upon  him  in  his  mock  dignity  as 
he  ate  and  drank.  Such  proceedings  were  afterwards  reprobated  by  him, 
and  when  not  long  after  he  removed  to  Prague  they  were  prohibited  by 
the  Archbishop,  lie  approved  their  suppression. 


NOTE  3,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  5G,  1. 14.) 

"When  Huss  commenced  his  labors  as  Preacher  in  Betlilehem  Chapel 
(1399)  the  condition  of  ecclesiastical  affairs  occasioned  him  serious  reflec- 
tion. He  saw  the  need  of  popular  instruction,  a  work  almost  utterly  neg- 
lected by  the  priesthood.  Eagerly  did  they  pursue  their  worldly,  ambitious, 
and  selfish  aims.  In  one  of  his  treatises,  *  he  remarks  upon  the  extent  to 
which  secular  ofl[ices  were  filled  by  priests.  "  The  priests,"  he  says,  "do  not 
discharge  their  spiritual  office,  but  omitting  preaching,  prayers,  administra- 
tion of  the  mass  and  other  spiritual  works,  they  usurp  the  offices  of  the  laity, 
so  that  now  almost  all  the  posts  wherein  they  scent  gain,  are  filled  by  them. 
For,  lo!  the  burgrave  is  a  priest,  a  priest  is  the  judge,  a  priest  is  publican, 
a  priest  is  scribe,  and  if  the  office  of  apparitor  were  productive,  and  not  so 
abject  and  laborious,  the  priest  would  be  apparitor."  He  adds  also  the 
statement  that  belongs  to  a  later  stage  of  his  experience,  "  The  Pope 
receives  a  piece  of  gold  for  each  harlot,  of  which  class  there  are  very  many 
in  his  city." 

NOTE  4,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  71, 1.  31.) 

In  such  circumstances  Huss  from  the  first  must  have  felt  how  much  bold- 
ness and  firmness  were  necessary  to  the  free  expression  of  his  convictions 
of  the  truth.  He  confesses  that  at  times  he  was  tempted  to  keep  silence. 
"  Some  of  us,"  he  says,  "  are  weak  and  fearful,  lest  we  lose  the  praise  and 

*  Adversus  Sacerdotcm  Archimrtgirum,  Doc.  Hus,  729. 


APPENDIX.  655 

favor  of  tliis  world  ;  others  of  us  are  apprehensive  for  our  benefices,  while 
we  fear,  lest  in  defending  the  truth,  we  brinj?  upon  us  the  reproach  or  the 
inflictions  of  men."  *  This  timidity  he  afterwards  contrasted  with  the 
boldness  of  even  humble  laymen  in  expressinjr  their  convictions  of  truth 
which  they  had  learned  from  the  pulpit  or  from  the  Scriptures. 

His  own  weakness  and  failinpfs  he  freely  confesses.  On  repeated  occasions 
Le  refers  with  self-reproach  to  his  induljrence  of  a  love  for  dress.  When  he 
left  Prague  for  Constance,  he  warned  his  friend  Martin  to  beware  of  imitat- 
ing him  in  this  respect.  Doubtless  his  connection  with  the  court  as  the 
Queen's  chaplain,  had  led  him  to  pay  more  attention  to  his  personal  appear- 
ance than  otherwise  he  would  have  done.  In  other  respects,  also,  he  seems 
to  have  given  way  to  fashionable  excesses,  for  which  he  subsequently 
endured  self-reproof.  The  time  which  he  had  spent  in  games  of  chess 
became  afterward  a  subject  of  regret.  Rigidly  did  he  judge  himself.  How 
the  puritanic  cast  of  his  conscience  finds  expressions  when  he  says,  "  We 
who  have  lapsed  to  the  world,  and  yielded  to  it  our  inclinations,  cannot 
utter  our  brief  prayers,  without  daily  sin  !  We  sin  therefore  always,  as 
often  as  we  pray."  Never  had  he,  by  reason  of  infirmity,  been  perfect  in 
the  discharge  of  sacred  duties.  "  When  have  I  done  anything,  or  prayed 
'  Our  Father,'  without  fault?     Never,  surely.''f 


NOTE  5,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  77, 1.  21.) 

Huss  had  been  engaged  in  his  public  ministry  but  two  or  three  years, 
when  a  notorious  case  of  simony  came  under  his  notice.  The  Archbishop- 
rick  of  Prague  was  vacant.  There  were  numerous  candidates  for  it,  each 
aiming  to  secure  it  by  outbidding  the  others.  A  man  named  Puchnico, 
however,  secured  the  appointment,  by  paying  the  Pope  "  many  thousand 
florins  "  for  the  oflBce.  He  died,  however,  (1403)  before  entering  upon  the 
discharge  of  its  duties,  or  reaping  any  of  the  revenues  which  he  had  an- 
ticipated. Nevertheless  his  officials,  Kbel  Malesic  and  others,  were  forced 
to  advance  the  full  sum  of  money.  Nine  years  later,  on  the  death  of 
Archbishop  Sbynco,  IIuss  states  that  twenty-four  candidates,  whose  names 
he  could  mention,  aspired  to  succeed  him.  We  can  scarcely  believe  that 
the  sordid  and  unscrupulous  Albic,  who  was  the  successful  competitor,  was 
the  most  worthless  of  them  all. J 


NOTE  6,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  78, 1.  3.) 

Huss  relates,  evidently  with  a  high  relish,  an  anecdote  which  he  had  from 
the  lips  of  Nicholas  Faulfisch,  who  had  studied  at  Oxford,  and  which  illus- 
trates the  popular  appreciation  of  the  new  doctrine.  A  certain  cook,  with 
whom  Nicholas  boarded  at  Oxford,  was  once  asked  by  a  bishop,  whv,  con 
trary  to  the  prohibition,  he  read  the  Scriptures  in  the  vulgar  tongue.  He 
replied  to  the  question  by  arguments  drawn  from  Scripture.    "  Do  you 

*  De  Simonia,  Doc.  IIus,  72.3. 

+  Tractatus  dc  Precatione  Dei,  Doc.  Hus,  723, 

X  Doc.  Hus,  724. 


656  APPENDIX. 

know  ^vith  whom  you  talk  ?"  he  was  asked.  "  With  a  man  that  is  a 
bishop,"  was  the  reply.  "  But  do  you,"  the  bishop  continued,  "do  you,  a 
lay  wretch,  dare  to  contend  with  me  in  the  Scriptures  ? "  "I  know, 
indeed,"  replied  the  cook,  "  that  you  are  not  greater  than  Christ,  and  I  hope 
that  I  am  not  worse  than  the  devil.  But  now,  if  our  most  gentle  master, 
Christ,  quietly  heard  Scripture  from  the  devil  why  may  not  you  hear  it — 
you  who  are  less  than  Christ — from  me  a  man  1"  The  Bishop  is  said  to 
have  angrily  broken  oflf  the  conversation.  (Doc.  Hus,  729)  The  author  of 
this  anecdote,  has  been  mistaken  (See  p.  68,  note)  for  Jerome.  Both  had 
studied  at  Oxford. 

NOTE  7,  (Vol.  1.,  p.  78, 1.  20.) 

When  one  after  another,  who  had  studied  at  Oxford,  visited  Prague 
sometimes  with  difficulty  repressing  their  enthusiastic  admiration  of  the 
English  Reformer,  it  is  not  strange  that  Huss  should  have  been  drawn  into 
sympathy  with  them.  His  Christian  feelings  made  Wickliffe  to  him  more 
than  a  countryman.  That  feeling  breaks  forth  in  his  treatise  on  the  Deca- 
logue, where  he  says,  "  I  profess  that  if  I  know  any  stranger,  come  whence 
he  may,  virtuously  endowed,  who  loves  God  more,  and  is  more  diligently 
devoted  to  what  is  honorable,  than  my  brother,  I  shall  hold  him  in  love 
above  my  brother;  on  this  account,  good  English  priests  are  nearer  my 
heart  than  slothful  Bohemian  priests,  and  a  German  is  dearer  to  me  than  a 
wicked  brother."  Such  was  the  character  of  that  broad  Christian  fellowship 
which  at  so  early  a  period  of  his  ministry,  led  Huss  to  speak  as  warmly  as  he 
did  of  Wickliffe.     (Doc.  Hus,  724.) 

NOTE  8,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  133, 1.  3.) 

On  the  80th  of  June,  1408,  priest  Abraham  was  summoned  before  the 
Archbishop's  court.  He  was  asked  by  John  Kbel,  the  Archbishop's  official, 
by  what  authority  he  preached.  He  replied,  by  the  sacerdotal  character, 
and  in  the  second  place  by  the  authority  of  Christ.  But  "  you  have  no 
authority,"  he  was  told,  "  unless  the  Archbishop  has  granted  or  allowed  it." 
In  reply.  Priest  Abraham  maintained  that  it  was  lawful  not  only  for  priests 
but  also  for  laymen  to  preach  the  Gospel.  "  That,"  said  Kbel,  "  is  hereti- 
cal," and  he  committed  the  priest  foi-  examination  to  Jaroslaw,  Bishop  of 
Sarepta,  requiring  that  he  should  not  be  released  till  he  had  given  bonds  to 
submit  to  the  orders  of  the  Archbishop.  The  priest  declared  that  he  would 
not  give  security,  and  he  was  therefore  committed  to  prison. 

Another  offender,  John,  Priest  of  Gistebnitz,  bachelor  of  arts,  was  then 
summoned.  He  too,  was  forbidden  to  preach.  He  would  not  promise  to 
regard  the  prohibition,  but  would  deliberate  whether  he  would  or  would 
not  obey.  A  period  for  such  deliberation  was  allowed  him,  but  with  what 
result  we  find  no  record.  Priest  Abraham  was  released,  on  a  qualified  sub- 
mission, after  an  imprisonment  of  two  days. 

The  policy  of  such  prosecutions  was  highly  obnoxious  to  Huss.  It  hung 
a  sword  of  terror  over  the  head  of  every  fearless  preacher  of  the  Gospel. 
He  therefore  made  the  cause  of  these  arrested  priests,  and  doubtless  of 


APPENDIX. 


657 


others  tlircatoncd  ■with  arrest,  his  own.  The  Archbishop  had  invited  IIuss 
to  point  out  such  abuses  as  came  under  his  eye.  He  did  so  now.  Remind- 
ing the  Archbisliop  of  his  former  friendliness,  he  yet  in  a  letter  to  him,* 
expressed  his  indignant  sense  of  the  outrage  committed.  After  referring 
to  the  facts,  he  proceeds,  "  What  piety  is  there  in  prohibiting  the  preach- 
ing of  the  Gospel,  ^\  hen  Christ  charged  his  disciples  to  preach  the  Gospel 
to  every  creature.  What  sense  is  there  in  restraining  from  his  work  the 
diligent  and  faithful  laborer?  What  poor  priest  will  dare  to  assail  ini(iuity  ? 
Who  win  venture  to  arraign  vice?  Truly,  the  harvest  is  plent'ious,  but  the 
laborers  are  few  indeed."  It  seems  to  him  that  the  time  will  come,  spoken 
of  by  the  apostle,  when  men  should  turn  aside  their  ears  trom  the  truth, 
and  be  turned  to  fables,  wh6n  they  should  heap  up  to  themselves  teachers, 
having  itching  ears.  Among  the  clergy  love  had  grown  cold,  and  among 
the  people  iniquity  abounded.  All  sought  their  own  and  not  the  things  of 
Christ.  On  these  grounds  he  exhorts  the  Archbishop  to  look  about  him,  to 
discern  the  wicked  and  favor  the  good,  not  to  yield  to  the  proud  and  avari- 
cious, but  urge  the  indolent  to  labor,  nor  allow  those  who  labor  to  be 
hindered.     He  would  add  more,  but  his  labors  in  preaching  prevent. 


NOTE  9,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  142, 1.  23.) 

Palacky,  (Doc.  Hus,  153,)  gives  the  articles  of  accusation  against  Huss, 
presented  to  the  Archbishop,  in  1408,  after  the  offence  he  had  committed  in 
the  matter  of  Priest  Abraham,  and  his  letter,  more  faithful  than  soothing, 
in  which  he  remonstrated  with  the  Archbishop.  The  articles  were  drawn 
up  by  the  clergy  of  Prague.  They  complained  of  Huss  that  he  had  publicly 
asserted  that  the  priest  who  demanded  of  his  parishioners,  and  especially 
from  the  poor,  money  for  confession,  for  sacraments,  baptism,  etc.,  and 
would  not  desist  from  such  exactions,  was  a  heretic.  Ho  had,  moreover, 
defamed  the  clergy  and  praised  Wickliffe. 

Huss  replied,  supporting  his  assertions  against  clerical  simony  by  synodi- 
cal  and  canonical  decisions.  But  it  was  not  true  that  he  had  made  a  general 
charge  of  heresy  against  priests.  "  I  know  many,"  he  says,  "  whose  shoes  I 
am  not  worthy  to  bear,  and  whose  feet,  for  their  holy  conversation,  I  would 
willingly  kiss."  As  to  Wickliffe,  he  denied  having  used  the  expressions 
charged,  but  of  the  state  of  those  concerning  whom  we  do  not  know  that 
they  have  died  in  impenitence,  we  should  maintain  a  charitable  hope. 
Hence  he  had  spoken  of  the  blessedness  into  which  Wickliffe's  soul  had  en- 
tered, which  he  would  fain  enjoy.  Of  the  clergy,  he  had  said  nothing  false, 
flattering  or  ambiguous,  lie  had  followed  Scripture  in  laying  bare  their 
sins.  Christ  exposed  the  wickedness  of  the  Pharisees,  and  declared  that 
every  plant  which  his  heavenly  father  had  not  planted,  should  be  rooted  up. 
This  had  given  offence.  Christ  himself  was  accused,  and  the  disciple  could 
not  expect  to  fare  better  than  his  master,  in  preaching  the  Scriptures,  it 
was  not  he  but  the  Holy  Spirit,  Christ  or  his  apostles,  that  spoke.  As  to 
his  vindication,  he  cherished  no  revengeful  feeling.  He  would  leave  that 
to  the  Omnipotent  and  Omniscient  Judge,  subjecting  himself  to  the  Arch- 
bishop's fatherly  instruction,  correction  and  protection. 

*  Doc.  Hus,  3.    Letter  of  Huss  to  Sbynco,  July,  140S. 
42 


658  APPENDIX. 

NOTE  10,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  142, 1.  28.) 

So  the  position  of  Huss  was  popularly  understood.  But  Huss  need 
scarcely  have  admitted  it.  This  is  seen  in  a  letter  of  remonstrance  which 
Huss  addressed  the  Archbishop.  (Doc.  Hus,  5.)  Even  the  unjust  steward, 
he  said,  had  been  allowed  an  opportunity  to  reply  to  charges  against  him, 
and  give  an  account  of  his  stewardship.  Christ  would  allow  no  one  who 
wrought  miracles  in  his  name  to  be  rebuked.  If  he  had  erred,  there  was  a 
proper  correction  to  be  administered.  The  Archbishop  should  know  that 
he  had  never  intended  to  withdraw  from  obedience  to  the  church,  but  to  be 
siabject  to  every  ordinance  of  man  for  the  Lord's  sake.  Whatever,  there- 
fore, the  Roman  Pontiff,  Gregory  XII.,  or  hqly  mother  Church,  yea,  the 
Archbishop  himself  should  lawfully  command,  he  desired  to  obey  in  all 
humility.  As  to  the  strife  between  Pope  and  Anti-Pope,  he  admits  that  he 
is  neutral,  yet  only  as  a  child,  when  his  father  and  mother  quarrel,  can  take 
sides  with  neither,  while  he  will  obey  both  in  all  lawful  things.  He  closes 
his  letter  by  saying,  "  Most  dear  and  reverend  father ;  my  enemies  hurl  re- 
proaches at  me,  as  they  for  a  long  time  have  done.  It  would  be  tedious  to 
write  them,  but  it  may  suffice  if  you  discover  wrong  in  me,  that  I  willingly 
subject  myself  to  the  penalty.  But  for  God's  sake,  I  beg  you  not  to  give 
ear  to  all  my  slanderers,  and  suspend  me  from  the  office  of  preaching,  while 
you  have  full  evidence  that  1  have  not  withdrawn  from  the  obedience  of 
Gregory  XII.  ;  yea,  on  the  last  Lord's  day  I  said  publicly  from  the  pulpit, 
that  I  had  not  withdrawn  from  Pope  Gregory,  but  desire  to  obey  him  and 
the  holy  Roman  Church  in  all  lawful  things.  So  that  if  you  had  known 
this,  perhaps  you  would  not  have  represented  me  in  your  letter  as  a  leader 
in  disobedience,  setting  me  up  as  a  mark  for  the  arrow.  But  I  ought  to 
suffer  with  humility,  since  our  Saviour  says,  rejoice  and  be  exceeding  glad, 
for  great  is  your  reward  in  heaven,  which  may  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  deign 
to  bestow  upon  you." 


NOTE  11,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  144,  1.  10.) 

The  affairs  of  Huss  at  Prague  cannot  be  clearly  understood  without  a 
flclear  view  of  the  Papal  question.  Gregory  XII.,  by  his  equivocation  and 
perjury  in  refusing  to  fulfill  his  promise  to  resign  had  alienated  most  of 
the  Cardinals  who  adhered  to  him,  and  on  the  12th  of  May,  1408,  they  fled 
from  Lucca,  where  the  Pope  was  residing,  and  escaped  to  Pisa  Thence 
tlie  next  day  they  issued  their  appeal.  Two  days  after  the  appeal  of 
the  cardinals,  he  issued  a  solemn  ordinance,  sanctioning  the  foundation  and 
endowment  of  Bethlehem  Chapel.  Doubtless  he  wished  to  gratify  the 
King,  and  secure  to  his  side  the  influence  of  Huss.  But  his  scheme  failed. 
The  project  of  a  general  council,  now  Avidely  agitated  in  Europe,  was  popular 
in  Bohemia.  The  King  favored  it,  on  the  express  condition  that  his  embas- 
sariors  should  be  recognized  as  representatives  of  his  imperial  dignity. 
Gregory  XIL,  was,  of  course,  deeply  offended  at  the  step  which  seemed  to 
imply  a  rejection  of  his  claims  to  the  Papacy.  He  entered  therefore  into  a 
mut'ially  defensive  league  with  Robert,  who  had  been  elected  Emperor 
(1400)  in  place  of  Wenzel,  thus  rendering  himself  specially  obnoxious  to 
patriotic  Bohemians,  and  to  the  King  himself     Huss  now  seems  to  have 


APPENDIX.  659 

l)ecome  more  decided  in  opposinpf  Gregory.  Sbynco  therefore  specifies  him 
by  name,  in  his  prohibition,  affixed  to  the  doors  of  the  churches,  in  which  he 
forbade  all  masters  of  the  University  who  opposed  Gregory,  to  exercise 
the  priestly  office  in  his  diocese. 

From  this  Prohibition  Huss  appealed,  not  to  Gregory,  but  to  the  College 
of  Cardinals.  He  had  reason  to  anticipate  from  them  a  favorable  hearing, 
since  they  were  opposed  to  Gregory  XII.,  whom  they  had  forsaken,  and  by 
implication,  to  Sbynco,  who  adhered  to  him.  They  were  anxious  also  for  the 
support  of  the  king,  and  in  Huss  they  could  but  recognize  a  champion  of 
that  phase  of  the  policy  of  union  which  they  had  espoused. 

His  warm  friends — soon  to  become  his  opponents  and  accusers— Stephen 
Paletz  and  Stani-laus  de  Znoima  proceeded  to  Bdogna  to  maintain  his 
cause  before  the  court  to  which  he  had  appealed.  Balthasar  Cossa, — ere 
long  to  be  elevated  to  the  Pontificate  as  John  XXIIl. — was  then  the 
"  tyrant  "  of  that  city.  By  his  connivance,  if  not  procurement,  Paletz  and 
Stanislaus  were  thrown  into  prison.  Here  they  remained  for  some  time, 
before  information  of  their  condition  reached  Pragne.  On  the  eighth  of 
December,  1408,  the  University  took  steps  to  secure  their  release.  They 
wrote  (Doc.  Hus,  345)  to  the  College  of  Cardinals,  expressing  the  surprise 
and  regret  with  which  they  had  heard  of  the  arrest  of  two  of  the  most  es- 
teemed members  of  their  body,  and  of  the  violence  to  which  they  had  been 
subjected  in  being  stripped  of  their  property  and  cast  into  prison.  Most 
humbly  therefore  does  the  University  entreat  that  they  may  be  released 
and  that  their  goods  may  be  restored. 

A  similar  request  emanated  also  from  "  a  congregation  of  the  mast  ms  of 
the  Bohemian  Nation."  They  intimated  that  they  had  suffered  a  nation'  1 
wrong.  The  king  and  kingdom  were  alike  disturbed.  They  ask  that  the 
two  prisoners  may  be  released  and  allowed  to  return  to  Bohemia,  to  serve 
the  church  as  they  had  before. 

The  Cardinals  seem  to  have  been  favorably  disposed  toward  the  petition- 
ers. On  February  12th,  1409,  they  interposed  to  secure  the  release  of  Paletz 
and  Stanislaus.  To  Balthasar  Cossa,  Papal  Legate  at  Bologna,  and  Vicar 
General,  they  addressed  a  letter,  (Doc.  Hus,  303,)  requesting  him,  out  of 
respect  to  the  King  of  Bohemia  to  set  the  two  men  at  liberty.  They  were 
well  satisfied,  they  said,  of  the  King's  sincere  disposition  in  favor  of  the 
union  of  the  Church  ;  they  had  read  his  letters  and  heard  the  statement  of 
his  messenger,  John  Cardinal ,  of  Reinstein,  and  they  desired  that  their  hor-es, 
and  whatever  else  had  been  abstracted  from  them,  might  be  restored.  Let 
every  Bohemian  coming  to  Bologna  be  welcome ;  let  the  royal  messengtr 
be  provided  with  a  safe  conduct.  This  would  be  pleasing  to  the  king  and 
grateful  to  themselves.  While  affairs  were  in  this  state,  the  enemies  of 
Huss  renewed  their  accusations,  which  the  Archbishop  was  only  too  willing 
to  entertain.  They  were  now  disposed  to  be  more  specific  in  their  charges. 
He  was  accused  (Doc.  Hus,  164,)  of  saying  that  a  priest  in  mortal  sin  could 
consecrate  or  perform  the  sacramental  service.  This  he  denied,  appealing 
for  the  truth  of  his  denial  to  those  vvlio  heard  his  sermon.  He  was  accused 
of  maintaining  that  the  interdict  of  sacred  rights  was  not  justified  by  the 
detention  of  a  priest.  He  replied  that  his  language  was,  "  Suppose  one  had 
been  imprisoned  or  killed  ;  why  should  there  be  a  cessation  of  sacred  rites 
throughout  the  kingdom?"     When  a  certain  matter  had  been  urged  on  the 


6G0  APPENDIX. 

ground  that  it.  had  been  sanctioned  by  the  canons  and  canonists,  and  was 
held  by  the  Roman  Church,  he  was  said  to  have  brouo;ht  down  his  hand 
forcibly  upon  the  table,  exclaiming,  "  What  is  the  Roman  Church  ?  There 
Antichrist  has  planted  his  foot,  and  it  is  not  an  easy  thing  to  move  it."  To 
this,  riuss  answered  that  he  had  never  rejected  the  Roman  Cliurch.  He 
had  spoken  of  it  as  St.  Jerome,  Augustine  and  other  saints  had  s])oken  of  it, 
nor  coiild  Antichrist  overthrow  the  faith  of  Jesus  Christ,  specially  in  the 
Roman  Court. 

It  was  said  moreover  that  Huss  had  not  ceased  to  defame  the  clergy,  or 
alienate  their  subjects  from  obedience  and  instruction.  Huss  denied  that  hia 
preaching  had  given  just  cause  for  offence.  To  destroy  the  evil  in  our 
neighbors  was  commendable.  Well  would  it  be  for  any  one  who  by  hear- 
ing preaching  directed  against  his  own  sins,  forsakes  them,  and  thereafter 
promotes  God's  glory.  Never  had  he  sought  to  withdraw  men  from  priestly 
obedience,  but  only  to  deliver  them  from  their  evil. 

The  accusations  of  the  previous  year  were  also  in  substance  renev.'ed.  He 
was  charged  with  having  preached  before  the  Synod  his  error  concerning 
the  heresy  of  the  exactions  of  money.  To  this  he  answered,  "  If  in  the 
Synod  I  preached  anything  erroneous,  why  did  Doctor  Adam,  the  Vicar  of 
the  Archbishop,  ascending  the  pulpit  immediately  after  the  sermon,  make 
the  exhortation  he  did,  praising  the  sermon  throughout  ?  And  that  sermon 
I  presented  to  the  Archbishop  Sbynco,  who  sat  and  heard  it,  yet  neither  he, 
nor  his  officials,  nor  any  of  the  prelates  ever  uttered  a  word  to  me  against 
it."  As  to  Wickliffe,  he  still  maintained  his  charitable  opinion,  quoting  in 
his  defence  the  words,  "Judge  not.  and  ye  shall  not  be  judged." 

It  was  said  that  he  had  taught  that  no  prelate  could  excommunicate  any 
one  who  had  not  first  been  excommunicated  of  God.  "  I  said  and  still  say," 
he  replied,  "  that  a  prelate  cannot  excommunicate  any  one  so  that  the  ex- 
communication be  just,  unless  God  first  excommunicates  him.  Otherwise 
the  Prophet  would  not  say,  '  They  shall  curse,  but  thou  shall  bless/  nor 
woald  God  say,  'I  will  bless  in  your  cursings.' " 

He  was  charged  with  having  occasioned  the  quarrel  in  the  University 
between  the  Bohemians  and  Germans,  by  his  preaching.  "  I  deny  it,"  he 
replies,  "  unless  they  take  occasion  of  enmity  from  an  unwarrantable  cause. 
Then  perchance  it  is  true  ;  for  Christ  was  a  stone  of  stumbling  to  those  that 
did  not  believe — Christ,  who  knows  I  love  a  good  German  more  than  a 
wicked  Bohemian,  though  he  were  my  own  brother." 

His  preaching  it  was  said,  had  excited  tumults,  so  that  the  people  had 
gathered  before  the  Archbishop's  court  using  seditious  language,  and  that 
but  for  the  prudence  of  the  Archbishop  in  inducing  them  to  withdraw, 
mischief  would  have  been  done.  To  this  Huss  replied  that  the  accusation 
was  like  that  against  Christ,  of  stirring  up  all  Judea. 

The  enemies  of  Huss  did  not  hesitate  after  this,  publicly  to  charge  him 
with  heresy.  Among  those  who  reviled  him.  Zawiss,  the  parish  priest  of 
Prachatitz,  where  Huss  had  spent  several  of  his  early  years,  was  conspicu- 
ous. Huss  was  evidently  sensitive  to  slanders  affecting  his  reputation 
among  those  with  whom  he  had  been  intimately  associated.  He  wrote  to 
him  (Doc.  Has,  9,)  (1409)  "  The  report  has  reached  me  that  you  have  said 
expressly  that  I  am  a  heretic.  If  it  is  so,  I  beg  of  you  to  write  back  to  me, 
and  by  the  grace  of  God,  you  shall  see  that  the  faith  which  1  hold,  I  wiU 


APPENDIX.  CCl 

publicly  confess  and  defend,  not  by  dran:{ring  it  off  into  corners,  bat  in  a 
manner  becoming  a  true  Christian.  And  would  that  you  knew  yourself, 
and  how,  perhaps  for  thirty  years  or  more,  you  have  shorn  the  sheep  in 
Prachatitz,  and  where  is  your  residence?  Where  your  labor?  Where 
your  feeding  of  the  sheep  ?  Do  you  remember  the  word  of  the  Lord,  Wo  to 
pastors  who  feed  themselves,  but  not  the  sheep?  Wherein  have  you  ful- 
filled the  Gospel  of  Christ  ?  The  good  shepherd  goeth  before  the  sheep  and 
the  sheep  follow  him,  because  they  know  his  voice.  I  ask,  how  do  you  go 
before  the  sheep,  or  how  do  they  follow  or  hear  you  when  for  many  years 
they  have  rarely  a  sight  of  you  ?  The  day  will  come  in  which  you  shall 
render  an  account  of  the  sheep  and  of  your  benefices,  concerning  which  you 
read  in  your  own  laws  that  he  who  can  live  by  one,  cannot  retain  another 
without  mortal  sin.  These  things  you  ought  to  consider,  and  not  bring  the 
charge  of  heresy  against  your  neighbor.  Or,  if  you  know  him  to  be  hereti- 
cal, admonish  him  the  first  and  second  time,  according  to  the  apostle,  and 
if  he  decline  to  receive  the  admonition,  then  shun  him  as  a  heretic." 

It  was  in  vain  that  accusations  were  brought  against  IIuss.  The  Arch- 
bishop was  on  the  wrong  side.  He  could  effect  nothing  against  Huss,  and 
at  length,  in  conjunction  with  his  suffragan,  Conrad  of  Olmutz,  he  went 
over  to  Alexander  V.  The  event  was  publicly  celebrated,  Sep.  2,  1409,  by  a 
Te  Deum  in  all  the  churches  of  Prague,  ringing  of  bells,  illuminations  and 
a  procession  of  the  magistrates  of  the  city.  His  new  policy  prospered.  On 
Dec.  20,  1409,  the  Pope  wrote  to  Sbynco — as  he  wished,  and  doubtless  re- 
quested— to  proceed  against  those  who  held  or  favored  obnoxious  doctrines. 
It  was  the  signal  of  persecution. 


NOTE  12,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  149, 1.  9.) 

The  command  of  Alexander  V.,  Dec.  20,  1409,  authorizing  and  requiring 
Sbyi.co  to  proceed  against  heresy,  forbade  any  one  to  hold  or  defend  any  of 
Wickliffe's  articles  under  penalty  of  being  accounted  a  heretic,  and  dealt 
with  as  such.  The  prohibition  of  certain  churches,  was  intended  directly  to 
close  Bethlehem  ChapeL  Whoever  was  suspected  of  holding  the  obnox- 
ious doctrines,  and  refused  to  abjure  them,  was  to  be  deprived  of  his  bene- 
fice and  disqualified  from  holding  one.  Moreover,  he  should  be  entitled 
to  no  appeal,  and  the  civil  power,  if  necessary,  should  be  invoked  against 
him. 

This  bull,  which  the  friends  of  IIuss  said  *  had  been  procured  by  bribery, 
had  been  obtained  by  the  efforts  of  Sbynco  and  other  Prelates  in  Bohemia 
and  Moravia,  through  the  legatine  agency  of  Saroslaw,  a  titular  bishop.  It 
did  not  reach  Praizue  till  .March  9th,  1410.  It  was  three  montlis  later 
before  the  Archbi.shop  had  laid,  and  was  n-ady  to  fire  his  train.  On  June 
16th,  he  issued  his  mandate  which  was  to  kindle  the  conflagration.  Hq 
states  that  by  the  advice  of  his  chapter  and  several  doctors  and  nnisters  of 
theology  and  canon  law,  he  had  ordered  all  persons,  including  members  of 
the  University  of  every  grade,  who  were  possessed  of  any  of  Wickliffe's 
writings  to  surrender  them,  within  a  limited  time  for  examination.      Many 

*Huss  says  (Postillarum  II.,  112-114.  Doc.  Hus,  725.)  "Papa  Alexander  V., 
pecunia  accepta  bullam  edidit,  qua  interdixit,  ne  usquam  in  sacellis  vcrbum  del 
populo  jjredicaretur." 


QQ2  APPENDIX. 

Lad  complied  with  this  requisition.  But  several  whom  he  named,  members 
or  students  of  the  University,  in  their  own  behalf  and  that  of  those  who 
chose  to  adhere  to  them,  had  frivolously  appealed  to  the  Apostolic  see,  and 
procured  therefrom,  a  citation  for  the  Archbishop.*  The  Pope  however  had 
taken  the  cause  into  his  own  hands,  and  had  constituted  him  (the  Arch- 
bishop) delegate  j udge  in  his  stead,  by  formal  comrai.5sion.  Process  should 
be  commenced  against  those  who  had  appealed  and  who  had  refused  to  sur- 
render the  obnoxious  books,  unless  within  six  days  they  saw  fit  to  submit. 
Within  the  same  period  those  who  knew  of  persons  secretly  retaining  stch 
books  should  give  information  of  the  fact.  No  one  thenceforth  was  to 
teach,  hold  or  defend,  any  of  the  condemned  articles.  The  penalties  ot  dis- 
obedience were  such  as  had  been  specified  in  the  Papal  bull,  and  the  civil 
power  shoud  be  invoked  if  necessary,  to  enforce  them.  Preaching  to  the 
people  except  in  Cathedral,  Parish  and  other  specified  churches  was  utterly 
prohibited.  All  who  should  impede  or  obstruct  the  execution  of  the  decree 
in  any  respect,  should  be  excommunicated,  and  every  parish  priest  was 
directed  to  publish — after  six  days  had  elapsed — the  sentence  of  excommuni- 
cation against  the  offending  students,  and  their  adherents,  as  disobedient 
and  suspected  of  heresy. 

The  six  days  of  grace  had  not  elapsed,  when  a  meeting  of  the  members  of 
the  University  was  held  (June  24th,  1410.)  Recurring  to  their  dissent 
(June  15th),  already  expressed,  they  declare  that  on  no  condition  will  they 
ever  seem  to  be  participants  in  the  measure  proposed. 


NOTE  13,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  163, 1.  15.) 

According  to /the  report  of  his  enemies  theraselves,f  the  tone  of  Huss  was 
if  possible  more  resolute  than  before.  Speaking  to  the  people  in  their 
national  tongue,  he  mentioned  what  the  late  Pope  had  said  in  his  letters  to 
the  Archbishop  of  the  spread  of  heresy,  but  '  thank  God,"  said  he,  "  I  have 
never  seen  a  Bohemian  heretic."  At  this  the  people  shouted,  "  He  lies ! 
he  lies!"  |  Again  he  spoke  of  the  last  Pope,  whether  in  heaven  or  hell,  he 
knew  not,  who  on  his  parchments  had  written  that  the  .Archbishop  might 
burn  the  books  of  Wickliffe,  in  which  many  good  things  were  contained. 
Against  the  mandates  of  the  Archbishop  he  appealed,  as  he  did  now,  and 
asked  the  people,  "  Will  you  adhere  to  me  !''  He  was  answered  by  tln'  peo- 
ple, "  We  will  and  do  adhere."  He  resumed  again,  "  You  are  to  know  also 
that  which  I  have  proposed,  and  do  propose — since  I  must  either  preach  or 
be  driven  out  of  the  country,  or  die  in  prison,  for  Popes  may  and  do  lie,  but 
God  lies  not.  Deliberate  ye,  therefore,  who  will  adhere  to  me  and  fear  not 
excommunication,  for  by  rite  and  usage  of  the  church  you  have  appealed 
along  with  me." 

*  Ancient  authorities  (quoted  Doc.  Hus,  733,)  intimate  that  the  "  WicklifHtes  " 
had  procured  (Dec.  8,  1409,)  the  Archbishop  to  be  cited  to  the  Eoman  Court. 
Twelve  days  later,  however,  the  citation  was  annulled  and  Wicklilfe  was  con- 
demned as  an  hcre^iarch. 

tDoc.  Hus,  40.5. 

JHusi  corrects  this.  Doc  333.  The  exclamation  was  "  They  lie,  they  lie," 
that  is,  the  authors  of  the  story,  not  the  Pope. 


APPENDIX.  663 

NOTE  14,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  1G6, 1.  9.) 
The  decision  of  Otho  de  Colonna  was  given  at  Bologna,  Aug  25tli,  1 110. 
In  less  than  a  month  it  was  known  at  Prague.  TJie  .Vrchbishop  was  now 
resolved  to  complete  the  burning  of  the  books.  The  King  was  determined 
to  prevent  it.  He  wrote  letters  of  remonstrance  i^Sept.  13-16)  to  the  Pope 
and  Cardinals.  Other  letters  of  a  similar  tenor  were  written  by  the  Queen, 
(Doc.  Hus,  409-14.)  Several  of  the  most  distinguished  and  powerful  of  the 
Bohemian  nobility  wrote  to  the  Pope,  informing  him  of  the  confusion  and 
disturbance  which  the  Papal  bull  and  the  Archbishop's  measures  had 
already  produced.  "  Of  what  avail  will  our  chapels  in  our  castles  be,"  they 
asked,  "  where  the  word  of  God  has  often  been  preached?  or  how,  when  in 
camp,  when  we  most  of  all  need  it,  shall  we  hear  the  word  of  God?  All 
the  people  arc  wondering  that  Betlilehem  Chapel,  in  the  heart  of  Prague, 
confirmed  by  the  diocesan  and  the  Aposiolic  See.  for  the  preaching  of  the 
Divine  word,  where  so  many  thousands  may  gather,  should  be  deprived  of 
the  word  of  the  Lord."  They  asked,  to  prevent  scandal  and  distraction, 
that  the  obnoxious  sentence  might  be  set  aside,  and  the  freedom  of  the 
word  of  the  Lord  be  allowed  in  Bethlehem  Chapel. 

So  wrote  the  Barons  of  Krawar.  Those  of  Potestein,  as  well  as  the 
magistrates  of  Prague  urged  the  same  request.  The  latter  speak  of  the 
strifes  and  hatreds,  liomicides  and  conflagrations  that  had  already  taken 
place.  Emphatically  did  they  urge  that  the  word  of  God  might  be  still 
more  freely  prc^ached. 

The  King  did  not  limit  his  efforts  to  letters  to  the  Pope.  He  bade  Jerome 
Seidenberg  to  cease  his  efforts  to  secure  the  burning  of  the  books,  (Doc, 
Hus,  421,)  giving  him  to  understand  that  disobedience  would  be  attended 
by  uncomfortable  consequences.  He  checked  the  zeal  of  Sbynco,  and  deter- 
mined to  try  the  effect  of  an  embassy  to  the  Pope. 

The  King  and  Queen  both  wrote  in  behalf  of  their  "beloved  chaplain," 
praying  that  his  personal  appearance  might  be  excused.  The  King  a.'sked 
that  perpetual  silence  might  be  imposed  upon  both  the  contending  parties, 
that  the  privilege  of  Betlilehem  Chapel  might  be  confirmed,  and  that  then 
Huss  might  be  allowed  to  preach  in  peace.  Let  him  be  judged,  if  need  be, 
by  the  University,  or  any  other  competent  judge,  but  it  was  not  for  the 
good  of  the  kingdom  that  so  useful  a  man  should  hazard  his  life  among  his 
enemies.     (Doc.  IIus,  422.) 

The  Queen  the  next  day,  (Oct.  1st,  1410,)  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Pope  of  the 
same  tenor. 

To  the  Cardinal  Otho  de  Colonna,  the  King  also  wrote,  asking  that  the 
proceedings  against  Huss  might  be  annulled,  and  expressing  the  wish  that 
he  might  himself  come  to  Bohemia,  and  see  and  hear  the  aforesaid  Master. 
(Doc.  Hus,  424.)  This  letter  also  was  accompanied  by  a  similar  one  from 
the  Queen. 

This  correspondence  was  put  into  the  hands  of  John  Cardinal  and  John 
Naso  to  be  delivered  to  their  address.  >.'aso  was  charged  to  exert  liimself 
to  prevent  tin;  burning  of  the  books,  and  procure  for  Huss  release  from  his 
citation  and  liberty  to  preach.  He  was  to  hint  to  the  Pope  that  the  King 
could  manage  the  matter  himself,  but  out  of  deference  to  the  .Ajmstolic  See, 
he  sought  its  interposition. 

Nearly  two  months  intervened  before  the  conclusions  of  the  Doctors  of 


6fi4  APPENDIX. 

Bolo^a,  to  whom  the  question  of  the  burning  of  the  books  was  submitted, 
could  be  reached.  On  Nov.  25th,  a  meeting  was  called,  at  the  instance  of 
John  de  Jesenitz,  by  Thos.  de  Utino,  Dean  of  the  theological  faculty  of  the 
University,  at  which  as  many  doctors  of  the  Universities  of  Bologna,  Paris 
and  Oxford,  as  could  be  got  together,  were  convened.  They  met  at  the 
house  of  the  Cardinal  Otho  de  Colonna  to  consider  the  question  concerning 
the  burning  of  the  books.  Jaroslaw,  Bishop  of  Sarepta,  and  Dames,  a  canon 
of  Prague,  appeared  in  behalf  of  Sbynco.  Some  few  of  the  doctors  at  first 
were  inclined  to  approve  his  policy,  but  after  a  protracted  discussion,  it  was 
finally  concluded  by  all  that  Wickliffe's  books  should  in  no  wise  be  burned. 
It  would  scandalize  the  University  of  Oxford  ia  which  Wickliffe  had  been 
a  doctor  of  theology  ;  it  would  give  oflfence  to  the  University  of  Pragiie  and 
result  in  a  greater  schism  in  the  Bohemian  Kingdom.  It  would  moreover  be 
absurd,  and  opposed  to  truth,  that  Wickliffe's  books  of  logic,  philosophy, 
morals  and  theology,  in  which  many  things,  true,  good  and  useful  are  con- 
tained, should  be  taken  from  the  hands  of  students  and  scholastics. 

While  the  issue  of  the  new  appeal  was  protracted,  the  excitement  at 
Prague  became  intense.  The  mutual  exasperation  broke  out  in  derisive 
songs  and  acts  of  violence  on  both  sides.  For  some  oflfence,  Sbynco  had 
arrested  John  of  Prague,  a  member  of  the  University,  and  cast  him  into 
prison.  It  was  evidently  but  one  of  a  series  of  acts  indicative  of  his  spirit 
and  policy.  The  University  remonstrated.  They  expressed  their  surprise 
that  the  Archbishop  should  in  various  ways  (variis  modis)  encroach  upon 
the  privileges  of  the  University  which  his  predecessors  had  favored  and 
honored.  It  might  seem  that  he  wished  to  effect  its  dissolution.  They 
could  only  account  for  such  an  animosity  by  his  giving  ear  to  its  enemies. 
The  evils  that  must  follow  he  could  discern.  They  ask,  therefore,  the 
release  of  their  imprisoned  member. 

The  violence  of  the  Archbishop  was  retaliated.  The  priestly  party  which 
adhered  to  him  was  obnoxious  to  the  people.  They  were  sometimes  in- 
sulted and  plundered.  At  length,  by  the  order  of  the  King,  the  magistrates 
of  the  city  proceeded  to  lay  violent  hands  upon  some  of  the  possessions  of 
the  obnoxious  clergy.  The  Archbishop  forthwith  proceeded  to  judgment 
against  the  offenders,  mentioning  nearly  fifty  of  them  by  name,  and  threat- 
ening them  with  excommunication,  unless  the  abstracted  goods  were  re- 
stored without  delay.  But  the  threat  was  vain.  The  plundered  goods 
were  not  restored,  and  the  Archbishop  laid  the  city,  together  with  a  circle 
of  two  miles  around  it  under  interdict.  A  collision  had  coiure.  The  civil 
and  ecclesiastical  authorities  were  in  open  hostility. 

The  interdict  closed  the  churches  and  prohibited  the  performance  of  the 
sacred  rites.  Some  of  the  priests  refused  to  regard  it,  and  thus  incurred 
the  sentence  of  excommunication.  The  demand  was  loud  and  earnest  that 
the  interdict  be  removed.  It  was  said  in  behalf  of  the  Archbishop  that  he 
was  not  aware  that  the  magistrates  had  acted  by  the  King's  orders.  It 
was  argued  moreover  that  the  case  of  those  priests  who  had  disregarded 
the  interdict  must  be  referred  to  the  Pope. 

Paletz,  whom  we  now  find  at  Prague,  released  from  his  Bologna  prison, 
took  up  the  question.  Ihe  Archbishop  might  recall  his  censures,  he  said, 
the  interdict  was  null.  It  had  been  laid  in  ignorance  of  the  facts  of  the 
case.     Canonical  rules  of  laying  it,  moreover,  had  not  been  observed.     But 


APPENDIX.  665 

these  arguments  do  not  seem  to  have  convinced  the  Archbishop.  Perhaps 
it  was  politic  in  liim  to  plead  his  present  inability  to  recall  his  censures. 
Prague  was  really  divided  into  two  hostili;  camps.  The  University  could 
not  forgive  the  burning  of  the  books,  or  the  excommunication  of  some,  and 
the  impiisonment  of  others  of  its  membei's.  The  magistrates,  under  eccle- 
siastical censure  for  obeying  the  King,  were  in  sympathy  with  them,  and 
arrayed  against  both  was  the  Archbishop  and  his  clergy,  armed  with  ex- 
communication and  interdict,  and  plying  their  arts  to  secure  the  favor  and 
support  of  the  papacy. 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  when  the  sentence  of  excommunication 
against  Huss  was  published,  March  15th,  1411.  It  only  added  fuel  to  the 
flame. 

NOTE  15,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  170, 1.  10.) 

The  excommunication  of  Huss  rendered  the  imposition  of  the  interdict 
imperative.  Whether  the  previous  interdict  mentioned  in  the  preceding 
note,  had  been  removed,  is  not  clear.  The  private  feelings  of  Huss,  at  this 
juncture,  find  expression  in  a  letter,  (May  35th,  1411,  Doc.  Hus,  160,)  to  a 
friend.  He  says,  "  I  begin  for  the  first  to  be  tempted,  but  in  this  I  rejoice, 
that  for  the  gospel's  sake,  I  am  called  a  heretic  and  excommunicated."  He 
consoles  I  imself  by  recalling  the  experience  of  the  Apostles,  when,  forbid- 
den to  teach  or  preach  in  the  name  of  Jesus,  they  replied,  "  Whether  it  be 
right  in  the  sight  of  God  to  hearken  unto  you  more  than  unto  God,  judge 
ye ;  for  we  cannot  but  speak  the  things  which  we  have  seen  and  heard." 
From  the  writings  of  the  Christian  fathers  he  quotes  language  showing 
that  the  command  of  a  superior  is  to  be  preferred  to  that  of  an  inferior,  and 
that  one  may  not  cease  to  preach  at  the  dictate  of  wicked  men.  "  Relying 
upon  the.se  things,"  he  adds,  '  I  had  rather  obey  God  by  preaching,  than 
the  Pope,  the  Archbishop  and  other  satraps  who  oppose  the  command,  '  Go 
ye  into  all  the  world,  and  preach  the  Gospel  to  every  creature.'  I  have  put 
my  name  to  this  that  ye  may  know  how  to  face  the  dogs  of  the  devil." 

NOTE  16,  (Vol.  L,  p.  170,  1.  28.) 

According  to  the  Dacumenta,  p.  434-441,  it  was  on  the  3d  of  July  tliat 
the  .Archbishop  and  the  University  agreed  to  hiave  their  controversy  to  the 
King  and  Council.  Tiie  letter  which  the  Archbishop  was  to  write  to  the 
Pope  was  to  contain — besides  other  things  mentioned,  a  request  that  all 
parties  that  had  been  excommunicated,  might  be  released  from  the  sentence, 
while  it  was  agreed  on  the  part  of  the  King,  that  those  ecclesiastics  who 
had  been  driven  from  their  benefices,  should  be  restored.  The  letter  of  the 
Archbishop,  notwithstanding  the  statement  p.  171,  lines  12,  13,  was  not 
sent.  If  it  had  been  it  would  have  been  of  no  av.iil.  The  ecclesiastics  were 
not  restored  to  their  b'-nefices — so  he  complained  to  the  King,  till  the  latter, 
who  barely  tolerated  the  office,  and  hatted  the  man  who  di.scjuieted  him,  re- 
fuse'! to  hear  or  even  see  him.  Sbynco  soon  after  his  departure  irom  Prague 
(Sept  5th,  1411,)  wrote  a  letter  of  remonstrance  to  the  King,  piteous  in  its 
tone.  It  was  da'ed  at  Leitomischel,  on  the  borders  of  the  kingdom. 
Probably  Sbynco  hoped  to  be  invited  back,  but  he  wa3  disappointed. 


QQQ  APPENDIX. 

NOTE  17,  (Vol.  I.  p.  180, 1.  28.) 

Palacky  in  his  Documenta,  (p.  24,  447,  22,)  enables  us  to  fill  up  to  some 
extent  the  brief  interval  between  Huss'  triumph  in  his  conflict  with  Sbynco, 
and  the  publication  of  tlie  bull  of  crusade,  mentioned  in  ti.enext  paragraph. 
Huss'  excommunication  was  regarded  by  the  mass  of  the  citizens  as  null 
and  void.  The  canons  of  Prague  devised  a  new  plan  to  crush  him.  They 
employed  that  crafty  priest  and  slippery  specu'ator,  Michael  de  Causis.  to 
stir  up  new  disputes  and  devise  new  charges,  to  be  forwarded  to  Rome. 

It  was  at  about  this  time,  Sept.  13, 14ll,  that  Htiss  came  into  contact  with 
John  Stokes,  an  Englishm:in,  whom  he  was  to  meet  again  at  the  Council 
of  Constance.  Stokes  had  said — so  it  was  reported— that  no  one,  however 
well-disposed,  could  read  WickliSe's  books,  without  Iccoming  involved  in 
heresy.  Huss  challenged  Stokes  to  maintain  that  position  publicly.  He 
declined,  on  the  ground  that  he  had  come  simply  as  an  embassador  from 
the  Englisli  monarch  to  Sigismund,  Emperor  elect ;  but  if  IIuss  or  his  ad- 
herents would  meet  him  at  Paris,  at  the  Roman  Court,  or  at  any  reputable 
University,  where  impartiality  could  be  secured,  he  would  be  ready  to 
accept  the  challenge.  He  knew  very  well  that  Huss  would  not  follow  him 
into  the  lion's  den  for  the  luxury  of  a  di-pute. 

The  letter  of  Huss  to  the  Christian  believers  in  Pilsen  (Doc.  Hus,  24,) 
belongs  to  this  period.  He  reproves  them  for  their  growing  worldliuess 
and  manifest  backslidings.  A  report  had  just  reached  him  that  their  priests 
had  forbidden  them  to  read  the  Scriptures  in  their  native  language,  Bohe- 
mian or  German.  One  of  these  had  claimed,  before  performing  mass,  to  be 
the  Son  of  God,  but  after  it,  asserted  that  he  was  the  father  of  God  and 
Creator  of  the  divine  body,  lie  had  also  asserted  that  the  worst  priest  was 
better  than  the  best  layman,  and  no  one  had  opposed  these  errors.  It  was 
a  strong  sign  that  they  had  fallen  away  from  the  truth,  especially  on  the 
part  of  those  who  had  been  instructed  and  could  think  for  themselves.  But 
let  them  not  fear  those  who  could  only  kill  the  body.  If  Mark  wrote  his 
Gospel  in  Latin,  John  in  Greek,  Matthew  in  Hebrew,  and  Luke  in  S}-riac, 
why  should  they  suflfer  priests  to  hinder  their  reading  the  law  of  God  in 
Bohemian  or  German  1 


NOTE  IS,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  205,  1.  C.) 

A  letter  of  Huss,  which  belongs  to  this  period,  given  by  Palacky,  (Dec. 
1411,)  throws  some  light  on  the  views  and  aims  of  the  reformer.  It  is  ad- 
dressed to  the  Supreme  College  of  the  Judges  of  the  Kingdom.  In  this  let- 
ter, Huss  expresses  his  gratitude  to  the  King  for  so  arranging  matters  that 
he  might  continue  to  preach,  and  for  having  effected  his  reconciliation  with 
the  late  Archbishop.  As  to  excommunication,  he  does  not  fear  it,  yet  he 
grieves  that  on  this  account  preaching  and  v.orship  should  be  prevented. 
No  matter  how  great  his  fault,  should  the  people  on  that  account  be  de- 
prived of  their  religious  privileges  V  Karons,  nobles,  and  tlie  needy  are 
oppressed  and  driven  into  exile.  Let  this  evil  be  arrested  and  the  Word  of 
God  be  freely  preached  to  the  people.  If  any  one  chooses  to  accuse  him, 
lie  stands  ready  to  answer.  Yet  the  only  charge  against  him  had  been  that 
of  disobedience.     And  indeed  he  would  not  obey  the  Pope  nor  the  Arch- 


APPENDIX.  (5(3  J 

bishop  when  they  forbale him  to  preach.  "  You,  my  beloved  lords,"  ho  said, 
"  d  )  n-)t  objy,  a3  I  full  vvjll  kiijw.  thj  cinimanl  {riven  in  tliat  bull  of  tho 
Pose  n>\vdead,  which  they  bought  for  a  lar^e  sum,  which  forbade  the 
preachin'T  of  (iod's  word  in  chapels,  for  some  of  you  have  proachin;?  in  your 
cha;).'ls  and  dwellin^rs.  I  have  not  betaken  myself  to  the  Papal  court,  for  I 
had  my  procurators  to  act  for  me,  whom,  though  innocent,  they  cast  into 
prison,  and  wao  offl^rad  to  submit  to  the  ordeal  of  fire  against  any  one 
that  would  onvict  me  of  error."  He  leaves  them,  therefore,  to  adopt  such 
measures  as  Almighty  God  shall  deign  to  direct. 

NOTE  10,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  213,  1.20.) 

It  may  seem  strange  that  after  the  course  taken  by  the  university  in  the 
matter  of  the  burning  of  the  books,  its  voice  should  be  lieard  on  the  i-ide  of 
the  I'ope's  bull  and  against  IIuss.  But  the  main  opposition  to  him  wag 
frcmi  the  theological  faculty.  Tauglit  timidity  by  past  controversies,  and 
having  acknowledged  John  XXIII,  as  Pope,  they  found  the  King  also  in- 
disposed to  sustain  Huss.  He  doubtless  felt  that  opposition  to  him  now 
would  make  the  attempt  to  recover  the  imperial  dignity  quite  hope  ess. 

The  S3rond  meeting  of  the  university  is  spoken  of.  The  first,  not  men- 
tioned in  the  proper  place  occurred  before  Huss  opened  his  public  discussion, 
and  was  controlled  by  the  influence  of  the  masters  in  theology,  who  were 
unanimous  in  the  opinion  that  it  was  best  to  let  the  bull  of  crufade  alone. 
The  papal  authority  was  in  question,  and  the  King  had  allowed  the  publica- 
tion of  the  bull.  This  was  enough  for  them.  This  discussion,  they  thought, 
must  prove  disastrous.  They  disavowed  and  repudiated  moreover  as  an 
error,  the  opinion  that  would  identify  the  Antichrist  of  the  last  days  with 
the  Pope.  (Doc.  Hus.  449.)  They  pronounced  the  calling  in  question  of  the 
papal  bull  and  the  royal  mandate,  rebellious  and  rash.  For  themselves, 
they  were  unanimous  in  declaring  that  it  did  not  pertain  to  them  to  define 
or  judge  determinately  the  papal  letters,  and  they  appointed  two  of  their 
own  number  to  visit  the  Archbishop,  and  ask  him  to  arrest  and  prohibit 
the  proposed  discussion.  No  bachelor  of  their  faculty  should  be  allowed 
to  call  the  papal  bull  in  question. 

Of  course,  the  discussion  and  views  of  Huss.  condemned  their  course  by 
implication,  and  as  the  pe  pie  largely  sympathized  with  Huss,  the  doctors 
were  reviled.  Of  this  they  complained,  asserting  in  self-justification  that 
they  believed  as  their  fathers  believed,  and  as  Christendom  for  hundreds  of 
years  had  hold  and  believed,  that  the  Pope  may  and  can  give  plenarv  re 
mission  of  all  sins.  To  this  end  were  the  Jubilees  instituted,  and  indulgen- 
ces conferred  on  many  churches.  They  believed  also  that  the  Pope  might 
call  the  faithful  to  his  aid,  to  defend  the  Roman  city  and  church,  and  re- 
pulse his  foes  as  schismatics  and  her«>tics. 

The  Archbishop  only  half  acceded  to  the  request.  In  his  letters  he  com- 
mended  the  jireaching  not  of  the  word  of  the  life-giving  cro.ss  (crucis  vivifi, 
ca)  but  of  the  word  of  the  (Jospel.  Huss  availed  himself  of  this  fact,  and 
also  of  the  Archbishop's  injunction  that  the  people  should  not  be  taxed  in 
their  confessions.  Paletz  was  evidently  the  leading  ,«i)irit  of  the  theological 
faculty.  At  first  he  had  said,  on  tho  publication  of  the  bull,  that  it  con- 
tained palpable  errors.  Now  lie  would  not  allow  it  to  be  criticised  or  dis- 
cussed.    From  this  moment  he  and  Huss  were  irreconcilably  opposed. 


gG8  APPENDIX. 

Doubtless  at  his  instigation,  the  doctors — although  they  are  said  (Doc. 
Hus.  451.)  to  have  done  it  at  the  King's  command — drew  up,  July  10,  1412, 
a  series  of  articles  which  they  pronounced  erroneous,  seditious  or  heretical. 
They  are  said  to  have  done  it  at  the  King's  command.  The  Archbishop 
was  required  to  publish  them,  with  the  injunction  that  no  one  should  hold 
or  teach  them.  Most  were  derived  from  WickliflFe's  writings,  but  several 
were  such  as  Huss  must  maintain,  in  opposing  the  bull  of  crusade.  To 
transgress  the  injunction  was  to  incur  the  penalty  of  deprivation  of  goods. 
Many,  perhaps  most  of  the  bachelors  aud  students  dissented  from  the  doc- 
tors.   (Doc.  Hus.  724,  5.) 

They  are  credited  to  the  University,  instead  of  to  the  doctors  exclusively. 
But  they  represent  the  latter  properly. 

NOTE  20,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  224,  last  line  but  one.) 

The  charges  against  Huss,  which,  after  the  death  of  Sbyuco,  Michael  de 
Causis  had  been  employed  to  draw  up,  were  to  the  effect  (Doc.  Hus,  724,5) 
that  Huss  and  his  associates,  Jessenitz,  Ladislaus  of  Wartenberg,  James  of 
Misa,  Procopius  of  Pilsen  and  Marcus  of  Koniggratz,  were  complained  of  as 
having  drawn  away  an  infinite  number  of  men  and  women  to  their  obnox- 
ious opinions, — many  of  these  persons  being  of  great  authority.  Not  con- 
tent with  this,  they  were  trying  to  seduce  others,  and  the  Pope  was  requested 
to  pronounce  them  heretical  and  jjunishable.  He  v^as  urged  to  subject  all 
their  abettors  to  deprivation  of  benefices  and  goods.  Kings  should  be  for- 
bidden to  receive  them  in  their  lands ;  if  they  could  be  seized,  they  should 
be  punished,  while  those  of  the  opposite  party  who  had  been  cast  out, 
should  be  restored  to  their  benefices.     (Doc.  Hus.  458.) 

The  material  of  accusation  was  procured  professedly  from  Huss's  own 
lips.  Persons  went  to  Bethlehem  Chapel,  to  take  down  his  very  words. 
They  heard  him  say  (Doc.  Hus,  171)  in  an  audience  of  3,000  persons—"  If 
the  Pope  sells  benefices,  if  he  is  proud,  avaricious  and  opposed  to  Christ  in 
morals,  then  is  he  Antichrist."  As  to  the  Roman  court  he  said  he  had  been 
told  by  those  who  had  been  there,  that  it  was  the  synagogue  of  Satan. 
And  if  the  ambitious,  the  avaricious,  and  proud  are  there,  as  Bernard  says, 
writing  to  Pope  Eugene,  then  it  is  true.  They  heard  him  say  that  Pope 
Alexander  was  induced  by  citizens  of  Prague  to  draw  up  his  bull  prohibiting 
preaching,  that  no  man  ougUt  to  be  excommunicated  except  for  mortal  sin, 
that  an  unjust  excommunication  could  not  hurt  him,  or  any  innocent 
man. 

Such  words  and  others  bearing  sharply  upon  the  bull  of  Crusade  were 
gathered  n)  and  framed  into  charges  against  Huss.  They  were  forwarded 
to  Rome,  with  the  request  that  their  author  should  be  required  to  revoke 
and  abjure  them,  that  he  should  be  pronounced  a  heretic  and  heresiarch,  a 
contemner  of  apostolic  authority,  and  that  he  be  punished  according  to 
canonical  sanctions.  (Doc.  Mu^  174,  459.)  It  was  added— against  others 
as  well  as  Huss— that  the  offence  committed  had  been  aggravated  by  the 
fact  that  IIuss  had  consented  to  remain  for  more  than  two  years  under  ex- 
communication, that  he  had  contemned  the  indulgences,  and  disseminated 
his  reasons  for  it,  through  Bohemia,  Poland,  Hungary  and  Moravia.  (Doe 
IIus,  401.) 


APPENDIX. 


669 


Of  course,  when  the  new  charges  were  referred  to  Otho  de  Colonna,  the 
decision  was  not  doubtful.  The  sentence  of  excommuuication  against  Husa 
was  confirmed. 

NOTE  21,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  226, 1.  20.) 
How  had  the  sentence  against  Huss  been  so  readily  secured  ?  The  con- 
firmation of  it,  after  he  had  opposed  the  Pope's  bull,  might  have  been 
anticipated.  Huss  himself  assorts  (Doc.  Hus.  72G,)  that  the  Judges  to 
whom  the  Pope  had  committed  his  case,  were  influenced  by  bribes.  The 
Pope  persistently  refused  to  listen  to  his  advocates,  while  the  deputed 
judges,  receiving  presents  of  fine  horses,  silver  cups,  and  valuable  rings 
from  his  adversaries,  refused  to  do  him  justice.  When,  in  their  i)laces,"a 
new  commission  was  appointed,  the  same  happened.  After  the  death  of 
several  of  them,  &c.,  the  Pope  resumed  the  case  and  said  that  he  would  de- 
cide it.  "  All  of  them,"  said  he,  "  have  now  reaped  their  harvest  from  it, 
and  I  have  reaped  none."  No  wonder  he  was  eager  to  thrust  in  his  sickle. 
Audience  was  again  demanded  of  him,  but  refused,  for  he  sought,  says 
Huss,  Yellow  Knights  (gold  coin),  and  to  secure  them,  he  ordered  Huss' 
advocates  to  be  thrown  into  prison,  where  for  eighteen  months  they  re- 
mained, until,  by  the  help  of  God,  they  could  return  home.  Huss  says  that 
they  were  robbed  of  their  horses  and  207  gold  pieces. 

NOTE  22,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  228, 1.  4.) 

Anticipating  the  events  that  soon  followed  the  confirmation  of  his  sen- 
tence of  excommunication,  Huss  wrote  (June  10,  1412,)  to  the  king  of 
Poland :  "  Woe  to  me,  if  I  shall  be  silent.  For  it  is  better  for  me  to  die, 
than  not  oppose  such  wickedness,  which  would  expose  me  to  the  damnation 
of  hell." 

After  the  interdict  (Doc.  Hus.  33)  he  wrote  to  his  two  friends  Martin  and 
Nicholas,  the  last  his  colleague  in  Bethlehem  chapel,  laying  open  his 
anxieties  to  them.  He  had  meditated,  he  said  on  the  good  Shepherd's  lay- 
ing down  his  life,  and  the  hireling's  fleeing,  and  also  the  direction,  when 
they  persecute  you  in  one  city,  flee  ye  into  another.  Between  the  two,  he 
was  at  a  loss  what  to  determine.  He  falls  back,  however,  on  Augustine's 
sentence,  that  he  obeys  Christ  who  flees  only  when  the  ministry  which  the 
church  needs  shall  not  cease  by  his  flight.  He  would  not  flee  to  rob  the 
flock  of  food,  but  he  would  not  forbid  them  following  better  counsel  if  they 
could  find  it ;  only  pray  God  that  holy  and  prudent  men  may  not  desert 
the  churches.  Would  they  acquiesce  in  Augustine's  counsel  ?  His  own 
conscience  urged  him  not  to  afi'ord  scandal  by  his  absence.  Yet  he  scrupled 
lest  his  presence,  leading  to  the  enforcement  of  the  interdict,  should  become 
the  occasion  for  suppressing  sacred  rites.  His  final  refuge  is  to  pray  to  Al- 
mighty God  to  direct  him.  Palacky,  in  his  History  of  Bohemia,  says  that 
Huss  left  Prague  at  the  special  request  of  the  king. 

NOTE  23,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  230,  1.  18.) 

According  to  Palacky  (Doc.  Hus.  12,)  to  whose  judgment  I  defer,  this  let- 
ter  from  England  was  w.itten  in  1410,  instead  of  1412,  as  stated  in  the  text. 
Huss  in  his  reply  to  it,  says  that  he  had  read  it  to  an  audience,  as  he  judged. 


670  APPENDIX. 

of  nearly  10,000  people.  This  may  not  appear  so  strange,  when  we  know 
that  his  enemies  complained  that  he  uttered  his  objectionable  doctrines  la 
the  hearing  of  from  3,000  to  5,000  persons.  The  reading  of  the  letter  he 
prefaced  by  saying,  "  Lo  !  my  beloved  brethren,  great  .is  the  anxiety  which 
the  most  faithful  preachers  of  Christ  in  foreign  parts  feel  for  your  salvation 
since  they  long  to  pour  out  their  whole  hearts  for  us,  if  they  may  keep  us 
in  the  law  of  our  Master,  Christ."  He  subjoined,  "  Behold  our  most  dear 
brother  Richard,  an  associate  of  John  Wickliffe  in  the  labors  of  the  Gospel, 
has  written  you  a  letter  so  comforting  that  if  I  had  no  other  Scripture,  I 
ought  to  expose  myself  even  to  death  for  the  Gospel  of  Christ,  and  by  the 
help  of  our  Master,  Jesus  Christ,  I  am  willing  to  do  it."  He  adds,  "The 
Christian  believers  were  so  animated  by  that  letter  that  they  begged  me  to 
translate  it  into  our  own  language." 

Other  portions  of  this  letter  to  the  English  "  associate  "  of  Wickliffe,  are 
worthy  of  notice.  "  It  only  remains,"  says  Huss,  "  that  I  beg  and  beg  again 
the  help  of  your  prayers,  and  render  thanks  that  from  blessed  England,  so 
great  benefits,  through  the  help  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  have  been  re- 
ceived by  Bohemia.  .  .  .  For  so  thoroughly  had  the  enemy  of  men  sown 
tares  in  our  kingdom,  that  scarcely  and  rarely  was  a  grain  of  wheat  to  be 
seen.  .  .  .  But  now,  the  people  that  walked  in  darkness  have  seen  the 
great  light  of  Jesus  Christ  .  .  which  the  people,  barons,  knights,  counts 
and  common  peasants  most  eagerly  receive.  Which  if  your  holy  commun- 
ity of  England  should  see,  it  would  break  forth  with  exultation  of  heart. 
Be  assured,  my  most  beloved  brother,  that  the  people  will  only  listen  to  the 
Sacred  Scriptures,  especially  the  Gospels  and  the  Epistles.  And  wherever, 
in  city  or  town,  a  preacher  of  the  holy  truth  appears,  the  people  flock  to 
him  in  crowds,  holding  the  indifferent  clergy  in  contempt.  Whence  it  is 
that  Satan  has  risen  up,  because  already  the  tail  of  Behemoth  is  disturbed, 
and  it  remains  that  the  Lord  Jesus  crush  his  head.  Lo  !  I  have  touched 
his  tail  gently  and  he  has  opened  his  mouth,  and  would  swallow  me  up 
equally  with  my  brethren.  Now  he  raves,  and  now  with  falsehood  makes 
the  charge  of  heresy  ;  now  he  soothes,  now  he  enlarges  the  flame  of  cen- 
sure ;  he  flings  abroad  the  fire-brand  of  horrid  fulmination  in  the  dioceses 
of  neighboring  lands,  and  at  home  dares  not  touch  my  head,  for  his  hour 
has  not  yet  come,  since  the  Lord  has  not  yet  by  me  and  my  brethren, 
plucked  out  of  his  mouth  those  whom  he  hath  chosen  beforehand  to  the 
life  of  glory.  Whereupon  he  will  give  boldness  to  those  who  preach  the 
Gospel.  Greatly  have  I  rejoiced,  and  so  do  we  all  who  love  the  Gospel,  that 
your  charity  has  kindly  manifested  itself  to  us  in  giving  us  cheering  inform- 
ation. Our  royal  master,  all  his  court,  the  queen,  the  barons  and  the  com- 
mon people  are  on  the  side  of  the  word  of  Jesus  Christ.  The  church  of 
Christ  from  Bohemia  salutes  the  church  of  Christ  in  England,  desiring  to 
be  a  partaker  of  the  holy  confession  of  faith,  in  the  grace  of  our  Lord  Jesus. 
The  glorious  Lord  be  your  reward,  that  amid  so  great  labors,  you  have  set 
examiDles  before  us  in  our  need.  To  you  be  the  peace  which  passeth  all 
understanding." 

NOTE  24,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  239, 1.  27.) 

During  his  absence  from  Prague,  Huss  wrote  repeatedly,  (Doc.  Hus  34, 
51,)  in  words  of  counsel  or  comfort  to  his  friends.  "  Stand  firmly,"  he  says, 
"  in  the  truth  which  ye  have  learned,  and  do  all  that  ye  do  as  the  Sons  of 


APPENDIX.  6Y1 

God."  He  bade  them  observe  Christ's  example,  and  remember  that  the 
eetvant  is  not  above  his  lord.  He  had  heard  t)t"  the  assaults  made  by  their 
enemies  upon  churches  and  chapels,  and  of  tlie  threats  of  violence  against 
Bethlehem  chapel.  Such  violence  should  not  be  allowed.  It  would,  he 
said,  be  a  national  disgrace  ;  to  themselves,  a  shame  and  wrong.  They 
■would  not,  he  was  confident,  succeed  in  their  plans.  God  would  send  hawks 
and  eagles,  instead  of  one  poor  goose,  (Huss,)  whom  they  had  atti'm))teti  to 
snare  in  their  citations  and  anathemas.  Ho  asks  their  prayers  for  himself, 
that  he  may  write  and  preach  more  fully  against  the  wickedness  of  Anti- 
christ and  be  strengthened  by  God  to  defend  his  truth. 

He  speaks  of  his  itinerant  preaching  as  an  imitation  of  Christ,  yet  he 
addn,  '•  Jesus  went  preaching  on  foot ;  he  was  not  borne  proudly  in  a 
chai  lot,  as  priests  at  this  day  are  borne.  I  too,  alas  !  am  borne  in  a  chariot, 
and  I  reproach  myself  for  this  luxury,  because  I  do  not  go  to  preach  on  foot, 
as  my  Redeemer  was  wont  to  do,  and  I  do  not  know  whether  it  will  be  a 
sufficient  excuse  that  in  these  distant  places  I  could  not  travel  so  expedi- 
tiously on  foot." 


NOTE  25,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  257, 1.  31.) 

Stephen  of  Dola  was  Stephen  Paletz.  This  fact  I  had  su.spected,  but 
at  the  time  my  previous  edition  was  published,  I  was  unable  to  verify  it. 
It  might,  however,  have  been  presumed  from  the  fact  that  the  only 
"  Stephen  "  with  whom  Huss  appears  to  have  been  engaged  in  controversy, 
or  who  is  prominently  brought  to  view,  either  in  his  treatise,  or  the  history 
of  the  time,  is  Stephen  Paletz.  The  first  attack  on  Huss  was  under  cover 
of  a  refutation  of  WicklifFe  (Anti-Wiclefus.)  Subsequently,  doubtless  in 
1413,  Anti  Hussus  was  written.  Both  treatises  are  found  in  Mart.  Anccd., 
Vol.  IV.  They  indicate  vigor  of  intellect,  but  great  rancor  of  feeling.  Of 
course  Anti-Hussus  was  written  subsequent  to  the  proceedings,  mentioned 
in  the  following  note,  which  show  how  Paletz,  with  his  great  antagonist, 
was  driven  out  of  Prague.  On  his  trial,  when  cliarged  Avith  having  written 
against  Paletz,  he  admits  it  and  says,  "  I  pray  for  God's  sake,  that  it  may 
be  read  in  the  public  audience  of  the  Council."  He  professed  his  willing- 
ness to  subject  any  error  it  might  contain  to  their  judgment.  He  makes 
the  same  replj'  in  substance  to  the  charge  of  liaving  written  a  book  against 
Stanislaus,  (Doc.  Hus.  222.) 


NOTE  26,  C^^ol.  I.,  p.  272,  1.  5.) 

As  the  troubles  continued  after  Huss  had  left  Prague,  the  king  determined 
to  refer  the  subject — as  stated,  Vol.  I.,  p.  2G2 — to  a  national  council.  Con- 
rad of  Olmutz  was  fulministrator  of  the  archiepiscopal  office,  although  he 
•was  not  formally  archbishop  till  July  17, 1413.  He  was  directed  to  summon 
a  meeting  of  the  clergy  (Feb.  2,  1413,)  v.iule  the  king  took  care  to  convoke 
an  assembl}^  of  laymen.  It  is  not  probable  that  the  two  parlies  united  in 
their  deliberations,  yet  they  evidently  harmonized  in  their  conclusions. 

The  several  parties  in  the  council  presented  their  views,  or  "  counsels." 
The  "  counsel  "  of  the  theological  doctors  was  controverted  by  the  masters 


672  APPENDIX. 

of  Prague.  At  one  of  their  sittings,  tlieir  counsel  (Doc.  Hus.  495)  was  read ; 
they  pronounced  the  assertion  that  the  Pope  was  to  be  obeyed  in  all  things 
— as  asserted  by  the  doctors — notoriously  false.  Many  Popes  had  been 
heretical.  Some  had  retracted  their  own  bulls.  The  course  of  the  French, 
in  withdrawing  obedience  from  both  Popes,  had  been  approved  by  the 
Council  of  Pisa.  To  make  the  processes  against  Huss  valid  one  must  justi- 
fy Pilate  in  condemning  Christ,  for  the  High  Priest  favored  it.  To  say  that 
the  clergy  could  not  judge  whether  Huss'  excommunication  was  just  or  un- 
just was  to  take  reason  away,  and  where  would  be  the  use  of  doctors  of 
laws  to  explain  and  interpret  the  Papal  decrees? 

One  of  the  "  Doctors  "  was  peculiarly  vulnerable,  and  the  masters  had  an 
arrow  for  him.  Who  are  the  '  pestiferous  clergy  ?"  they  ask.  Are  they 
Simonists,  or  is  Stanislaus  one  of  them,  who  has  received  the  venerable 
sacrament,  and  erred  in  dogmatizing  upon  it  more  gravely  than  any  ? 

But  the  king  was  resolved  to  effect  a  compromise  of  some  kind,  and  the 
current  of  opinion  and  feeling  was  against  the  doctors.  Week  after  week 
passed  before  the  king  appointed  the  commission  (Vol.  I.,  p.  272)  to  whom 
the  matter  was  referred.  Paletz  foresaw  the  issue.  He  learned  that  he  and 
his  friends  would  be  required  to  certify  that  there  was  no  heretic  to  be  found 
in  Bohemia.  Unless  they  would  certify  to  this  effect,  banishment  was  in- 
evitable. Paletz  writes  his  various  and  extended  complaints  to  his  fellow 
doctors  (Doc.  Hus,  507,)  in  which  he  gives  us  a  picture  of  the  strife  caused 
by  the  "  counsels  "  and  a  statement  of  the  penalty  which  he  and  his  party 
would  incur,  if  they  still  held  out.  He  advises  his  friends  to  enter  into  no 
conference  lest  they  should  be  entrapped.  He  urges  them  rather  to  with- 
draw and  abscond,  before  they  could  be  summoned.  This  letter  is  dated, 
on  Palacky's  authority,  April,  1413. 

Four  of  the  doctors,  who  refused  to  submit,  were  banished,  and  the 
authorities  of  the  university  were  directed  to  appoint  men  to  fill  their  vacant 
posts.  Apprehension  of  a  fate  like  that  of  the  doctors,  or  of  a  loss  of  their 
benefices,  silenced  now  for  a  time  the  troubles  at  Prague. 

After  the  decision  had  been  pronounced,  Huss  wrote  (Doc.  Hus.  55,)  to  his 
friend  Christiann  of  Prachatitz,  rector  of  the  university,  reviewing  the 
"  Counsel  "  of  the  doctors.  He  would  sooner  face  the  flames,  he  said,  than 
accept  it.  Of  Paletz  and  Stanislaus,  who  had  once  stood  by  his  side,  and 
confessed  the  truth,  who  had  indeed  been  his  advocates,  he  spoke  sharply. 
He  could  not  but  account  them  traitors  to  their  convictions.  Then  he  adds, 
"  Let  the  world  speed  as  God  shall  permit  it,  it  is  better  to  die  well  than  to 
live  ill.  We  are  not  to  be  driven  to  sin  by  the  penalty  of  death.  To  end 
the  present  life  graciously  is  to  go  forth  from  misery.  Whoso  increases 
knowle'dge,  increases  labor.  He  who  speaks  the  truth,  thumps  his  own 
head.  He  who  fears  death,  loses  the  joys  of  life.  Over  all  things,  truth  is 
victor.  He  conquers  who  is  slain,  for  no  adversity  can  hurt  him,  if  no 
iniquity  masters  him."  By  such  truths  as  these,  was  his  own  spirit  refreshed 
and  strengthened. 

He  turns  again  to  the  doctors.  They  forsooth  claim  that  they  cannot 
violate  their  consciences,  yet  he  says,  "  You  know  how  Paletz  spoke  before 
you  in  your  house,  and  I  know  assuredly  what  Stanislaus  held  and  wrote 
out  concerning  the  bread  remaining  (in  the  sacrament.)  He  asked  if  I 
would  hold  the  same  with  him,  yet  he  afterward  abjured,  and  two  yeara 


APPENDIX 


673 


later  wlion  Stickna  came  with  his  treatise,  when  he  feared  the  archbishop, 
and  could  discover  no  subterfuge,  lie  said  with  an  oaih  that  he  Avas  not  the 
author  of  the  treatise.  .  .  How  then  can  I  choose  to  believe  that  they 
would  not  act  afjainst  their  conscience?  And  shall  they  on  the  grounds  of 
conscience  call  us  infidels,  perfidious  and  erring  and  accursed  clergy  ?"  He 
concludes  with  the  remark,  "  I  suppose  I  sinned  in  laying  down  preaching 
at  the  will  of  the  King,  and  so  I  am  now  unwilling  to  sin  thus." 


NOTE  27,  [Vol.  I.,  p.  284, 1.  2.) 

The  correspondence  between  Gerson  and  Archbishop  Conrad  of  Prague, 
indicating  no  great  zeal  on  the  part  of  the  latter,  is  given  in  the  Bocumenta 
523-7.  Gerson  especially  objects  to  the  Wicklifie  doctrine  of  dominion 
founded  in  grace.     He  had  private  as  well  as  public  reasons  for  it. 


NOTE  28,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  297, 1.  22.) 

A  somewhat  memorable  letter  of  Huss  belongs  to  this  date— probably  the 
midsummer  of  1413.  (Doc.  Hus.  55.)  It  is  directed  to  Christiaun  Pracha- 
titz,  then  rector  of  the  University.  In  it  he  criticises  the  "  Counsel  "  of  the 
Doctors.  "  I  would  not  accept  it,"  he  says,  "  the  Master,  Christ,  helping 
me,  though  I  were  brought  face  to  face  with  the  flames.  And  I  hope  that 
death  will  send  me  or  the  two  perverts  from  the  truth,  to  heaven  or  to  hell, 
sooner  than  1  shall  give  my  assent  to  their  opinion.  For  I  have  known 
both  that  heretofore  they  indeed  confessed  the  truth  according  to  the  law 
of  Christ,  but  smitten  by  fear,  they  were  converted  to  flattery  of  the  Pop*;, 
and  to  falsehood.  And  Paletz  calls  us  Wickliffites,  as  though  in  the  entire 
faith  of  Christianity,  we  had  deviated  ;  and  Stanislaus  calls  us  infidels,  fore- 
sworn, mad,  and  a  cursed  clergy.  But  these  things  I  would  not  notice, 
provided  they  did  not  strengthen  Antichrist  in  his  malice.  But  I  hope  by 
the  grace  of  God,  if  it  shall  be  fitting,  that  I  shall  stand  firm  against  them, 
even  to  being  burned  with  fire.  And  if  I  cannot  throughout  secure  free- 
dom for  the  truth,  I  am  at  least  unwilling  to  be  the  enemy  of  the  truth.  .  . 

For  the  Apostle  Peter  says,  Who  is  there  can  harm 

you  if  ye  zealously  pursue  that  which  is  good  ?  Ye  are  happy  when  men 
shall  curse  you,  says  the  truth.  Think  it  all  joy,  brethren,  when  ye  .ihall  fall 
into  various  temptations.  Happy  is  the  man  who  endureth  temptation,  for 
when  ho  shall  ha\c  been  tried,  he  shall  receive  the  crown  of  life.  These 
things  are  my  support  and  confidence,  by  which  my  spirit  is  refreshed  and 
made  strong  against  all  opposers  of  the  truth.  And  those  doctors  (forsooth) 
of  whom  yon  speak,  are  unwilling  to  act  against  their  conscience.  You 
know  how  Paletz  spoke  before,  in  your  house.  And  I  know  assuredly  what 
Stanislaus  held  and  wrote  out  distinctly  concerning  the  bread  remaining 
(in  the  Sacrament.)  And  he  asked  of  me,  before  the  disturbance  began,  if  I 
would  hold  the  same  with  him,  yet  lo!  he  afterward  swore  and  abjured,  and 
two  years  afterward,  when  Stickna  came  with  his  treatise,  since  that  he  was 
afraid  of  the  Archbishop,  and  could  discover  no  subterfuge —he  said  with 
an  oath  that  he  was  not  the  author  of  the  treatise.  And  before  he  was 
called  to  the  Archbishop's  court,  he  said,  it  is  fitting  that  the  monk  Stickna 
43 


G74  APPENDIX. 

kneel  before  me  and  besr  my  pardon,  tliat  be  dared  to  annotate  my  treatise,  as 
a  new  plant  of  error.  How  tben  can  I  believe  tlicm  tbat  they  would  not  will- 
ingly act  against  their  conscience?  And  is  it  safe  for  them,  on  grounds  of 
conscience,  to  call  us  infidels,  perfidious,  insensate,  astray  from  the  whole 
faith  of  Christ,  an  accursed  clergy  ?  Of  this  let  God  be  judge.  .  .  To  those 
whom  you  have  named,  I  will  write.  When  they  shall  have  drawn  up  a 
treatise  in  reply  to  Stanislaus'  writings,  I  will  direct  it  to  you.  I  suppose 
that  I  sinned  in  laying  down  preaching,  at  the  will  of  the  King.  And  so  I 
am  now  unwilling  to  sin  thus." 

Palacky  gives  four  letters  of  Huss  addressed  to  Christiann,  during  the 
year  1413  Beside  the  one  quoted  above,  there  is  another  in  which  Huss 
defines,  in  answer  to  the  question  of  Christiann,  his  positions  with  respect 
to  the  Roman  Church,  stating  what  he  was  willing,  and  what  he  was  un- 
willing to  admit.  To  one  proposition  concerning  which  the  enquiry  was 
made  whether  lie  would  assent  to  it,  viz  :  that  the  Pope  is  the  head  of  the 
Roman  Church,  and  the  Cardinals  the  body,  and  their  determinations  and 
decisions  are  to  be  allowed,  he  replies  Vere  latet  anguis  in  herba.  Grant 
this,  he  says,  and  "Satan  incarnate,  with  twelve  of  his  proudest  devils, 
might  sit  in  Peter's  place,  with  this  as  his  maxim  and  principle,  that  what- 
ever he,  with  his  monstruous  body  should  define,  was  to  be  held  as  the 
faith" 

Huss  traces  out  somewhat  minutely  the  consequences  that  would  follow 
from  conceding  the  proposition.  One  would  be  that  neither  Wenzel  nor 
Sigismond  was  King,  for  so  Pope  Boniface  had  determined.  The  Doctors 
would  join  Christ  with  Belial,  yet  so  that  Christ  should  be  inferior  and 
powerless. 

In  a  subsequent  letter  Huss  says,  "  By  this,  I  am  willing  to  stand,  that  I 
hold  the  Pope  for  Vicar  of  Christ  in  the  Roman  Church.  But  it  is  not  to 
me  matter  of  faith.  If  the  Pope  is  predestinate,  and  exercises  the  pastoral 
oiBce  after  the  manner  of  Christ,  then  is  he  head  of  so  much  of  the  Church 
militant  as  he  rules,  and  if  he  thus,  according  to  the  law  of  Christ,  rules 
the  entire  church  now  militant,  then  is  he  its  true  captain,  under  its  arch- 
captain  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  But  if  he  lives  contrary  to  Christ,  then  is 
he  a  thief,  a  robber  climbing  up  some  other  way,  &c."  .  .  So  also  1  stand 
by  this;  whatever  the  Holy  Roman  Church,  or  the  Pope  with  his  Cardinals, 
shall  decree  or  command  to  be  held  according  to  the  law  of  Christ,  that, 
with  all  humility,  as  a  Christian  believer  I  would  revere  and  reverently 
accept.  But  not  whatever  the  Pope  with  his  Cardinals  should  indiscrim- 
inately define  or  command ;  for  already  I  have  done  the  contrary,  and  I 
stand  upon  the  contrary,  on  which  account  I  am  excommunicated,  as  you 
know,  for-this  very  thing. 

"  Hostiensis  (in  lectura  super  50  decretalium)  holds  that  the  Pope,  as  like- 
wise the  whole  Roman  Court,  may  err  in  morals,  as  it  often  errs  in  the 
judgment  of  the  truth.  That  exposition  I  boldly  hold.  For  since  the 
twelve  apostles  erred  in  their  judgment  of  the  truth  and  the  way  of  morals, 
though  chosen  by  Christ,  and  having  the  Holy  Spirit,  how  should  the  Pope 
with  his  ('ardinals  not  possibly  come  short  in  their  judgment  of  the  truth, 
and  in  the  matter  of  morals  ?" 

In  still  another  letter  to  the  Rec'or,  Huss  expresses  the  conviction  that 
peace  was  impossible  on  the  basis  laid  down  by  the  doctors.    This  basis  was 


APPENDIX.  675 

a  sufficient  ground  for  the  claims  of  Anti-Christ  himself.  "  For,"  he  asks, 
"  what  could  more  largely  exalt  Antichrist  above  all  that  is  called  God.  i.  e., 
the  deity  and  humanity  of  Christ,  than  to  say  that  (Jod  cannot  give  other 
successors  to  his  church,  than  the  Pope  and  his  Cardinals?  If  they  had  laid 
down  that  God  cannot  give  other  worse  successors  to  his  church  than  the 
Pope  is,  with  his  Cardinals,  they  would  have  larger  evidence  of  the  asser- 
tion. Therefore  1  suppose  that  by  means  of  their  inventions,  from  time  to 
time,  God  reveals  Antichrist  with  his  disciples  to  us ;  and  he  will  give  us 
wisdom  and  a  spirit  of  endurance  to  oppose  seducers  of  this  kind." 


NOTE  29,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  304, 1.  21.) 

The  Pope  was  very  reluctant  to  consent  to  Constance  as  the  place  for  the 
council.  His  ambassadors  discussed  with  Sigismond  (Doc.  Hus,  516,)  for 
about  eighteen  days,  before  (Oct.  3,  1413,)  they  could  agree  as  to  time  and 
place. 


NOTE  30,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  313, 1.  13.) 

Palacky  gives  the  farewell  letter  of  Huss  to  his  friends,  on  leaving  Prague 
for  Constance.  (Doc.  73.)  He  urges  them  to  diligent  attendance  "  upon 
preaching,  attending  to  hear,  hearing  to  understand,  imderstanding  to  take 
heed,  &c.,  and  so  to  know  the  most  precious  Saviour  as  to  love  him  with 
the  whole  heart,  and  their  neighbor  as  themselves."  He  calls  upon  them  to 
stand  in  the  ways,  and  ask  for  the  old  paths.  He  urges  them  to  repentance, 
quoting  Bernard's  words  in  praise  of  it,  and  admonishing  them  not  to  cease 
to  do  well,  for  when  the  end  should  come,  they  should  live  in  heaven  for- 
ever. 

NOTE  31,  (Vol.  1.,  p.  313, 1.  15.) 

The  question  has  been  raised  whether  the  safe-conduct  given  to  Huss  by 
the  Emperor  was  intended  to  secure  his  safe  return  to  Bohemia,  in  case  of 
his  being  condemned  by  the  council  at  Constance.  So  far  as  the  document 
itself  is  concerned,  there  is,  and  can  be  no  question  that  its  scope  was  all 
that  Huss  or  his  friends  could  have  desired.  It  assured  him  of  full  libertv 
transire,  stare,  morari  et  redire,  nor  was  any  restriction  coupled  with  it. 

There  is  also  ample  and  decisive  evidence  that  it  was  drawn  up  honestly 
and  fairly,  and  without  any  disposition  to  betray  the  trusting  confidence  of 
Huss.  The  Imperial  Notary,  Michael  de  Priest,  who  penned  it,  was  the 
friend  of  the  reformer,  and  in  a  kindly  letter,  in  which  he  indicates  that  he 
had  been  himself  a  citizen — and  he  might  have  been  a  native — of  Prague, 
communicates  the  fact.  He  speaks  of  himself  in  such  a  manner  as  to  mani- 
fest his  acquaintance  and  sympathy  with  Huss,  and  his  consciousness  of 
having  performed  a  deed  of  grateful  service. 

The  emperor  also  was  evidently  prepossessed  in  favor  of  Huss.  He  had 
received  his  accounts  of  him  from  a  friendly  source.  Bohemian  noblemen 
who  had  accompanied  him  in  liis  Italian  campaign,  and  in  whom  he  reposed 


676  APPENDIX. 

great  coufidenee,  liad  spoken  to  liim  freely  of  their  countryman,  and  in  liis 
provision  of  an  escort  for  Huss  on  his  way  to  Constance,  he  had  selected 
those  who  were  most  strongly  attached  to  the  reformer.  It  is  impossible 
to  imagine  such  men  as  Chlnm,  Duba  and  Lazan,  conscious  accomplices  in 
inviting  confidence  in  a  document  which  would  leave  Huss  at  the  mercy  of 
the  council.  That  Huss  was  cheered  by  the  measure  of  good  will  toward 
Mm  manifested  by  the  emperor,  is  evident  from  his  letter  of  thanks.  (Doc. 
Hus,  71.)  He  speaks  gratefully  of  the  consolation  which  it  aflPorded  him, 
and  says,  "  I  have  been  consoled  by  what  the  noble  and  valient  Lord  Mikess 
Diwoky,  your  majesty's  eminent  embassador  has  reported,  that  your  high- 
ness remembers  me  so  affectionately  and  considerately,  desiring  to  bring  my 
affair  to  a  favorable  issue."  This  evident  friendliness,  in  full  accordance 
with  that  of  the  Bohemian  nobles  about  Sigismond's  person,  as  well  as  of 
the  imperial  notary,  who  drew  up  the  document,  gives  renewed  assurance 
of  the  complete  security  it  was  designed  to  afford,  and  that  it  was  in  no  re- 
spect defective. 

It  may  be  true  that  Huss  and  his  friends  were  so  assured  of  his  innocence 
as  to  entertain  but  little  apprehension  of  the  result.  This  might  lead  them 
sometimes  to  speak  in  an  unguarded  manner,  and  in  the  confidence  that 
Huss  would  be  acquitted,  to  echo  his  own  expressions,  that  if  found  guilty 
he  refused  not  to  suflFer.  From  such  language  it  may  perhaps  be  inferred 
that  he  was  ready  to  admit  that  in  case  he  was  condemned  by  the  council, 
his  safe  conduct  should  be  null  and  void. 

But  such  expressions  weigh  little  against  the  specific  terms  of  the  safe- 
conduct,  and  we  have  very  sufficient  reasons  to  believe  that  its  deliberate 
violation  was  entirely  an  after-thought.  It  stood  in  the  way  of  the  designs 
of  the  coimcil,  and  they  first  labored  with  the  emperor  to  induce  him  to 
acquiesce  in  its  violation.  At  first  he  was  deeply  indignant,  but  his  reluc- 
tance was  overcame  by  the  necessity  of  the  alternative  before  him.  He 
must  see  his  own  favorite  projects  defeated,  or  allow  the  council  to  have 
their  own  way. 

Whether  by  the  suggestion  of  members  of  the  council,  or  at  his  own 
instance,  Ferdinand  of  Arragon  wrote  to  Sigismond  (April  28,  1415,)  urging 
him  to  deal  with  IIuss  in  the  most  summary  manner,  lie  intimates  that  if 
Huss  were  his  bosom  friend  or  his  own  brother,  his  eye  should  not  pity  him, 
but  rather  he  should  be  put  to  death.  He  prays  him  therefore  not  to  let 
the  heretic  escape,  or  allow  him  a  public  hearing,  but  punish  him  without 
delay.  He  adds  that  this  punishment  was  dne,  since  it  was  not  breaking 
faith  with  one  who  had  broken  faith  with  God.  He  urges  Sigismond  not  to 
allow  the  worst  work  of  the  devil  to  prosper,  but  at  once  punish  his  servant, 
■which  shall  be  reputed  a  deed,  of  righteousness,  upon  which  God  would 
bestow  an  everlasting  reward. 

Such  argitments  and  exhortations  as  these  would  necessarily  imply  the 
endorsement  of  the  grossest  violation  of  the  safe-conduct  given  to  Huss. 
That  violation  becomes  thereby  a  deed  of  righteousness,  entitled  to  an 
eternal  reward.  In  the  circumstances  in  which  he  was  placed,  Sigismond 
would  naturally  be  impressed  by  it.  It  accorded  with  the  interests  and 
urgent  advice  of  the  council.  It  cut  a  knot  which  it  was  difficult  to  un- 
loose. It  familiarized  the  mind  of  the  Emperor  wiih  an  atrocious  violation 
of  faith  which  lost  its  horror  by  familiar  contemplation.    The  letter  must 


APPENDIX.  077 

have  reached  him  while  the  case  of  IIuss  was  absorbing  public  attention, 
and  the  endorsement  which  it  gave  to  the  direct  violation  of  the  safe-con- 
duct makes  Ferdinand,  equally  with  Sigismond,  responsible  for  the  infamy 
of  it. 

The  way  had  been  in  a  measure  prepared  for  the  justification  of  the  viol- 
ation of  lluss'  safe-conduct,  by  the  measure  of  tlie  Emjieror,  adopted  April 
8,  1415.  In  a  proclamation  of  that  date,  he  retracts  and  abolishes  all  the 
letters  of  "  safe-conduct  "  which  he  had  granted  to  those  who  were  present 
at  the  council.  It  is  indeed  probable  that  this  was  intended  to  bear  prin- 
cipally against  those  adherents  of  John  XXIIl.,  who  might  be  disposed  to 
follow  him  ill  his  flight  from  Constance,  and  could  use  their  "  safe-conducts," 
to  make  their  escape  more  secure.  But  it  was  an  exercise  of  authority 
which  seemed  to  vest  in  the  Emperor  the  power  to  set  aside  the  obligations 
which  he  had  voluntarily  assumed,  and  which  might  be  interpreted  as  war- 
ranting a  sovereign  disregard  of  the  claims  urged  in  behalf  of  Huss. 

The  "  safe  conduct,"  as  it  was  called,  which  was  granted  to  Jerome,  was 
designedly  in  contrast  to  the  one  granted  to  Huss.  It  assured  him  safety 
in  coming  to  the  Council,  but  not  to  return  from  it.  The  very  fact,  that  it 
was  so  phrased,  indicates  that  one  drawn  up  in  the  form  of  that  granted  to 
Huss,  would  not  have  answered  the  design  of  the  Council.  It  indicates  also 
that  the  latter  was  all  that  the  friends  of  Huss  could  have  desired.  It  as- 
sured beyond  all  doubt  or  equivocation  the  privilege  of  a  safe  return. 

It  may  indeed  be  said  that  in  granting  it,  his  acquittal  by  the  Council 
was  implied  as  necessary  to  its  subsequent  validity.  But  in  the  document 
itself  there  is  no  hint  of  such  implication.  It  was  di-awn  up  under  the  eye 
of  those  who  were  especial  friends  of  Huss,  and  with  the  good-will  of  the 
Emperor,  as  well  as  in  response  to  the  demand  of  the  Bohemian  Estates. 
It'  was  designed  to  give  the  broadest  possible  securitj^  and  to  remove  every 
scruple  which  might  be  entertained  by  Huss  and  his  friends,  as  to  his  per- 
sonal safety. 

Its  violation  therefore  cannot  be  excused  on  the  ground  of  any  uncertainty 
as  to  its  meaning,  or  as  to  what  was  implied  in  granting  it.  The  argument 
of  Ferdinand  of  Arragon,  would  have  lost  its  pertinence  if  he  had  supijosed 
that  the  safe  conduct  ceased  to  have  any  validity  through  the  action  of  the 
Council  in  condemning  Huss.  lie  urges  its  bold  violation,  and  bases  his 
justification  of  it  on  the  argument  that  no  faith  is  broken  with  him  who 
breaks  faith  with  God.  To  him,  and  his  sympathizers,  the  violation  of  the 
"safe-conduct" — whatever  its  scojje — was  not  only  ju.stifiable,  but  com- 
mendable. 

The  only  plausible  ground  for  questioning  the  security  for  his  return  to 
Bohemia  afforded  by  the  safe-conduct  of  Huss,  is  derived  from  the  language 
of  the  Bohemian  nobility  at  Constance  pleading  for  the  release  of  the  Re- 
former and  his  public  audience.  They  say  that  if  he  is  found  guilty,  he 
may  be  left  to  suffer,  as  if  the  safe-conduct  would  not  have  validity  in  such 
a  case  as  this.  But  the  truth  is  that  Huss  himself  before  leaving  Bohemia, 
was  so  confident  of  his  innocence  that  he  publicly — in  the  document  affixed, 
Aug.  30,  1414,  to  the  royal  palace — challenged  his  enemies  to  appear  before 
the  council  and  cliarge  him  with  any  heresy  they  had  ever  heard  him  utter; 
adding,  "  For  if  I  shall  be  convicted  of  any  heresy,  I  do  not  decline  to  suffer 
the  penalty  of  a  heretic,  but  yet  I  trust  in  the  God  1  love  that  he  will  not 


678  APPENDIX. 

allow  slanderers  and  adversaries  of  the  truth,  to  overcome  the  truth."  (Doc, 
Hus.  G9.) 

Huss  was  manifestly  too  enthusiastic  in  his  confidence  that  his  orthodoxy 
could  be  vindicated  before  such  a  body  as  the  Council  of  Constance,  yet  hia 
friends  could  not  well  go  back  of  his  own  words,  or  demand  that  he  should 
be  released  in  case  the  Council  condemned  him.  The  difficulty  of  their 
position,  however,  cannot  in  any  manner  aflfect  the  validity  of  the  safe- 
conduct.  It  secured  or  was  intended  to  secure — what  was  demanded  by  the 
Friends  of  Huss,  including  the  Bohemian  Estates — the  safety  of  Huss  in 
returning  from,  as  well  as  going  to  the  Council. 


NOTE  82,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  343,  I.  12.) 

When  a  deputation  of  the  Cardinals,  accompanied  by  the  Mayor  of  Con- 
stance, and  a  Knight,  Hans  von  Poden,  visited  IIuss,  Nov.  28,  1414,  John  de 
Chlum  an-wered  them  with  much  spirit.  He  replied  to  the  cardinals  in 
Latip,  but  to  the  Mayor  he  said  in  German,  "  You  know  that  if  the  devil 
should  come  to  look  after  his  own  trial,  he  ought  to  be  honestly  heard."  He 
added,  addressing  the  Cardinals,  that  he  bad  been  charged  by  the  Emperor 
to  say  to  Huss,  Let  him  speak  nothing  of  his  matters  except  in  my  presence, 
when  by  God's  help,  I  shall  come  to  Constance.     (Doc.  Hus.  248.) 


NOTE  33,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  345, 1.  13.) 

Upon  the  arrest  of  Huss,  Paletz  and  Michael  de  Causis  were  exultant. 
During  the  deliberation  of  the  Cardinals  on  Huss'  case,  they  "  danced  "  about, 
exclaiming,  "  Aha  !  now  we  have  him,  nor  shall  he  escape  till  he  pay  the  last 
farthing."  Paletz  met  his  old  friend  John  Cardinal,  long  devotedly  attached 
to  Huss.  "  O  master  John,"  said  he,  "  I  am  grieved  for  you,  that  you  al- 
lowed yourself  to  be  seduced.  Before,  you  were  famous  at  this  (Papal)  court ; 
more  distinguished  than  all  the  Bohemians,  and  now  on  account  of  this 
sect  they  account  you  a  nobody."  "  Master  Stephen,"  was  Cardinal's  reply, 
"  I  am  more  grieved  for  you,  just  as  you,  if  you  knew  any  evil  that  I  have 
done,  would  be  bound  to  sympathize  with  me."  With  these  words  they 
parted.  (Doc.  Hus.  250 )  It  may  here  be  stated  (lb.  252,)  that  for  the  eight 
days  succeeding  his  arrest,  Huss  was  under  the  charge  of  the  Bishop  of  Con- 
Btance,  and  was  guarded  by  soldiers. 


-  NOTE  34,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  468,  1.  32.) 

This  expression  can  scarcely  be  considered  exaggerated,  if  we  consult  the 
language  in  which  the  Bohemian  nobles  gave  expression  to  their  feelings. 
As  soon  as  they  heard  of  the  removal  of  Hnss  to  Gottleben,  they  wrote  the 
Emperor,  May  8,  1415,  in  his  behalf.  Four  days  later  another  letter  to  him 
was  drawn  up.  (Doc.  IIus.  549,  550.)  In  the  latter,  mention  is  made  of 
the  assurance  given  by  the  Pope  in  convoking  the  council,  that  all  persons, 
good  and  bad,  Christians  and  heretics,  might  safely  go  to  the  council  and 
return  again.  Possibly  the  Pope  had  some  apprehension  of  the  need  of 
such  a  provision  to  which  he  might  be  subjected. 


APPENDIX.  679 

NOTE  35,  (Vol.  I.,  p.  571, 1.  14.) 

Compnre  this  with  tho  Innmiafre  of  Jerome,  Vol.  II.,  p.  224.  From  Huss* 
annotations  upon  the  articles  of  charge  we  learn  the  part  he  took  in  refjard 
to  the  University.  (D^c.  Hus.  181.)  When  the  accusation  of  having  eff(!ct- 
ed  the  revolution  in  ti\e  L'niversity  and  the  expulsion  of  the  Ucrmans,  was 
brought  against  lluss  in  1414,  on  the  testimony  of  Broda,  iiuss  replied  by 
saying  that  he  did  freely  procure  from  the  king  letters  relating  to  the  con- 
Btitution  of  the  University,  wliich  the  University  still  held,  and  he  did  it 
with  the  advice  of  Broda  himself.  "  l-'or  I  adjared  him  to  say,"  Hues 
remarks,  "  whether  it  was  a  righteous  thing."  His  reply  was,  "  0,  Huss,  is 
there  no  one  who  will  effect  our  deliverance  in  this  matter?"  To  whom  I 
said,  "  I  hope  that  we  shall  have  a  deliverer."  And  after  this,  while  I  waa 
lying  on  my  bed  in  extreme  debility,  I  asked  him,  coming  to  see  me  with 
John  Elias,  which  both  stood  before  my  bed,  if  it  was  right  that  we  should 
have  the  three  voices.  And  both  of  them  exclaimed,  "  Would  that  God 
■would  grant  it,  but  we  never  shall  believe  this  "  To  whom  I  said  '■  Lo  !  a 
messenger  has  just  come  from  the  king,  with  a  letter  to  the  University. 
Here  you  have  a  copy  ;  read."  Perusing  it,  both  were  exultant,  and  e.xpress- 
ed  their  approval.  To  whom  I  said,  "  Behold,  I  am  at  the  point  of  deaih  ; 
if  I  die,  therefore,  I  beg  of  you  that  you  will  insist  on  justice  and  the  en- 
largement of  our  nation." 


NOTE  36,  (Vol.  I.  p.  592, 1.  14.) 

It  is  a  significant  fact  that  Huss  should  have  been  accused  of  holding  that 
no  heresy  should  be  extenninated  by  violent  measures,  but  only  by  disputa- 
tion. Of  this  charge  he  was  undoubtedly  guilty,  although  it  was  so  odioua 
that  in  his  final  reply  he  felt  constrained  to  assert  that  he  had  not  defended 
that  position.  Indeed  to  have  conspicuously  maintained  it  might  have  sub- 
jected him  to  grave  suspicion.  Yet  he  admits  that  he  had  said,  that  a 
heretic  ought  first  to  be  convinced  by  Scripture  or  reason,  as  St  Augustine 
and  Bernard  maintain,  (Doc.  Hus.  231.) 


NOTE  37,  (Vol.  II.,  p.  26, 1.  25.) 

In  his  imprisonment  at  Constance  Huss  wrote  numerous  letters,  but  his 
means  of  communicating  with  his  friends  were  kept  as  secret  as  possible. 
He  closed  one  of  his  letters  to  John  de  Chlum,  by  saying  "  Salute,  I  pray 
you,  all  my  friends,  but  with  caution,  lest  they  say,  how  do  you  know  that 
I  salute  them?"     (Doc.  Ilus.  95.) 

In  a  letter  to  John  de  Chlum,  March  4,  1415,  lluss  says,  "  1  l)lame  myself 
that  suddenly  beholding  Master  Christiann,  I  cou'd  not  restrain  myself  from 
the  teajs  which  burst  forth  upon  seeing  my  faithful  master  and  special 
benefactor."     (Doc.  Hus  98.) 

Huss  undoubtedly  was  the  more  deejjly  affected  from  his  apprehension  of 
the  danger  incurred  by  his  old  friend  in  coming  to  Cons'anre.  Tliis  danger 
was  not  merely  imaginary.  It  is  said  (Doc.  Ilus.  541,)  that  <  hristiann  was 
actually  arrested  in  Constance  and  forced  to  sign  his  name  to  articles  drawn 
up  against  him,  and  that  this  arrest  had  been  effected  by  Michael  de  Causis. 


680  APPENDIX. 

The  articles  numbered  more  than  thirty.     Christiann  cleared  himself  by 
oath,  and  immediately  left  for  Prague. 


NOTE  38,  (Vol.  II.,  p.  20,  1.  7.) 

Several  letters  of  Hues  previously  unknown,  have  been  brought  to  light 
by  Palacky,  and  are  included  in  the  Documenta.  To  these  I  have  been  in- 
debted for  some  facts  worthy  of  special  notice. 

For  the  welfare  of  his  friends,  Huss,  during  his  imprisonment,  manifested 
a  becoming  anxiety.  "  I  beg,"  he  writes,  "  that  Master  John  Cardinal  be 
cauticms,  for  all  are  tempters,  who  seemed  to  him  friends.  From  one  of 
those  who  examined  me,  I  heard,  '  one  John  Cardinal  confounds  the  Pope 
with  the  Cardinals,  saying  that  they  are  all  Simonists  '  Let  him  keep  close 
to  the  court  of  the  king  (emperor)  lest  they  arrest  him  as  they  did  me."  He 
Titters  the  warning,  "  Say  likewise  to  Doctor  Jessenitz  that  he  must  by  no 
means  come,  nor  Master  Jerome,  nor  any  of  our  friends."  He  wonders  that 
not  one  of  the  Bohemians  at  Constance  visits  his  cell,  but  he  adds,  "  Perhaps 
they  do  what  is  for  the  best."  Again  he  says,  "  I  wonder  that  the  king  is 
forgetful  of  me,  and  that  he  does  not  communicate  to  me  a  word." 

On  another  occasion,  just  before  his  death,  Huss  writes  to  Chlum,  "  For 
God's  sake,  take  special  care  of  my  letters,  and  let  them  be  cautiously 
taken  to  Bohemia,  lest  great  danger  of  individuals  be  involved."  (Doc. 
Hus,  lOG.)  He  is  specially  anxious  that  the  work  begun  in  Bohemia  be  not 
arrested.  "  I  pray  you  of  Prague,  especially,"  he  says.  "  to  take  an  interest 
in  Bethlehem  Chapel,  so  that  permission  be  granted  that  the  word  of  God 
be  preached  there."     (Doc.  Hus,  117.) 


NOTE  39,  (Vol.  II.,  p.  82, 1. 15.) 

A  terrible  tragedy  at  Olmutz  preceded,  probably  only  by  two  or  three 
days,  that  which  oi\  July  6th  was  enacted  at  Constance.  A  letter  of  indig- 
nant remonstrance  from  the  University  of  Prague,  under  date  July  8th, 
(Doc.  Hus.  561,)  gives  us  the  facts.  A  member  of  the  University  described 
as  verum  zelatorem  legis  dei,  together  with  a  companion,  was  seized 
violently,  subjected  to  torture,  and  committed  to  the  flames  within  the 
space  of  twelve  hours  from  the  time  of  his  arrest.  He  was  the  victim  of 
that  fanatical  bigotry  which  had  been  fanned  into  flame  by  the  council,  and 
■with  which  the  citizens  of  Olmutz  were  possessed.  The  University  com- 
plains that  to  their  shame,  he  had  been  burned  as  a  notorious  and  manifest 
heretic,  ^uch  an  incident  could  only  have  served  to  prepare  the  way  for 
the  explosion  of  popular  feeling  which  followed  the  death  of  Huss. 


NOTE  40,  (Vol.  II.,  p.  134, 1.  28.) 

The  popular  indignation  in  Bohemia  was  strongly  manifested  against  the 
Bishop  of  Leitomischel.  The  council  forwarded  a  letter  to  one  of  the  lead- 
ing magistrates  of  the  kingdom  (Doc.  Hus,  572,)  on  his  behalf,  directing 
that  his  property  should  be  respected.     They  ahso  invested  him  (Doc.  Hus, 


APPENDIX, 


681 


574,)  with  plenary  powers  to  execute  his  commission  in  a  summary  manner, 
callin<r  to  his  aid  tlic  power  of  the  state.  The  letter  to  Bohemia  was  dated 
Aug.  25.     The  commission  of  the  Bishop  was  issued  four  days  later. 

NOTE  41,  (Vol.  II.,  p.  1G7, 1.  23.) 

Palacky  (Doc.  IIus.  590,)  gives  the  terms  of  the  league  formed  by  a  large 
number  of  the  barons  of  Bohemia  and  Moravia,  on  Sept.  5,  1415,  three  days 
after  the  adoption  of  the  letter  to  the  council.  More  than  fifty  of  them  gave 
mutual  pledge  to  sustain  the  free  preaching  of  the  word  of  God  in  Their 
several  territories  and  dominions.  No  priest  who  asked  in  the  name  of 
God  the  privik'ge  of  teaching  according  to  his  word  was  to  be  denied. 
Those  of  the  chief  barons  were  selected  who  should  see  that  the  terms  of 
the  league  were  observed  and  maintained,  and  provision  was  made  to  sup- 
ply their  places  in  case  of  death  or  defection,  as  well  as  to  receive  new  mem- 
bers to  the  league.  Against  any  one  who  violated  its  terms  the  whole  force 
of  the  league  might  be  directed.  The  league  was  to  be  for  six  years,  then 
to  cease,  unless  I'enewed 


NOTE  42,  (Vol.  II.,  p.  172, 1.  13.) 

In  an  anonymous  letter  from  Constance,  written  probably  in  April,  1416, 
there  is  an  account  of  the  harsh  reception  Archbishop  Conrad  met  at  tlie 
council.  A  personal  citation  of  him  was  urged  among  the  different  nations, 
but  Kuucko  de  Zwola,  auditor,  and  Albert  \Varrentrappe  opposed  it,  in- 
sisting tbat  the  reasons  for  personal  citation  should  be  given  in  writincr. 
Many  and  various  articles  were  read  publicly  in  the  German  nation,  when 
prelates,  doctors  and  ambassadors  were  present,  charging  Conrad  with  being 
a  necromancer,  alchemist,  Simonist,  negligent  in  his  oiHce,  etc.,  and  a 
■waster  of  all  good  things.  It  was  thought  he  would  have  to  come  and  an- 
swer. Surprise  is  express-^ed  that  the  ecclesiastics  of  the  chapter  of  Prague 
should  have  dared  to  write  in  his  favor  and  to  the  effect  that  he  had  been 
guilty  of  no  neglect.  The  same  was  said  to  be  the  case  with  Wonzel, 
Patriarch  of  Antioch.  Both  were  regarded  as  favorers  of  Wicklifle  and 
Huss,  and  as  such  disposed  to  protect  the  clergy.     (Doc.  Hus.  632.) 

In  the  arrangement  subsequently  eflFected  between  the  two  parties  at 
Prague,  it  is  incidentally  stated  (Doc.  Hus.  640,)  that  Conrad  had  been  per- 
sonally cited  to  Constance,  and  that  this  citation  had  occasioned  him  an 
expense  of  4,600  silver  pieces. 


NOTE  43,  (Vol.  II ,  p.  173, 1.  27.) 

During  the  period  covered  by  this  chapter  events  occurred  in  Bohemia  to 
which  attention  is  called  in  several  letters  given  by  Palacky.  (Doc.  Hus. 
595-004.)  On  the  fifth  «f  September,  the  day  when  the  league  of  the 
Bohemian  barons  was  formed,  the  vicars  of  the  Archbishop  of  Prague  for- 
bade to  the  laity  the  sacrament  under  both  forms,  or  the  Calixtine  practice. 
On  the  18th  they  issued  a  prohibition  against  itinerant  preachers,  evidently 
the  class  to  which  the  league  of  the  barons  extended  encouragement.     On 


682  APPENDIX. 

Oct.  31,  Wenzel  summoned  Czenko  of  Wartenburg,  one  of  the  leading  mem- 
bers of  the  league,  along  with  others,  to  consult  what  should  be  done  in 
response  to  the  demands  of  the  Bishop  of  Leitomischel.  A  few  days  after, 
the  commonalty  of  Prague  are  heard  complaining  of  the  priests  for  refusing 
them  sacred  rites,  and  asking  protection  against  the  wrong,  at  the  hand  of 
the  magistrates. 

The  complaints  are  presented  under  six  heads,  the  denial  of  confession 
and  absolution,  the  denial  of  the  sacrament  according  to  the  divine  institu- 
tion, the  hindrance  put  in  the  way  of  hearing  the  preaching  of  the  word  of 
God,  the  refusal  of  burial  in  the  cemeteries,  the  omission  of  mass  in  the 
parish  churches,  and  the  manifest  errors  and  lies  of  seme  of  the  preachers. 

These  complaints  of  the  people  of  Prague  against  the  clergy  received  the 
attention  of  the  king.  He  sent  to  demand  of  the  dean  and  canons  of  the 
city  the  reasons  for  their  course.  They  in  turn  complain  (Doc.  Hus.  608,) 
of  the  violence  offered  them,  and  the  wrong  they  had  suffered  in  person  or 
property.  Till  restitution  had  been  made,  they  were  forbidden,  they  said, 
by  the  Archbishop  to  perform  their  functions.  Priests  without  authority 
had  intruded,  they  said,  into  churches,  and  the  regtilar  clergy  had  been 
driven  out.  This  was  not  all.  Jessenitz  had  bi  en  excommunicated,  and 
still  remained  in  the  city,  subjecting  it  to  interdict.  The  trouble  which 
was  experienced  by  the  presence  of  Huss  in  Prague  was  renewed  in  the  case 
of  Jessenitz,  and  the  most  desperate  efforts  were  made  to  expel  him,  but  for 
a  long  time  without  effect. 

From  Raudnitz,  July  19,  1416,  Conrad  writes  to  the  king,  disturbed  at  the 
threats  directed  fi gainst  his  clergy.  The  occasion  of  this  is  the  presence  of 
Jessenitz  in  the  city,  who  lingers  in  spite  of  the  king's  command.  He  asks 
the  king  to  take  measures  for  his  withdrawal  till  an  answer  comes  back 
from  the  embassy  of  the  council.  He  urges  it  on  the  ground  that  the  king 
•when  he  entered  upon  his  dffice  had  promised  him  often  to  conserve  the 
rights  and  privileges  of  himself  and  his  church,  as  they  had  been  under  the 
emperor,  his  father.  (Doc.  Hus.  630.)  Jessenitz  was  still  resident  in  the  city, 
and  was  favored  by  the  king.  At  Constance  the  conduct  of  the  latter  vvas  ar- 
raigned. He  was  said  to  tavor  Jessenitz,  and  moreover  to  protect  the  Calixtine 
usage,  extending  encouragement  to  heretics,  and  those  who  abstracted  relics 
and  their  ornaments,  and  spoil  the  churches  and  rob  the  clergy  of  their  tem- 
poralities. To  those  who  offended  this  class  he  was  most  opposed.  Moreover 
it  was  said  that  he  allowed  apostolical  letters  to  be  contemned,  and  a  certain 
Voxa  de  Walstein,  a  son  of  iniquity,  1o  hang  them  on  harlots'  necks  and 
drive  abroad  in  chariots — cryers  and  Wickliflfites  with  arms,  swords  and 
clubs,  in  great  multitudes,  preceding  and  following  through  the  strjets  of 
the  less-and  old  city,  even  to  the  new  city  and  then  to  burn  them.  To  this 
day  Voxa  has  not  been  punished.  On  these  and  other  accounts,  the  king  is 
gravely  suspected  of  heresy.     (Doc.  Hus.  638.) 

The  queen  is  complained  of  as  favoring  Huss  and  Jessenitz  since  and 
against  the  processes  issued  ;  of  countenancing  those  who  communicated 
sub  utraque,  and  of  defending  them  before  the  king.  The  arrest  of  Jessenitz 
had  been  ordered,  and  yet  he  had  been  protected  by  king  and  qufjen. 

In  November  or  December,  1416,  an  arrangement  was  at  length  effected 
between  the  Archbishop  on  one  side,  and  John  Cardinal,  rector  of  the  Uni- 
versity, and  representing  the  popular  feeling,  on  the  other,  by  which  the 


APPENDIX.  683 

donmnds  of  each  party  were  substantially  met.  Sacred  rites  were  to  be 
resumed,  but  tlie  {joods  of  the  priests  were  to  be  restored;  they  themselves 
were  to  be  replaced  in  their  churches,  and  Jessenitz  was  to  withdraw  from 
Prague.     The  stib  utrajue  idso  was  to  be  suppressed. 

8uch  iin  arrannrement  could  not  be  permanent.  The  radical  element 
represented  liy  priest  Koranda,  was  not  allowed  a  voice  in  it.  The  real  issue 
was  between  this  e  ement  and  the  conservatives  who  still  adliered  to  the 
council.  Conrad  and  Cardinal  alike  were  swept  alonn^  by  the  tide  of  nation- 
al feeling,  and  were  forced  to  co-operate  with  men  they  disliked,  as  against 
the  council. 

NOTE  44,  (Vol.  II.,  p.  206,  1.  3.) 

From  the  new  material  furnished  by  the  Docirmcnta,  some  few  additional 
particulars  respecting  the  career  of  Jerome  may  be  gathered.  The  first 
trace  we  have  of  him  is  at  Prague  in  1401,  when  he  was  in  company  with 
Huss.  and  the  latter  used  language  wiiich  was  subsequently  c(;nip]ained  of 
as  erroneous  and  scandalous.  At  that  time  he  was  a  bachelor  in  a-ts. 
Previous  to  1407,  as  Palacky  supposes,  on  good  ground,  he  had  gone  to  Ox- 
ford, where,  amid  the  opposition  and  odium  which  he  had  to  encounter,  the 
University  of  Prague  intercedes  and  remonstrates  with  the  University  of 
Oxford  in  his  behalf.  (Doc.  Hu<.  336.)  Here,  however,  he  found  at  least 
one  warm  and  devoted  friend,  in  a  letter  of  thanks  to  whom,  written  by  a 
Bohemian,  we  find  that  Jerome  had  already  visited  other  universities,  where 
he  had  conducted  himself  laudably.     It  is  moreover  stated  that  from  his 

childhood  he  had  been  trained  in  the  University  of  Prague.     At  Oxford it 

also  appears  from  this  letter— Jerome  was  accounted  a  heretic,  doubtless  on 
account  of  his  attachment  to  Wickliffe's  doctrines.  After  this  he  is  said  to 
have  gone  to  Palestine.  We  know  that  he  visited  Russia,  where  he  wns 
led-acc:)rding  to  his  enemies— to  conform  somewhat  to  the  usages  of  the 
Greek  Church.  Jerome  then  returned  to  Prague.  We  find  him  after  this  (Doc. 
Hus.  282,)  acting  in  concert  with  Huss  at  the  time  of  the  troubles  in  the 
University,  in  1409.  High  in  the  king's  favor,  he  united  with  his  friends 
in  vindicating  wl.at  he  regarded  as  the  rights  of  the  Bohemians. 

In  1410,  lie  visited  Vienna,  where  he  provoked  opposition,  and  was  treated 
even  more  harshly  than  he  had  been  at  Oxford.  The  University  of  Prague 
again  interceded  for  him.  They  wrote  a  letter  to  the  University  of  Vienna, 
on  his  behalf 

Meanwhile,  he  had  been  arrested  and  carried  before  the  Bishop  of  Passau. 
By  the  latter  he  was  bound  over  to  answer  the  charge  of  heiesy.  Pefore 
the  day  of  trial,  however,  he  made  good  his  escape,  and  on  account  of  hia 
flight  — said  to  have  been  in  violation  of  his  pledge— he  was  excommuni- 
cated by  the  Bishop.  Jlis  own  letter  to  Vienna,  written  (Sept.  12,  1410,) 
after  his  escape,  betrays  that  exultant,  if  not  somewhat  insulting  tone  in 
wliich  he  was  prone  to  address  his  opponents. 

Jerome  probably  remained  in  Prague  till  the  force  of  the  interdict  drove 
Huss  from  the  city.  At  that  time  at  least  (April  2,  1413.)  he  went  abroad. 
He  visited  Cracow,  where,  according  to  a  letter  from  the  Bishop  of  Cracow 
to  Wenzel,  Patriarch  of  Antioch,  residing  at  Prague,  (Doc.  Hu.s.  506.)  he 
made  a  great  sensation.  He  was  S])lendidly  and  ostentatiously  dres.sed,  and 
presented  himself  boldly  before  the  king  aud  the  baions.     He  excited  com- 


684  APPENDIX. 

motions  among  tlie  clergy  and  the  people  such  that  no  living  man  could 
remember  the  like.  Summoned  before  the  Bishop  he  gave  orthodox  answers 
to  the  questions  addressed  him,  condemning  Wickliffe  and  confessing 
his  own  orthodox  faith.  The  Bishop  however  sent  him  back  to  Bohemia, 
drily  remarking  in  his  letter  that  the  soil  of  Poland,  and  much  more  that 
of  Lithuania  and  Russia,  was  too  arid  for  the  seed  Jerome  scattered,  and 
that  the  simple  people  could  not  comprehend  the  dogmas  of  such  a  great 
philosopher. 

From  Cracow,  Jerome  directed  his  course,  not  to  Prague,  where  he  would 
not  be  altogether  welcome  on  some  accounts,  but  to  Vienna.  Evidently  his 
previous  conduct  had  not  been  forgotten.  He  was  harshly  treated  by  Sybart, 
the  theological  professor  at  the  University  of  Vienna.  Huss  heard  of  it,  and 
addressed  Sybart  (Doc.  llus.  63,)  a  letter  of  sharp  rebuke  and  remonstrance. 
This  letter  was  dated  July  1,  1413.  Seven  days  later  (July  8)  the  Rector  of 
the  University  of  Prague  wrote  (Doc.  Hus.  512,)  to  the  University  of  Vienna, 
complaining  of  the  manner  in  which  students  from  Prague  had  been  treated 
there,  especially  by  Sybart.  Jerome  is  mentioned  as  the  object  of  slander, 
and  Sybart  is  named  as  the  chief  offender.  The  University  is  admonished 
to  correct  him,  that  he  may  learn  to  hold  his  tongue  and  repent  of  his 
wickedness. 

Soon  after  this  Jerome  must  have  returned  to  Prague,  where  he  probably 
remained  until,  in  spite  of  the  urgent  counsel  of  Huss,  he  set  out  for  Con- 
stance. 

NOTE  45,  (Vol.  n.,  p.  318, 1.  2.) 

It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  division  which  eventuated  in  bringing 
the  two  parties  in  Bohemia,  the  Calixtines  and  Taborites,  into  collision,  had 
already  commenced.  The  former,  more  conservative,  claimed  the  sanction 
of  iiuss'  name,  and  professed  to  revere  his  memory,  while  the  latter,  adopt- 
ing his  principle,  the  sole  authority  of  the  word  of  God,  were  not  content 
■with  the  measure  of  reform  which  the  Calixtines  allowed.  Their  enthusi- 
asm was  sure  in  the  end  to  triumph  over  all  the  scruples  and  opposition  of 
the  other  party,  but  not  without  protracted  discussion  and  agitation.  Some 
light  is  thrown  on  the  mutual  relations  of  the  two  parties,  by  letters  insert- 
ed by  Palacky  in  the  Documenta.  We  have,  for  instance,  the  letter  of 
Christiann  of  Prachatitz,  the  friend  of  Huss,  to  priest  Koranda,  during  the 
year  1410,  (Doc.  Hus.  p.  633,)  in  which  he  reprehends  him  for  ecclesiastical 
innovations.  He  complains  of  some,  who,  under  a  show  of  piety,  would 
have  men  believe  that  there  is  no  purgatory,  that  we  should  not  pray  for 
the  dead,  regard  the  suffrages  of  the  saints,  sing  aalm  regina,  and  who 
would  contemn  the  relics  of  the  saints,  burn  their  images,  slight  all  ecclesi- 
astical rites  and  ceremonies  of  human  origin. 

Koranda  is  reported  as  casting  images  out  of  churches,  and  giving  the 
communion  even  to  infants  who  cannot  sv,-allow.  Christiann  speaks  of  the 
high  favor  he  had  enjoyed  in  previous  days.  When  his  name  was  heard  all 
praised  it.  We  should,  like  Paul,  yield  on  some  points,  just  as  he  tolerated 
circumcision,  and  please  all  men.  The  will  of  Czenko  or  the  king  is  to 
this  effect. 

Again  in  1416,  we  have  an  anonymous  letter  (Doc.  Hus.  636,)  reporting 
what  is  practised  at  the  Castle  of  Kozi,  sacred  rites  performed  in  the  plain- 


APPENDIX. 


685 


est  style,  or  not  in  churches— mass  and  baptisms  being  instanced.  Priests 
officiate  in  barns,  and  baptize  in  fish-ponds.  Some  called  the  stone 
churches  robber's  caves,  pronounced  the  imao-es  there  useless,  declared  those 
priests  robbers  who  did  not  administer  the  cup. 

Ou  the  25th  of  January,  1417,  the  University  of  Prague,  aiming  if  possible 
to  keep  terms  with  the  council,  and  suppress  those  innovations  whicli  in- 
volved the  nation  in  odium,  bore  its  testimony  against  such  as  denied  purga. 
toryand  rtgected  image  worship,  and  other  "laudable  ceremonies  of  The 
church."  They  expressly  inveigh  against  those  who  condemned  prayer  and 
alms  for  the  dead,  the  blessing  of  salt  and  water  and  baptismal  fonts,  etc. 
They  insisted  (Doc.  Hus.  G56,)  that  where  nothing  had  been  determined  ex- 
pressly by  Scripture,  ancient  usage  was  to  be  allowed  and  retained.  This 
was  their  fundamental  position  with  respect  to  innovations  like  those  which 
had  begun  to  prevail. 

Near  Tabor  was  established  what  might  be  accounted  an  opposition  Uni- 
versity. A  rich  man  there  extended  patronage  and  support  to  such  as  were 
cast  out  at  Prague.  Palacky,  in  his  History  of  Bohemia,  gives  the  names 
of  the  leading  men  who  thus  laid  the  foundation  for  the  Taborite  develope- 
ment.  Some  of  these  had  been  distinguished  at  Prague.  There  they  had 
held  public  disputes,  (Doc.  Hus.  673,)  but  could  not  prevail,  and  were  con- 
strained to  withdraw  from  Prague. 

But  strong  as  the  antipathy  might  be  between  the  two  wings  of  the  Bo- 
hemian  Reform,  the  opposition  between  both  and  the  church  as  represented 
by  the  council  was  far  more  serious  and  radical.  This  is  evinced  by  the 
correspondence  (Doc.  Has.  669,)  between  Christiann  and  Paletz.  The  latter 
had  been  priest  at  Gurim.  After  his  exile,  the  people  applied  to  Christiann 
for  spiritual  aid.  He  seems  to  have  rendered  it,  and  to  have  written  to 
Paletz  an  apologetic  letter,  (1417.)  The  reply  of  Paletz  is  sharp  and  bitter. 
It  breathes  the  crusader's  spirit,  and  must  naturally  have  made  Christiann 
feel,  that  with  all  his  aversion  to  Koranda  and  his  school,  he  was  yet  nearer 
to  them  than  to  those  who  sympathized  with  Paletz. 


NOTE  46,  (Vol.  II.,  p.  374, 1.  3.) 

A  more  lucid  as  well  as  correct  statement  is  furnished  us  by  Palacky  in 
his  history.  In  place  of  what  is  contained  on  p.  374  and  375,  to  "  windows," 
read  as  follows  : 

The  plan  of  the  Taborites  was  to  regain  possession  of  Prague.  Wenzel 
had  identified  himself  with  the  opposition.  In  Feb.,  1419,  Jes.enitz  with 
his  sanction,  had  been  finally  banished,  while  the  Utraquists  had  been  gener- 
ally driven  out,  and  the  old  priests  recalled.  The  altars  were  purified,  and 
the  churches  reconsecrated  with  closed  doors.  1  he  sacrament  was  refused  to 
the  sick  and  dying,  unless  they  would  forswear  the  cup.  The  parish 
schools  were  broken  up.  It  was  with  great  difficulty  that  the  Utraquists 
could  secure  for  their  use  a  single'church,  and  even  this  had  not  been  at- 
tained without  violence.  At  length,  however,  July  6,  1419,  by  the  appoint- 
ment of  magistrates  for  the  new  city,  who  were  known  to  be  hostile  to  the 
Hussites,  the  latter  were  convinced  that  to  protect  themselves,  they  must 
depend  ou  their  own  resolution  and  energy. 


CS3  APPENDIX. 

The  42.000  gathered  at  Tabor  did  not  disperse  probably,  -without  first  con- 
certing their  plans.  The  king  had  withdrawn  to  his  castle,  some  miles 
from  Prague,  and  his  discarded  favorites,  replaced  by  zealous  reactionists, 
were  ready  to  head  a  popular  movement.  It  was  resolved  that  the  new 
masfifltrates,  appointed  by  the  king,  should  be  removed,  and  such  as  would 
bemend  the  Hussites  be  put  in  their  place. 

The  outbreak  took  place  July  30.  Hussites,  returning  from  Tabor,  rein- 
forced the  disaJBfected  party  in  the  city.  Under  Zisca's  lead,  they  assumed 
the  aspect  of  a  regular  army.  A  large  crowd,  eager  to  enjoy  their  worship, 
strove  to  enter  St  Stephen's  Church.  They  found  it  locked.  Indignant  at 
the  exclusion,  they  burst  open  the  doors.  A  priest  who  resisted  them  be- 
came their  victim.  The  crowd  broke  into  his  parsonage,  and  hung  him 
from  one  of  the  windows. 

NOTE  47,  (Vol.  n.,  p.  383, 1.  21.) 

Palacky,  in  his  History  of  Bohemia,  gives  a  somewhat  different  version  of 
the  matter  contained  in  this  paragraph.  When  foreign  aid  was  proposed, 
it  was  with  a  view  to  prevent  altogether  any  more  of  the  tumultuous 
assemblages  of  the  Taborites.  These,  the  magistrates  throughout  the  land 
were  ordered  to  prevent.  The  one  especially  which  had  been  appointed  at 
Prague  for  Nov.  10th,  in  anticipation  of  the  dangers  of  which,  the  Hussite 
priest  Koranda  had  advised  his  friends  to  exchange  the  pilgrim's  staff  for 
the  sword — should  at  all  hazards  be  obstructed. 

As  the  time  fur  the  meeting  drew  near,  the  Hussites  began  to  gather  at 
different  points,  to  set  out  on  their  march  to  Prague.  One  of  these  parties, 
300  in  number,  was  suddenly  attacked  and  a  large  portion  of  them  slain. 
The  report  reached  Prague  (Nov.  4th,)  and  created  great  alarm.  The  hostile 
measures  of  the  royalists  on  the  Kleine  Seite  assured  them  that  if  their 
friends  were  to  enter  the  city,  the  foe  must  now  be  met.  The  great  drums 
•were  beaten,  multitudes  obeyed  the  signal,  and  the  strife,  under  Zisca's  lead, 
commenced. 

NOTE  48,  (Vol.  II.,  p.  551, 1.  32.) 

The  transformation  here  referred  to  was  wrought  largely  by  the  labors 
of  Peter  Chelciky,  and  others  of  kindred  spirit,  who  adopted,  out  of  deference 
to  Scripture  authority,  which  they  regarded  as  supreme,  the  principles  of 
non-resistance.  In  the  American  arid  Presbyterian  Theological  Review  for 
July,  1864, 1  have  endeavored  to  supply,  mainly  from  Palacky's  History,  and 
other  materials,  for  which  I  am  indebted  to  the  Rev.  E.  De  Schweinitz,  the 
chapter-which  traces  the  change  of  the  Taborites  to  the  United  Brethren, 
and  to  this  I  must  refer  the  reader  who  would  fully  acquaint  himself  with 
the  subject. 

NOTE  49,  (Vol.  II.,  p.  561, 1.  22.) 

The  preceding  paragraph,  for  the  facts  of  which  I  am  indebted  to  the  Rev. 
E.  De  Schweinitz,  has  been  substituted  for  the  one  which  appeared  in  the 
earlier  editions.  Several  other  changes  have  been  made,  as  for  instance,  in 
the  statements  concerning  Rokyzan,  and  other  matters  on  pages  from  555 
to  559. 


